Josiah Pratt.

The church historians of England : Reformation period (Volume 2) online

. (page 80 of 84)
Online LibraryJosiah PrattThe church historians of England : Reformation period (Volume 2) → online text (page 80 of 84)
Font size
QR-code for this ebook

patri non ex senietipsa, sed agnati persona, in successione hujusmodi

Page 789, note (5).] — The " gold crowns of the sun," mentioned in this
paragraph, "ecus dor sol," were worth about six shillings. — See Kelham's
Dictionary, and Ducange, vv. Moneta, Scutum, Solaris. See vol. iv. p. 1 16.

Page 790, note (3).]-rFoxe says that WicliflF and his colleagues went " over
into the parts of Italy ;" but Hinges, where they met the papal legates, was in
Flanders, which is here substituted for "Italy." The reader may be surprised
to find a dignitary of the Spanish Church among the English envoys. But the
fact is, that John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, Edward's fourth son, married
Conslantia, eldest daughter of Peter the Cruel, king of Castile; and, on the
expulsion and assassination of Pete.- by his bastard brother, Henry, earl of
Tristamare, the duke of Lancaster asserted his claim to the crown of Castile


against Henry, and passed in England by the title of king of Castile. This may
account for the appointment of John Gnter to the deanery of Segovia, in Old
Castile. The object of the conference at Bruges was to resist the encroachments
on the rights of English patrons of benefices by means of papal ' provisors.'

Page 791. "Ocleus the Second."] — Foxe probably had in his eye a passage
of Walsingham's History, in which, speaking of Wickliff, he says (sub anno
1381): — "Johannes Wyclif, reassumens damnatas opiniones Berengarii et
Oclcfe, astruere laboravit post consecrationem in missa a sacerdote factam
remanere ibidem verum panem et vinnm, ut fuere per prius." Tanner (in his
Bibliotheca) hence infers that Thomas Ocleve, the poet, " astruere labo-
ravit," &c. ; but adds, " Videtur tamen se ab omniheretica pravitale purgare iri
libro ' Consolatio sibi a sene oblata.' " The poet, however, did not flourish till
1410. Why Foxe calls this witness Ocleus " seenndus" is not apparent; there
is a MS. account of WiclifF by Foxe in the British Museum, apparently the
rough draught of this account, in which there is a blurring at this name : may
not " Ocleus II." have been introduced by a confusion with Nicolas II., the
pope who condemned Berengarius, and whose name is therefore continually
associated with his ?

Page 791, line 7. " Bruno of Angers."] — There is in the " Bibliotheca
Patrum" (de la Bigne, Paris, 1624, torn. iii. page 319) a treatise thus intituled:
" Epistola Durandi Leodiensis Episcopi, de Corpore et Sanguine Domini,
contra Brunonem Andegavensem Episcopum et Berengarium Turonensern."
There was also a charge against Bruno that he was unfriendly to the baptism
of infants: but Ussher thinks (" De Christ. Ecclesiarum Successione et Statu,"
cap. vii. § 37), that he only denied any benefit to result merely ex opere

Page 794, line 19. " Thirty thousand marks."'] — The ransom really paid
for Richard was 100,000 marks (see supra, p. 317, and the note in this
Appendix on that page).

Page 794, note (1).] — The last two sentences of the foregoing paragraph read
thus in the Latin edition, p. 3 : " Hinc Ricardi invictissimi regis facta in
Hierosolymam espeditio, qui mox eodem captus itinere, ac Caesari deditus, vix
triginta marcarum millibus redimi poterat. In eadem expeditione Fridericus
Rom. lmperator august issimae virtutis, in amne submersus interiit, anno 11S9.
Quin et Philippus Gallorum rex vix sine luculentis damnis in patriam incolumia
rediit. Tanti erat sanctse urbis crucisque recupcratio." Alt the English
editions, except the first (Lond. 1563, p. 86), most strangely render "in amne
submersus interiit" "was much endamaged;" and all read 1179 instead of
1189, or rather 1190 (see LArt de Ver. des Dates; and supra pp. 301 — 309,

Page 794, note (2).] — The two foregoing sentences read thus in the Latin
edition, p. 3 : " Quid erat causae, cur Urbanus se dolore conficeret, quod
Antiochia cum sancta cruce e manibus Christianorum amitteretur? Sic enim
reperimus in annalibus, quod ubi Hierosolyma cum rege Guidone et cruce
Domini in Sultani potestatem redigeretur, Urbanus rei gravitate nimium
ictus, curas magnitudine occubuit. Cui successit Lambertus, qui Gregorius
octavus dicitur, cujus instinctu receptum est a Cardinalibus, ut abjectis divkiis
et delitiis omnibus praediearent crucem Christi, et mendicando omnium prinii
acciperent crucem, aliosque praecederent in terrain Ierusalern. Sic enim
ijabent historiae verba." Antioch is clearly a mistake for Jerusalem: (see
supra, p. 271,) and Lambertus is a mistake for Albertus. (See Hoffman,
Moreri, and L Art de Ver. des Dates.)

Page 795, note (2). " Then he who doth succeed," &c] — This sentence would
be more intelligible were we to read, "then it followeth — not that he who
doth succeed to Peter's chair, doth of course express Peter's faith ; but — that
whoever doth most nearly express Peter's faith deserveth, in whatever chair
he sit, to be accounted a successor of Peter, and is such, albeit in such wise,
that he getteth thereby no sort of worldly splendour and glory." The whole
passage is here given from the Latin edition, p. 4 : — " Quod si Petro singulare
aliquod indultum a Christo privilegium suspicamur, quod non idem co?teris
item Apostolis communicatum sit, idque ob privatum aliquem hominis affectum,


cujusmodi multae in nobis dominantur affectiones ; longd fallimur. Sin propter
divinam sublimem ac expeditam confessionem, quam Petrua, non solus sed unua
omnium nomine, expresscrat : jam, non is qui in cathedram succedit Petri iilico
exprimit fidcm Petri; sed quisquis proximo exprimit Petri fidem, quacunque
sedet cathedra, meritd Petri successor habendus est, sicque successor est, ut
nihil tamen bine humani splendoris ac glorias corroget. Functio est non gradus,
ministerium non magisterium, apostolatus. Quemadmodum nee inter ipsos,
opinor, apostolos ullaerat dignitatis aut loci praeeminentia: sedunaomnes mente,
eodem spiritu, Domini non suum agebant negotium : sic ut qui minor inter
ipsos foret, pluris haberetur apud Christum testem. Quocirca et borum suc-
cessio laudem quidem apud Deum, apud mundum vero nullam dignitatem
emerebatur. Quo pacto enim, ut praeclare apud Eusebium proconsuli respondet
Polycarpus, cum mundanis divitiis aut terreno fastigio cohaeret illorum pro-
fessio, qui pro Christo omnia habent pro derelictis ?"

Page 796, line 11 from the bottom. " Keningham, a Carmelite Friar."] —
He is mentioned repeatedly at the opening of the next volume. His name is
also spelt Kiningham and Kynyngham.

Page 797, line 3.] — The Latin edition (p. 5) here says — " Post hos turn
sacerdotes, mox episcopi rem capessebant : postremb quum nee borum potentia
satis valere videbatur adversus prorumpentem veritatem, ad fulmen pontificis
tanquam ad triarios concursum est. Haec enim extrema esse anchora solet
in istiusmodi procellis, ubi monachorum clamores ac Pharisaica improbitas
parum proficiunt."

Page 797, line 21. "As years and time,'" &c] Foxe here quotes from a
Latin chronicle which he calls "Chronicon D. Albani," lent him by archbishop
Parker (pp. 799, 801, note), and which seems to supply all the following narra-
tive to p. 80G. This chronicle has been searched for by antiquaries, but
without success. There is, however, a chronicle in the Harleian MSS.
No. G217, intituled, "An Historicall Relation of certain passages about the
end of King Edward the Third, and of his Death," a transcript of which ivas
communicated by Sir George Amyot to the S. A., who printed it in the
Archoeologiu, vol. xxii. This is supposed to be a translation of part of the
Latin chronicle which Foxe uses here, and calls the Chronicle of St. Alban's.
Foxe's pages have been collated with that chronicle. Several illustrations and
corrections of his text have been derived from thence, which shall be noticed
in their place ; the notes, also, of Sir G. Amyot, have furnished some useful

Page 797, note (1).]— The benefice from which "Wicliff is here said to have
been ejected is commonly understood to have been the Wardenship of Canter-
bury Hall, into which he had been instituted by the founder, archbishop
Simon Islip, A.. D. 1365, and from which he was ejected by archbishop Simon
Langham, a. d. 1367. Wicliff appealed to the pope, who, after three years,
confirmed his expulsion, a.d. 1370, and charged Simon Sudbury (then bishop
of London) and others, to execute this order. (See the documents at the end
of this Appendix.)

A correspondent of the Gentleman's Magazine for August and November,
1841, proves that there was another John Wicliff, Vicar oi Mayfield in Sussex,
contemporary with the Reformer, and is of opinion that the John Wicliff of
Mayfield, and not the Reformer, was the Warden of Canterbury Hall. (See the
notices on the subject printed at the end of this Appendix.)

Page 799, last paragraph. "Which, in the slanderous pen of Poly dor e
Virgil," &c] — There is some flaw in the construction here, which the reader
may supply for himself. The following are Polydore Virgil's words : — "Fuere ea
tempestate viri longe sanctissimi, multo doctissimi atque. fortissimi, quorum
supra mentionem apposite fecimus, idcirco nihil est, quod de eis rursum com-
memoremus. Extitere et aliqui insigni infamia, quorum caput ct princeps
Joannes Vuythclifius : is, ut fama est, a primo indignatus, quod non potuissi t
ad sunimos sacerdotalis ordinis aspirare honores, factus hide Bacerdotibus cunctis
inimicior, coepit divina scripta perverse interpretari, atque novam instituere
Bectam, usque eo, ut in nobili Oxoniensi gymnasio publice sit i
ut li li . i irsores debacchatus." — Polyd. Virgil. Ang. Hist. lih. xix. Edouardtu
tertius, p. 399.


Page 800, last line. " Which day was Thursday the nineteenth of February."] —
This date is thus expressed in the contemporary English Chronicle in the llar-
leian, just adverted to: "Thursday, before the feast of St. Peter his chaire,"
which (by Nicolas 's Tables) would give Feb. 19th, a.d. 1377. The following
useful observations are made on this date by Sir G. Amyot, the editor of the
Chronicle: — " The date here assigned to this remarkable transaction is doubted
by Lowth, because the Pope's Bull, which he supposes to have been the cause
of Wicliffe's citation to St. Paul's, bears as late a date as the 22d of May, 1377.
He therefore concludes, that the tumult could not have happened many days
before the death of Edward the Third, which occurred on the 21st of June.
Lewis, in his Life of WiclifFe (p. 50), supposes the meeting at St. Paul's not
to have taken place till the February of the succeeding year, after the acces-
sion of Richard the Second ; in which he is followed by Mr. Baber, in the
memoirs prefixed to his edition of Wicliffe's New Testament, p. xvii. This,
however, is completely at variance not only with the relation in the text, but
also with that of Walsingham, the continuator of Murimuth, and the other con-
temporary or early authorities. Mr. Godwin (Life of Chaucer, ii. p. 251) defends
the earlier date, suggesting that the citation to St. Paul's was the immediate
and personal act of the English prelacy, and that it was the citation of WiclifFe
to Lambeth in the following year, which was the result of the Pope's inter-
ference, the English bishops having found themselves too weak in the contest,
and having, on that account, invited the interposition of the sovereign
Pontiff. This appears to be the true solution, agreeing with the statement
in the text, that it was upon the suggestion of the bishops, that archbishop
Sudbury had been unwillingly moved to issue the citation. It is true, indeed,
that the mandate (preserved in Wilkins' Concilia, iii. p. 123) which the
archbishop and the bishop of London, in consequence of the authority vested in
them by the pope's bull, issued to the chancellor of Oxford on the 5th [Kal.] of
January [i. e. Dec. 28th] following, required Wicliffe's presence at St. Paul's on
the thirtieth juridical day from that date. But, as we have no account from
the contemporary writers that any second meeting in St. Paul's actually took
place, it may be reasonably concluded that Lambeth was afterwards substituted,
as a less likely scene for the renewal of popular commo'tion, though the result
proved otherwise. The opinion here expressed may be strengthened by
remarking that not only Foxe, but his able antagonist, Harpsfield, who, though
a zealous papist, was furnished with materials for his Ecclesiastical History
by archbishop Parker (in whose mild custody he was a prisoner), understood
the tumult at St. Paul's to have preceded and been the cause of the pope's
interference, and that the proceeding at Lambeth was the consequence of it. —
Hist. Wicliffiana, p. G83." — See the note in the Appendix to vol. iii. p. 4.

Page 801. " Erubuit dux, quod non potuit prcevalere titiyio."] — In the
Harleian Chronicle we read, " The duke was ashamed that he colde not in this
stryfe prevail;" which is alleged in the Archaeologia (vol. xxii. p. 25S) as one
of the proofs that that Chronicle is a translation of the St. Alban's Chronicle,
which Foxe used.

Page 802.] — Of Walter, lord Fitzwalter, a particular account will be found in
Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 220. As hereditary Constable of Castle Bay-
nard and Banner-bearer of London, he enjoyed very important rights and
privileges in the City, which are set forth in iStow's Survey of London, Strype's
edition, vol. i. p. 60.

Guy de Bryan was, as Dugdale observes, a person of very great note in his
time. He had been Standard-bearer to the king in Calais, and was afterwards
employed in many important military and civil services. — Baronage, vol. ii.
p. 151 ; Archaologia, vol. xxii. p. 2(30.

Page 802, line 17. "Captain."] — It is "Custos" in the Harleian Chronicle.
See the note on p. 342, note (3).

Page 802, line 21. "John Philpot, then burgess for the city."]— It appears
from the list of City Members, given in Maitland's History of London, that
John Philpot was M.P. for the city of London in the years 'l377, 1381, 1383.
In the Harleian Chronicle he is called "a cytezeu of special name." He
was exceedingly rich, and was afterwards knighted by king Richard, for the


share which lie took in quelling Wat Tyler's insurrection in 13S1. See Editor's
note in the Archasologia for more about him.

Page 802, line 23. " The mayor would never suffer," &c] — The Harleian
Chronicle (p. 259) says, " the mayor and commons."

Page 803, line G. "In his place within himself."'] — The Harleian Chronicle
(p. 2G0) says, "in the inn of the marshall."

Page 803, line 21. "With their bills," &c] — "The armed men wandered
up and down the chambers, thrusting through the beds with their lances. The
privy houses were searched, but all in vain." — Harleian Chronicle, p. 261.

Page 803, line 24. "John Yper .... had desired them to dinner." J — "This
was at Ipres inn, in St. Thomas Apostle, west of the church. William of
Ipres, a Fleming, who came over to the aid of king Stephen against the em-
press Maud in 1138, built this 'great messuage 3 (as Stow calls it) near the
Tower Royal, where the king ' was then lodged, as in the heart of the city, for
his more safety.' (Stow's London, by Strype, vol. iii. p. 8.) William wis
created earl of Kent by Stephen, but in the subsequent reign was forced to
leave England, and died a monk at Laon, according to Dugd. Bar. i. p. 012.
But Stow says he was recalled and restored to his possessions, which remained
to his descendants. John of Ipres, named in the text, was a person of sufficient
importance to be appointed one of king Edward's executors. See Nichols's
Royal Wills, p. 63." — Archceologia, vol. xxii. p. 261, note.

Page 803, line 34.] — For " Kingston," the Harleian Chronicle (p. 262)
reads '■ Kenyngton." The princess here mentioned was Joan, widow of the
Black Prince.

Page 804, line 9. " One of his gentlemen."'] — " A certayn soldier of the
duke's, called Thomas Wynton, a Scotchman borne." — Harleian Chronicle,
p. 263.

Page 804, line 18.] — Foxe reads " Sir Albred Lewer," the Harleian Chronicle
(p. 263) " De Ver." Sir Aubrey de Vere was uncle to Robert earl of Oxford,
afterwards duke of Ireland, the favourite of Richard the Second.

Sir Lewis Clifford, an ancestor of lord Clifford of Chudleigh, became a leader
among the Lollards, but afterwards recanted to archbishop Arundel. ( Walsing-
ham, p. 10'J.) His very remarkable will, in which he enjoins his executors to
bury him, "false and traytor to his Lord God," with extraordinary indignities,
is preserved in Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 341. — Archceologia, vol. xxii.
p. 264.

Page 80.5.] — This story about the martial bishop of Norwich is given in the
Harleian Chronicle, p. 277 ; where we find the place correctly named " Lynn,"
of which the Latin is henna: Lynn is also the reading in the interdict of
archbishop Sudbury, printed in Wilkins's Concilia, vol. iii. p. US.

Page 809, note (2).] — Foxe, in the text, professea himself uncertain as to
the occasion of this fresh return of benefices held by aliens in England. It is
certain, however, that the return was required in consequence of an order of
the parliament which met at Gloucester, the Wednesday after the feast of St.
Luke the Evangelist, 2 Rich. II. [October 19th, a.d. 1378], that the tempo-
ralities of all the benefices held in England by those cardinals and others, who
took part with the antipope Clement VII. against the true pope Urban VI.,
should be seized into the king's hands. (See the Notes out of the Parliamentary
Rolls, 2 Richard II., infra vol. iii. p. 214.) The schism in the papacy between
Urban VI. and Clement VII. divided all Christendom, each state declaring for
one or other of the two popes, not so much on account of the right of the
parties, as for political reasons. France, whose interest it was that the pope
should reside at Avignon, joined with Clement ; and, for a contrary reason,
England thought it more advantageous to adhere to the pope of Rome, (ttapin.)
The enactment of the parliament will be found in Cotton, p. 46, 2 Rich. II.
litt. 70, 71, 78. Rymer gives many instruments founded on this parliamentary
i nactment, appropriating the proceeds of the benefices in question, and trans-
furring the benefices to new parties.


Page 28, middle. " The one for Greek . ... the other for Latin."] — " Ex
nugis haec, a majoribus nostris, ex ignorantia linguae suse vernacula?, i.e.
Saxonicae, saepius inculcatis et avide devoratis. Locorum enim unus Creclade
Saxonibusepecca-Selabe; alter Leccelade, recte nuncupandus. Utriusque nomen
est composilum ; illud a Saxon, cpecca, posterioribus Creeke, Zelandis Kreke,
i.e. amnis, torrens, in majoreni fluvium labens, vel in maris bracbium cadens:
hoc autem a Sax. leccian, quod rigare, irrigare, sonat ; cui vicinum Teutonicor.
lecken, i. e. stillari, derivari ; unde Leckce, Hollandiae rivuli, Rheni brachii
nomen ; ut et apud Saxones leacpeapb, i. e. hortulanus olitorius, sic dictus,
quia hortum irrigat ; item nostratium, to leake, a leake, and leaking : utrique
voci Saxonicorum labe (quod a lafeian ortum purgationem, exonerationem,
sonat) ideo addito, quod eo loci (circa Oxon.) omnes quidam exonerando se
purgent .... decidantque in alium (Thamesis nimirum) fluvium." — Somner's
Glossary, appended to Twysden, X. Scriptores.

Page 62, line 6 from the bottom. " A virgin made hand-fast to Christ."] —
Osberne's words are, " Tu Pontificis manum audes contingere, qui virginem
deitatis munere arratam non timuisti praeripere ? " (Anglia Sacra, torn. ii.
p. 111.) It would here appear tbat the ancient northern custom of betrothing
previous to marriage by the ceremony of joining hands, was in usage in the
West of England in the 13th century. In Scotland it existed to a very late
period, as we learn from Pennant's Tour, part i. 91, and from the instance
quoted by Jamieson, in voc. "To hand-fast, to betroth by joining hands." In
England, also, the term at least remained to a comparatively modern period,
as appears from Palsgrave's Esclaircissement de la Langue Fr. B. III. f. xii.
1530, where we find, " U?ie fansayles, an assuring or hand-fastynge of folks to
be maryed." Sir F. Madden's note on Layamon's Brut. III. 312. See the Acta
Sanctorum, Maii, iv. 372.

Page 728. " The Ploughman's Prayer."'] — See Harleian Miscellany, vol. vi.
pp.92 — 117, ed. 1810, where this document appears in a yet older language
and phraseology than as it is given in Foxe. It was first printed in 1531.

Page 763, note (1). "Ex vita S. Clementis."] — In Voragine, Legenda
Aurea, cap. 170, where there is a long story about Clement's mother, named
Macidiana, being shipwrecked, and taking to mendicancy in an island not far
from Antandros, where St. Peter fell in with her so occupied. — Page 779, ed.
Drcsda?, 1S46.


No. I. — Special'is Licentia Domini Regis Edward* III. pro appropriatione Advo-
cationis Ecclesia de Pageham Aula Cantuariensi in O.ronia.

Edwardus Dei gratia. Rex Anglue, Dominus Hiberniae et Aquitaniae, on;-
nibus ad quos prsesentes literaa pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod de gratia
nostra speciali, et ad devotam supplicationem venerabilis Patris Simonis
Cant' Arebiepiscopi, totius Anglian Primatis et Apostolicce sedis Legati, pie
desiderautis incrementum salubre cleri regni nostri propter multiplicationem
doctrinal salutaris, qua jam per presenter!) epidemiam noscitur plurimum
defecisse, concessimus et licentiam dedimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostri s
(quantum in nobis est) eidem Arcbiepiscopo, quod ipse in Universitate Oxon'
quandam Aulam sive Domuin Aulam Cantuariensem vulgariter et commu-
niter vocitandam, in qua. certus erit numerus Scolarium tain Religiosorum
quam Secularium, actibus scolasticis insistentium et Deo pro nobis et salute
Regni nostri specialiter exorantium secundum formam ordinationis inde per
eundem Archiepiscopum super hoc faciendae, suis sumptibus erigere poterit
et fundare, et eisdem scolaribus in perpetuum assignare ; et, in eventu quo
Domus sive Aula sit fundata et Scolares in ea assignati fuerint, advocationem
Ecclesiaa de Pageham suae jurisdictionis immediatae, quae est de advocatione
sua propria et de jure suo Archiepiscopali, et quas de nobis tenetur in capite
(ut dicitur), eisdem Scolaribus et successoribus suis dare possit et etiam assig-
nare, habendam et tenendam praefatis Scolaribus et successoribus suis de
nobis et haeredibus nostris in liberam puram et perpetuain elemosinam in
perpetuum : Et eisdem Scolaribus, quod ipsi tarn Aulam quam advocationem
praedictas a prasfato Arcbiepiscopo recipere, et Ecclesiam illam appropriare,
et earn sic appropriatam in proprios usus tenere possint sibi et successoribus
suis praedictis, pro nobis et salute Regni nostri oraturi juxta ordinationem
praedicti Arcbiepiscopi, de nobis et haeredibus nostris in liberam puram
et perpetuam elemosinam in perpetuum (sicut prasdictum est), tenore praesen-
tium similiter licentiam dedimus specialem, statuto de terns et tenementis
ad manum mortuam non ponendis edito non obstante : Nolentes quod prae-
dictus Archiepiscopus vel successores sui aut praefati Scolares sen successores
sui ratione praepiissorum sen statuti praedicti, aut pro eo quod dicta advocatio
de nobis tenetur in capite (sicut praedictum est), per nos vel haeredes nostros,
Justitiarios Escaetores, Vicecomites, aut alios ballivos sen ministros nostros
quoscunque occasionentur, molestentur in aliquo, sen graventur. Sal vis
tamen nobis et haeredibus nostris, ac aliis capitalibus Dominis feodi illius,
servitiis inde debitis et consuetis. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nos-
tras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium x\". die
Octobris, anno regni nostri tricesimo quinto. — Patent Rolls, 35 Ed. III. part 3,
in. G. MS. in Bibl. Lamb. No. 104, ml. 211.

No. II. — Charta Fundationis Aula Cantuariewis, et Donationis Manerii de
Wodeford Lincoln, Dioceseos dicta Fundationi,
Sapientia Dei Patris, per uterum Beatae Virginis volens prodire in publi-
cum, sicut aetate proficere voluit, sic gratiae et sapientia? sua; munera paulatim
aliis j>roficiendo secundum processum aetatis sua 1 magis ac magis realiter os-
tendebat, ut alii qui ab ejus plenitudine fuerint particulariter sapientiam i' -
cepturi prius humiliter addiscerent et proficiendo crescerent in doctrina,
posteaque quod sic didicerint aliis salubriter revelarent Quia igitur per

Online LibraryJosiah PrattThe church historians of England : Reformation period (Volume 2) → online text (page 80 of 84)