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Heretykus that tell us that this is an Accident withouten a Sujet. For before that
the Fende Father of Lesyngus was lowside, was never this gabbyng contryvede.
And howe grete diversitie is betwene us that trowes that this Sacrament tliat in
his Kinde is veray Brede and sacramentally Goddus Body, and betwene
Heretykes that trowes and telles that tliis Sacrament may on none wyse be
Goddus Body. For I dare surly say that gif this were soth Crist and his Seynts
dyede Heretykus, and the more partye of holy Kyrke belevyth nowe Heresye,
and before devout Men supposene that this Counsayle of Freres in London was
with the Herydene.* For they put an Heresie upon Crist and Seynts in
Hevyne, wherefore the Erth tremblide. Fay land maynnus Voice answeryde
for God als it did in tyme of his Passione, whan he was dampnyde to bodely
Deth. Crist and his Modur that in gronde had destroyde all Heresies kep his
Kyrke in right Belefe of this Sacrament, and move the King and his Rewme
to aske sharply of his Clerkus this Offis that all his Possessioneres on pain of
lesing ail her Temporaltes telle the King and his Rewme with sufficient
grownding what is this Sacrament; and all the Orders of Freres on payne of
lesing her Legians telle the King and his Rewme with gode grounding what
is the Sacrament; for I am certaine of the thridde Partie of Clergie that
defendus thise Doutes that is heresaid, tliat they will defende it on paine of her

Page 19, note (3).] — This anecdote respecting the earthquake is told by
Walden, who says expressly, " In die S. Dunstani post prandium apud Prsedi-
catores London." (" Fasciculus Zizaniorum Wiclevi," apud Bodleianum,
fol. 63.) St. Dunstan's day was May 19th. (Nicolas's Chronol. of History.)

Tlie Preaching Friars were Dominicans, and also called Black Friars : their
priory stood in the parish near St. Paul's, which is still called, from them,
St. Anne's Black-friars. The Grey Friars were of the Franciscan order; and
their priory was where Ciirist's Hospital now stands. (Tanner's Notitia

Page 20, line 9. " Reported by John Husss enemies."^ — See p. 455.

Page 20, note (3).]— The short paragraph in the text is put in by the Editor,
in lieu of the following words which stand in Foxe's text : " The mandate of
the archbishop, William Courtney, sent abroad for the conventing together of
this council, here followeth underwritten, truly copied out of his own register."
Instead of a " Mandate for the conventing of the council," it is a Process con-
sequent upon the council : it is so called in the Register (Wilkins, Cone. iii.
p. 157), and internal evidence proves it such. In conformity with this correc-
tion, the whole previous paragraph — " Here is not to be passed over

nature and infirmity" — which contains some account of the council itself, but
which in Foxe stands after the Process, is in this edition placed before it. The
marginal note to that paragraph — " Determination upon the Articles of
WiclifF" — in the edition of 1570 was slipped down and made, in that and all
subsequent editions, the head line of a paragraph relating to a totally different
matter (see the note in this Appendix, on page 24, note (2) ). The whole of
the ensuing Process, Articles, and Mandates, to p. 24, have been collated with
the original in Wilkins, and revised, or rather retranslated.
(I) " Herydene," earthquake. — Ed.


Page 21, line 27. " The articles of John WicMiff," &c.]— The manner in
which Foxe here cautions his readers against receiving these twenty-four
Articles too implicitly as a fair exhibition of Wicklifi "s sentiments, accords with
what has been already said on tliis subject in reference to the eighteen Articles
above, p. 11. The need of this caution is illustrated in the foot-notes, with
regard to several of the ensuing Articles; several more illustrations shall
be added here.

Page 21, note (1).] — See the explanation of Huss at p. 454. In fact,
Wickliff himself says expressly: "Sophisters slmlden know well, that a cursed
man doth fulli/ the sacraments, though it be to his damning ; for they ben not
autliors of these sacraments, but God keepcth that divinity to himself." (Lewis,
p. 96. See also Swinderby's answer on this point at p. 117, Art. IV.)

Page 21, note (2).] — Wickliff in a Defence of his opinions, written after this
council, takes notice of this Article thus: "Such things they do invent of
Catholic men tliat they may blacken tlieir reputation, as if they held this
heresy. That God is the devil, or any other open heresy; being consequently
prepared by false witnesses to impose such heresies on true men, as if they
were the false inventors of them." (Lewis, p. 9G.)

Page 22, Art. XVIIL " That tithes are pure almose," &c.]— Wickliff does
not appear to have held this Article, in its absolute sense. See the note on
Article VI. at p. 11, and Dr. Wordsworth's note in his Ecclesiastical Biography,
vol. i. p. 326. Lewis (pp. 119 — 124) maintains that he only taught (wliat
was the fact) that the tithes were held by the tenure called franlc-aImoi(jne,
i. e. exempt from secular burdens, being originally given " in liberam, puram,
et perpetuam eleemosynam, ad Deo soh et ecclesise serviendum :" and that,
consequently, when these implied ends were not accomplished by the clergy, it
was the duty of the supreme authority in the realm to rectify the abuse, by
transferring their benefices to those who would carry out the pious intentions of
the donors. This is no more than was actually done at the period of the
Reformation, when the tithes were transferred by the State from the papal
clergy to the clergy of the Reformed church. Dr. Wordsworth, indeed, cites
(Eccl. Biog. 1839, vol. i. p. 329) an awkward passage from Wickliff himself,
proposing, that " when the new bishops came successively before the king to do
homage, he should in all cases refuse to make restitution of the temporalities,
seize them into his own hands, and dispose of them to whatever uses he might
be advised to think good." (Trialogus, p. 239.) Still it may be doubted
whether Wickliff meant anything more by this proposal than what is hinted
above, viz. a transfer by legal authority of the church endowments to those who
would accomplish their ends. It is likely, however, that some of Wickliff's dis-
ciples were tempted by the desperate corruption of the church in that age to go
a step further, and maintain that "tithes were pure alms," in the sense that
the payment of them was optional. (See Thorpe's Examination, pp. 269, &-c.)
But the expression "perpetua elcemosyna," as Dr. Wordsworth well shows,
makes the payment of tithes obligatory, and precludes the notion of pureli/
spontaneous gift, which Thorpe and others seem to contend for, except in the
case oT the original donors ; and the State, in securing the payment of the
tithes and other church dues, is only executing a sacred trust placed in its hands
by those original donors.

Page 22, note (1).]— Foxe refers to Huss's defence of this article at pp.
70 — 76. Neither Wickliff nor Huss, however, would have denied the right of
ecclesiastical rulers to regul ite the ministrations of the clergy so as should most
tend to general edification, lior the general duty of the clergy to render canonical
obedience to such regulations. Wickliff says, that " though the priestly power
is not more or less sufficient in its essence, still the powers of inferior priests
are at times reasonably restrained, and at other times relaxed." (See p. 16,
Art. XV.) But Huss argues, that the cliurch in all ages had expected all
clergymen to preach the word of God as the essential business of their
calling, and that the ordination vows of a clergyman involved as much ; and
that consequently any regulations which went to prevent such exercise of their
function, were unlawful, and not entitled to obedience. The reasoning of Swin-
derby and Thorpe goes to the same point. (See pp. 123,260.) If there
be some danger attending such a doctrine, there is no less danger attending


the opposite doctrine of unqualified submission to the authority of the church.
There are cases in which we must "obey God rather than man ;" and the case
of the Reformers was surely one of tliem. (See Bilney's apology in his last
moments for some irregularity of proceeding, infra, vol. iv. p. 654.) What
would have become of the Reformation, if its early champions had sub-
mitted to the repeated injunctions of silence, or to such a constitution as that of
archbishop Arundel at p. 243, which went virtually to silence the witnesses
for Christ, while it left the mendicant friars in undisturbed possession of their
privilege of preaching where, and when, and how they pleased. Often as those
friars interfered with the province of the parochial clergy, so as to produce the
most unseemly bickerings and heart-burnings, they were shortly after secured
in the enjoyment of their privileges by a special declaration of archbishop
Arundel, published the same year with his Constitutions (Wilkins, iii. p. 324).
Hence, as Thorpe observes in his Testament at p. 284, " Hermits and par-
doners, anchorites and strange beggars, are licensed and admitted by prelates
and priests to beguile the people with flatterings and leasings slanderously
against all good reason and true belief; and so to increase divers vices in them-
selves, and also among all them that accept them or consent imto them." We
cannot wonder that the Reformers felt their " spirit stirred within them " at
the sight of such things, and stoutly maintained the right and duty of rightly
ordained clergymen to preach " the everlasting gospel" of Christ.

Some persons may think, that these good men would have acted in a more
straightforward manner, had they seceded openly from a church the proceed-
ings of which they deemed unscriptural. But they entertained a laudable
dread of schism, and rather than incur that charge they preferred asserting the
constitutional liberties of the church by the Scriptures, by her own canons, and
by the writings of her most eminent fathers, though at the risk of appearing
contumacious. The notion, moreover, had for ages prevailed, that the chuixh
of Rome was the only true church; and most, if not all, of the early Reformers
appear to have died in her communion, though protesting against her errors;
and they must be allowed t])e praise of having made the experiment (to many
of them a most dreadful one), what might be done to reclaim her from her un-
scriptural dogmas and proceedings. This experiment failing, men began to
inquire into the grounds on which Rome claimed the supremacy, when it was
perceived to be founded altogether on fable and usurpation. Whereupon an
indignant nation arose, and emancipated both herself and her church from the
unrighteous tyranny.

Page 22, note (4).] — The correcting and retaining of the passage in the text
from the edition of 1563, besides filling up the narrative here, makes it har-
monize with the subsequent narrative at p. 25, where it is expressly stated, that
*' the doing of this matter was committed to Peter Stokes, friar," &c.

Page 23, line 5.] — Knyghton (col. 2651) gives a letter of John, bishop of
Lincoln, to his diocese, dated Stowe-park, 12th July, 1382, including a letter
to himself from Robert, bishop of London, dated London, July 5th, 1382,
and communicating this mandate of the archbishop, dated Otteford, penult, die

Page 24, note (2).] — Foxe derived the ensuing account of Ry gge, Hereford,
Reppyngdon, and Ashton (extending to page 48) immediately from Walden's
" Fasciculus Zizaniorum Wiclevi." The documentary portions of it were not
introduced by Foxe before the edition of 1570, and are distinguished in this edition
from the rest of the narrative by being printed in smaller type. Tlie whole has
been collated with Walden's " Fasciculus," and with the archbishop's Registers
as printed in Wilkins's Concilia, tom. iii. p. 157; some errors have been thence
corrected in the narrative, and the documents have been retranslated. A new
arrangement also of the whole has been found absolutely necessary, to render
the account consistent and intelligible. Foxe appears to have become fairly
puzzled amidst the numerous facts and documents before him ; and for want of
accurately considering their dates, and their mutual relation, he lost the thread
of the story, and of course perplexed his narrative. By a new arrangement of
his own materials, however, and the occasional introduction of a few connecting
words, order has been restored. These first four pages, for example, would
stand, according to Foxe's arrangement, immediately before the king's letter in



favour of Henry Crompe, at p. 43 : and instead of the proper commencement
of the narrative, as it stands in this present edition — " ^Iatters incident of
Robert Rygge, &c." — we liave liere, according to Foxe's text — " Determina-
tion upon the Articles of WickHff. Item, the twelfth day of June, A.D. 1382,
in tiie chamber of the friars preachers, the aforesaid Master Robert Rigges,
&c." — whereas no mention whatever had been made of Robert Rigges. Tiiis
proves incidentally, tliat the arrangement now adopted was that which Foxe
originally intended. He afterwards resolved to connect the proceedings at
RIack-friars against Rygge with those at the same place against WickliS ia the
preceding month. Hence he brought down a side-note which had originally
related to the ])roceedings against Wickliff (see note on p. 20, note (3) ),
and made it the title to these proceedings against Rygge. Foxe was led so
strangely to dislocate his materials, partly, through his misunderstanding a
passage in Walden, which will be brought forward in a note on p. 31, note (1).
A large extract from Walden, extending to eight folios, and embracing most
of this affair, is among the Cotton MSS. Cleopatra E. Anthony a Wood also
gives the history in his " Hist, et Antiq. Oxon.," i. p. 190, on the authority of
the " Fasciculus," referring to the folios as they stand in the copy preserved in
the Bodleian, formerly the property of bishop Bale, and which has been referred
to by the present Fditor.

Page 21.] — With respect to the mode of writing the proper names concerned
in this process — "Ryggaeus," "Rygge," and "Rigges," are the readings in
the several editions of Foxe: " Rygge" is retained, as the spelling in the
archbishop's Registers. " Hereford " is " Herford " and " Harford " in Foxe,
but " Hereford " at p. 188, " Hereford " in the Registers, and " Herefordiensis"
in Walden and Wood. Foxe uses " Repyngdonus," " Rapyndon," " Rep-
pington," " Repington :" in the Registers it is always " Reppyngdon," except
twice, when it is " Rappyngdon :" probably it was always pronounced " Kap-
pyngdon," just as "Derby" (in which county Repton stands) is pronounced
Darby: and this pronunciation would the more easily suggest the nickname
" Rampyngdon," which was afterwards applied to this man (see pp. 46, 2oS).

Lastly, Rygge is called by Foxe " chancellor," " vice-chancellor," and
" commissary," of Oxford, for which he is criticized by Wood. He is always
called " chancellor " in the Registers, which designation is adopted in the text,
to preserve the identity of the individual.

Page 25, line 14.] — " His first degree unto doctorship," i.e. he was already
bachelor of divinity.

Page 25, line 17. "But through the great and notable dexterity of his wit,"
&c.]— Foxe's original Latin here seems to have been penned rather with aii
eye to Reppyngdon's subsequent apostasy, and to imply that he had never been
sincere in the cause: " Krat hie canonicus Leicestrensis, jamque primum
gradum fecerat ad Doctoratum : quo tempore concionem ad Braclenses quandani
liabuit; ob quam Pharisseis invisus suspectusque reddebatur. Ca'terum ob
ingenii niveum quendam quem omnibus ubique pra; se tulit, cum pari comi-
taUun modestia, candorem, vel superavit vel temperavit certe banc Nemesin;
moxque in Doctoratum cum publica theatri approbatione adoptatus est. Qui
simul atque jam sumpta doctoris persona in scenam tandem fabulam saltaturus
prodiit, coepit protinus bene celatum ac dissimtdatum ingenium prodere, publico
attestatus, Wiclevum se in omni materia morali defensurum : De re vero
sacramentaria Pythagorisare velle, donee Dominus afflasset cleri animos."
(Lat. Ed. p. 19.)

Page 25, line 3 from the bottom.]— The words " as is before declared " have
been added to Foxe's text, to show that this narrative synchronizes with that
in page 22.

Page 25, note (2). lirac/dey.']— The Latin edition says " ad Braclcn?cs;"
the edition of 15G3 "at Bracle;" all the subsequent editions '^ at Broad-
gates," a hall for law-students at Oxford, now merged in Queen's College :
Walden says " Bracle," and Wood (Ant. Oxon. i.) says " Bracleia in^ agro
Northampton :" " Doctoratum hoc anno adcptus in Theologia Wichlho ad-
dictum sese ostendit; quod semel tantum antohac fecerat, nempe cum Brac-
leije in bto Northampton concionem hubens doctrinam ejus de sacramento


altaris enunciavit." As there seems to be no authority for " Broadgates,"
Foxe's original text is retained: there can be no doubt that the place meant
was Brackley Hall, which formerly stood near Baliol College (see Peshall'a
Oxford, p. 241), and not, as Wood conjectures, Brackley in Northamptonshire.

Page 25, note (3).] — Lewis gives this letter in his Appendix, with marginal
corrections of certain alleged errors in the MS. ; but the Editor is able to state,
on the authority of the Rev. Mr. Coxe, sub-librarian of the Bodleian, that
Lewis's collator mis-read the MS., except in the two instances noticed in the
present copy.

Page 26, line 1.] — The retaining of this passage from the Edition 1563 is
important, as it explains what is said in the next page about the chancellor
being " accused for the contempt of the archbishop's letters."

Page 27, line 19.] — On Bright well's recantation, see the note infra, on
p. 257, line 7. He seems to have been rewarded with the Deanery of the New
College at Leicester ; see Lewis, p. 338. He is, nevertheless, honourably
mentioned by Foxe infra, p. 96.

Page 27, note (2).] — The whole of these seven " Evidentiae " are given at
length from Walden by Wood (Hist, et Antiq. Oxon. i. 191).

Page 27, note (3). " The Tuesday after "'\ — Foxe says, " three days after."
Walden's words are, " Sabbato autem proximo [i.e. Saturday next following his
sermon, which was on Thursdaj', June 5th, see margin, p. 25] dixit Philippus
publice in scholis inter cetera, quod ordo suus, &c. Feria autem tertia
proxima frater Petrus praedictus determinavit contra eum publice in scholis in
materia recommendationis," &c. "Feria" means a day nf the week (see vol. ii.
p. 209, note (1) ) ; " tertia feria " therefore is Tuesday : Wood, not understand-
ing this, says " tertio abhinc festo," which conveys no distinct meaning. Ac-
cording to Walden, the archbishop's letter summoning Stokes to London was
delivered to him before he had left the schools; and both he and the chancellor
appeared next day (Wednesday, June 11th) before the archbishop in London,
when the matter was remanded to the "feria quinta [Thursday, June 12th]
proximb sequens," i. e. the morrow ; at which point the archbishop's Register
takes up the matter next page.

Page 28, line 6 from the bottom. " Bedeman."'] — Foxe reads " Redman "
both here and at p. 9Q, which reading he derived from Walden (" Fasciculus,"
fol. 70) ; but the Register reads " Bedeman" (Wilkins, iii. p. 160), and in one
place " Laurentius Stephyns, alias Bedeman." (Ibid, p. 168.)

Page 28, note (1).] — The words " For confirmation of the foregoing history
hereunder follow" have been put into the text for the sake of clearness. It
has been already explained (see the note in this Appendix on page 24, note (2) ),
that the foregoing narrative respecting Rygge, Hereford, and Reppyngdon,
would not be introduced according to Foxe's arrangement till page 43 ; i.e. after
the story had been told from the archbishop's Register, it is partly told again
some pages after, to the utter confounding of the reader. This confusion is
obviated on the plan here adopted, by which the Register is brought in to confirm
the previous narrative ; conformably to Foxe's own example at p. 342, where
he brings in a long epistle of archbishop Arundel from the Registers, " for
confirmation" of the previous account of Lord Cobham's prosecution.

Page 29, line 25. "After thin, the same day and place," &c.] — Foxe here says,
"After this, within a few days, the aforesaid archbishop William Courtney
directed down his letters monitory," &c. But the Register expressly says,
" Postmodum, eisdcm die et loco, dictus Dominus Cantuariensis archiepiscopus
Cancellarium preedictum monuit sub eo qui sequitur tenore verborum."

Page 30, line 21. " Were offended and in the tops of the friars," &c.] — " At-
qni religiosis potissimum infensi infestique omnes reddebantur," &c. (Lat. Ed.
p. 15.) The phrase " to be in the top of" is similarly used at p. 24, line 5 from
the bottom.

Page 30, line 31.] — Henry Crompe was a Cistercian monk of Baltinglass,
diocese of Meath, in Ireland. Wood states from Walden (Hist. Oxon. i. p. 196),


that Crompe after this returned to Ireland and preached the doctrines of WicklifF,
for which lie was called to account by William Andrew, bishop of Meath, and
after steadil}' refusing to recant was declared a heretic, a.d. 1385: after this
lie returned to Oxford, and preached there the doctrines of Wickliff, for which
he was suspended from all his Acts, cited up to the king's council, March 21st,
15 Rich. II. (a.d. 1392), and compelled to recant at Stamford, May 28th : he
subsequently renewed his profession of Wickliffite doctrines at Oxford, and was
somewhat protected against the cliancellor and others by a letter of the arch-
bishop, dated October 21st, a.d. 1392. (Walden's " Fasciculus," fol. 77 b.)
Foxe, following Walden, at once introduces a letter of the king's in his favour
here : it has been postponed in this edition to page 43, that the reader may the
better perceive the chronological order of the events. That letter supports
Foxe's statements in this paragraph.

Page 30, line 1 7 from the bottom. " He called the heretics ' Lollards.' "] —
Foxe, in using the term " heretics," is only translating his authority: " Suspen-
ditur Henricus Crompe, magister in theologia, ab actibus suis publice in ecclesia
bcata; Virginis, et imponunt sibi perturbationem pacis, quia vocavii hareticos
Lollardos," (Walden, fol, 70 h). Wood appears to have caught the true sense
of the passage, when he says, " Quod Ilaereticorum stigmate Lollardos voca-
verat." " Lollard " was the nickname for supposed heretics, from lolle?i to sing.

Page 30, note (2).] — The fact that Rygge returned to Oxford on Saturday is
stated by Walden in a passage which shall be quoted presently.

Page 31, note (1). " On Monday. "~\ — This appears from Walden, who says
" feria ii," i.e. " the second day of the week." It may be well here to quote
the passage of Walden, on which this part of the narrative is founded, because
Foxe has evidently misunderstood the passage. Walden, after mentioning
Crompe's affair, and Ilygge's seco?j(/ citation up to London, and the king's sub-
sequent letter in Crompe's favour, dated July 14th, proceeds thus : — " Sed et
cancellarius prasdictus postquam feria quinta habuit mandatum pricdictum ab
archiepiscopo et praeceptum concilii regni, venit (ut dictum est) Oxonium
sabbato proximo; qui intimavit Philippo et Nicolao suas suspensiones ; qui
stalim feria ii proxima London, venerunt, qurerentes dominum ducem Lancas-
triae Johannem. Quo invento apud Totenhale juxta London, &c. ... In cras-
tino [i.e. Tuesday] plures doctores pontificii . . . Tandem prrecepit eis [dux
Lancastrise] utstarent ordinationidomini archiepiscopi, qui eis assignavit feriara
sextam proximam [i.e. Friday, June 20th] ad respondendum London, in con-
ventu praedicatorum : qui comparuerunt, et petierunt tempus deliberandi, et
datum est usque ad 12 Kalend, Julii [i.e. Friday, June 20th], et tum venerunt,"
&c. It is obvious that Walden has made a mistake in calling the first day of
their appearance " feriam sextam," as it should have been "quartam," i.e.
Wednesday, June 18th, the day presently named in the Registers: he probably
mis-read, or it was mis-written, in some MS. "feriam vi" for " feriam iv;" or

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