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Humbert to be present at the German military manoeuvres, in order to
create dissension between the two countries. And so it is in
everything. He makes it his business to inspire weariness and vexation
of spirit, to destroy those hopes and feelings which restore vitality
to the soul of a people. He is for ever stretching out a hand that
would fain control by itself the rotation of the globe, and he sets it
all awry.

The glorification of William II at Kiel is founded upon shifting sands.
Schleswig remains Danish and resists the Germanising process with a
force of energy at least equal to that of Alsace-Lorraine. The Danes
of Schleswig are still Danes, they have not bowed the knee in
admiration of German _Kultur_, any more than the Alsatians, Schleswig
says: "Let them ask us by a _plébiscite_ and they shall see what we
want, what civilised men have the right to ask: light and air and the
right to dispose of themselves." The people of Alsace-Lorraine say:
"If you would know what Alsace-Lorraine, which was never consulted,
thinks of the Treaty of Frankfort, ask her."

I blush, and my soul is filled with shame, when I think of the
degradation of French patriotism contained in the utterances
of . . . ., of those words which, to our lasting sorrow, evoked in _the
Centre_ of the Chamber an outburst of enthusiasm. May our patriots
never forget this cowardly session of the French Parliament! Thus,
then, twenty-seven years after the war, when we have spent countless
millions on the remaking of our army and navy, when every Frenchman has
bled himself to the bone to make France so strong and independent that
she might cherish the brightest hopes, a President of the French
Council has the unutterable weakness, from the tribune, to threaten
France with the German cane, should she dare to follow any other policy
than that desired by Berlin!

And French deputies have applauded these shameful words, that are
reproduced, with such joy as may be imagined, by the whole German
Press! That Press has every reason to be delighted and to find in
these words clear proof that the official class in France has always
looked upon the Russian Alliance as a show-piece, never relying upon
it, and that since the Berlin Congress (how often have I said it!) this
official class has never ceased to gravitate towards Germany.

And I, a Republican, a fanatic for the Russian Alliance, such as it
might and should have been, a Frenchwoman, blind worshipper of my
vanquished country - how can I hold my head up in the face of such a
shameful collapse!

In placing his services at the disposal of the Grand Turk for the
persecution of Christians, in supporting those in Russia whose policy
it is to urge their country into war with Japan and China and to divert
it from its natural sphere of action in Europe, our Minister for
Foreign Affairs has ruined one of the finest political situations in
which France has ever found herself. If the conduct of our foreign
affairs had been entrusted to a real statesman, France might have
recovered her position in Europe instead of going, with giant strides,
down the path of hopeless decadence.

Are not the intentions of Germany plain enough now and sufficiently
proved? They must be stupidly foolish who cannot see that a great
German war is being prepared against the Slavs and Gallo-Latins, under
most disastrous conditions for us and for Russia. It needs all the
blindness of King Humbert, of Leopold II and of the Hungarian
Centralists, to believe that if and when it comes, a German victory
would confer any benefits on anything that is not German.

September 8, 1897. [15]

The mind of Germany is everlastingly concerned with the toasts proposed
by William II. We know the toast proposed after his review of the 8th
Army Corps. First of all, come his remarks on the subject of foreign
policy. "It rests with us to maintain in its integrity the work
accomplished by the great Emperor and to defend it against the
influences and claims of foreigners." On such an occasion, after the
remarks on "justice and equity," which he made on board the _Pothuau_,
the hot-headed Emperor was bound to deliver himself in some such strain.

The next toast was that which he proposed at Hamburg in honour of King
Humbert and Queen Marguerita. This one is emphatic and at the same
time gracious, for William II cultivates every style and all the arts.
On this occasion the King of Prussia, Emperor of Germany, referred as
usual to the solidity of the Triple Alliance and to the mandate which
it has assumed for the preservation of peace. He spoke as the grandson
of William I. King Humbert replied as the grandson of Victor Emmanuel
(_sic_), skilfully gliding over the question of the indissoluble nature
of the Triple Alliance and reminding his hearers that Germany has no
monopoly in the pursuit of peace, but that all the Governments of
Europe are equally concerned in endeavouring to attain it.

A movement is taking shape in Italy, full of danger and of promise, as
events will prove. The clericals and the republicans have sketched the
outline of an understanding, which looks as if it might be approved by
Leo XIII. The danger of this union between the parties will lead King
Humbert back to a more national, a more peninsular, policy. The strong
opposition that it has to face is useful, in that it will oblige the
country's rulers to pay more attention to home affairs and to the
nation's interests than to the glorification of the dynasty.

September 28, 1897. [16]

"Germany is the enemy," Skobeleff used to say at Paris in 1882,
speaking to the younger generation of Slavs in the Balkans. These
prophetic words were inspired in the hero of Plevna by Germany's
intrigues at the Berlin Congress, intricate intrigues, full of menace
for the future of the East. They should have haunted the spirit of
every chancellery ever since, and become the formula around and about
which European diplomacy should have organised its forces to resist
Prussia's invading tendencies.

Until 1870 the liberal, philosophic, learned and federalist genius of
Germany, was spreading all over the world through its literature,
science, poetry and music, a genius whose attitude and equilibrium were
the fruit of an equal fusion of the mind of North Germany with that of
the South. By the victories and conquest of 1870, this genius became
suddenly and entirely absorbed in Prussian militarism, and has now
grown to be a force hostile to all other races. The power of the
intellect in all its forms, recognises reciprocity and scientific
research; the power of brute force only recognises the idea of
predominance and the subjection of others. The genius of Prussianised
Germany to-day combines the lust of conquest and power with the
shopkeeping spirit, but even in this last, there is no idea of
reciprocity but only of exclusive encroachment. Her international
misdeeds are past all number; she saps and undermines all that has been
laboriously built up by others. Germanisation carries with it the
seeds of disintegration; it is a sower of hatred, proclaiming for its
own exclusive benefit the equity of iniquity, the justice of injustice.

Only less extraordinary than the audacity of Prussia is Europe's
failure to realise these truths. In 1870 Napoleon III was deluded,
fooled and compromised, led into war by means of lies. Nameless
intrigues set our generals one against the other. At a moment when
victory was possible, the treachery of Bazaine made defeat inevitable
for France, whom the so-called genius of Moltke and Frederick-Carl
would never have vanquished. Having overthrown the Empire, the King of
Prussia, who had declared that he was fighting against it alone, made
war on France, well aware that sufficient vitality remained in the
broken pieces to enable them to come together again, and that, under
the threat of a French _revanche_, Prussia would be able to keep
Germany exercised in such a state of mind as would reconcile her to
remaining under the military yoke of the Hohenzollerns. And Europe,
without protest, accepts this condition of things, fatal to her
interests and security, created for the sole profit of the lowest of
nations. By her self-effacement, indeed, she increased fivefold the
influence and power of that nation.

September 31, 1897. [17]

You and I, all of us, we French people in particular, who think that we
were born clever, we are all a pack of credulous fools. Let any one
take the trouble to put a little consistency, a little continuity, into
the business of fooling us - especially about outside matters whose
origins we ignore, or people whose history we have not closely
followed - and we will swallow anything!

All of us Republicans, all the Liberals of the Second Empire, Edmond
Adam, our friends, our group, - great Heavens! how we swallowed German
republicanism and liberalism! With what brotherly emotion did we not
sympathise with the misfortunes of those who, like ourselves, were the
vanquished victims of tyranny! We, Frenchmen and Germans alike, were
defending the same principles, the same cause; we were fighting the
same good fight for the emancipation of ideas, for the levelling of
intellectual frontiers, etc., etc.

How well I remember the friendly _abandon_ of Louis Bamberger in our
midst! Truly these Prussian Liberals and ourselves held the same
opinions concerning everything, far or near, which bore upon
intellectual independence, upon progress and civilisation. And since
we were united by such a complete understanding, such identity of
ideas, it was our duty to work together: our German friends for the
triumph of liberalism in France, and we, for the triumph of liberalism
in Germany. As to such questions as those of territorial frontiers, or
the banks of the Rhine, Bamberger used to ask, "Who thinks of such
things in Germany? No one! They had other things to think about!"
The heart's desire of the sons of the German revolution of 1848-49 was
a universal republic, universal brotherhood, and nothing else. We
believed him, but for what an awakening! Hardly were the Germans in
France, than all the orders dictated by Bismarck were translated into
French by Louis Bamberger.

A book by Dr. Hans Blum, which has just been published in Berlin under
the title of "_The German Revolution of 1848-1849_," throws even more
light on the "brotherly" sentiments of German republicans. In this
book Dr. Blum recalls a speech made in the Palatinate on May 27, 1832.
This is what the orator said: "There can only be one opinion amongst
Germans, and only one voice, to proclaim that, on our side, we would
not accept liberty as the price of giving the left bank of the Rhine to
France. Should France show a desire to seize even an inch of German
territory, all internal dissensions would cease at once and all Germany
would rise to demand the retrocession of Alsace-Lorraine, for the
deliverance of our country."

That is how German Republicans thought, as far back as 1832. In
1868-69 they made us swallow once again ideas of brotherhood from
beyond the Rhine, by lulling our perspicacity, by enervating the
courage we used to display towards _foreigners_, and it was several
weeks before we realised in 1870 that _all Germany_, from one end to
the other, was of the same type of honesty, the same character as the
Ems telegram.

We are nothing but fools, credulous fools, if we believe that any
German can think otherwise than as a member of united, that is to say
Prussianised, Germany, or if we imagine that Prussia is anything but
the complete, total, unique, fully accepted, assimilated and admired
expression of German patriotism. Prussia is the fine flower, the ripe
fruit of German unity. A few Bavarians, a few so-called German
liberals, may pretend to be restive under the despotism of the King of
Prussia, but they accept unreservedly the authority of the German
Emperor. And what is more, it is just as he is, that they wish their
Emperor to be, thus they have imagined, thus they have made him. He is
like unto them in their own image, he governs them according to their
own mind. There may be some who, as a matter of personal inclination,
might prefer to have more liberalism, but whenever Germanism is in
question it is personified in William II, King of Prussia. Berlin is
the capital of all the Germans upon earth.

During these past few days, in the Vienna Parliament, whilst an orator
on the Government side was singing the praises of the Emperor Francis
Joseph, a German Austrian exclaimed - an Austrian, mark you - "_Our_
Emperor is William II."

The credulous fools of the moment in France are the Socialists. Just
as we believed in the liberalism of German Liberals before 1870, so
French Socialists now believe in the internationalism of German
Socialists. With greater sincerity than anything displayed by the old
German Liberals of before 1870, the Socialists of Hamburg have taken
the trouble to enlighten their French brethren with regard to their
real sentiments. Herr Liebknecht himself has explained their attitude;
his words may be summed up as follows: "The Socialists of France are
our brothers, but if they wanted to take back Alsace-Lorraine, we
should regard them as enemies."

There is nothing more remarkable than these German Socialists and their
congresses, these fellows who always preach to other nations against
patriotism, and never come together except to make speeches about the
Fatherland. At the Hamburg Congress, Auer, the socialist deputy,
looked into the future and saw "the Cossacks trampling underfoot all
the liberties of Western Europe." What tyranny of barbarians could be
more cruel than the tyranny of Germany which, wherever it extends,
oppresses the racial instincts of mankind, ruins and absorbs a people,
reducing it to servitude by the assertion of the rights of a superior
race over its inferiors.

Has the Hamburg Congress disabused the minds of French Socialists on
the brotherhood of their German brethren? Let us hope that it will not
be necessary for them, as it was for us, to hear the thunder of German
guns to understand that all parties in Germany are included in the
_German party_, and that those who believe anything else are nothing
but poor deluded dupes.

October 26, 1897. [18]

Those amongst us who, hour by hour, have devoted their lives to the
service of our mutilated country, have for their object, each within
the humble limits of his individual efforts, the glorification of
France and that of Russia, the greatness of the one being dependent on
the greatness of the other. This twofold devotion, and dual service
keep our fears perpetually alert in two directions; how great are those
two commingled sources of fear when patriotic Frenchmen, like patriotic
Russians, come to consider the bewildering development of Prussian
power - a veritable process of absorption.

German policy knows no laws except those of which Prussia is sole
beneficiary. Only that which is profitable to Prussia is good; the
rest, all the rest, is a negligible quantity. Moral precepts,
religious brotherhood, higher education by force of example, a sense of
justice applied to the fair apportioning of influence, vested rights,
and a reasonable idea of reciprocity - all such things are moonshine for
Prussia. The sole object that Prussian Germany pursues is brutal
conquest in all its forms. By all conceivable means to get a footing
for herself, here, there and everywhere; by the most energetic and
methodical diplomacy possible, by military science, by trade and
manufactures, by emigration and the race-spirit, and at the same time
by subterranean methods of allurement and by insolent threats; these
are her purposes and she accomplishes something of them every day.
When one reflects what Germany's objects were, and what she has
achieved in the Eastern question, to what humiliations and cross
purposes she has exposed and reduced Europe, to what contempt for her
own interests, what bewilderment and impotence, then, I repeat, the
stoutest heart may have good cause for fear.

Turkey, galvanised by Germany, has become a force to inspire terror
amongst Christians in the East and throughout the whole range of
European civilisation, where it comes into contact with Mussulmans, in
all parts of the world. All the slow-moving patience of Russian and
French diplomacy for centuries, all the long struggles of the Crusades
have been robbed of their garnered fruits in a few months. German
policy has overthrown all their influence, destroyed all their approach
works, released Europe's vassal from all his promises and obligations.
The Sick Man, cured by a quack who holds his health in pawn, has bound
himself body and soul to his healer.

Greece, frequently hesitating in her policy between British and French
sympathies, has nothing to hope for in the future from Turkophil
Germany. William II will make her recovery a matter of limitations and
bargaining. And who knows but that the strange proceedings of Prince
Constantine and of the royal princes, his brothers, may not be
explained by secret promises for the future - promises made by the
German Emperor in return for blind submission to his will?

William II holds Turkey in the hollow of his hand. Byzantium and Rome
are vassals of a German monarch. If Rome is threatened with ruin by
her alliance with the King of Prussia, Byzantium is restored by a new
Caraculla. William II is, therefore, twice entitled to wear the sphere
with the Imperial crown atop, as the emblem of his sovereign power and
as the imitator of the Roman Emperor. And notwithstanding the
Anti-Christ protection which he extends to the infidel, he can also
affix the Cross to his sphere. Is he not about to take possession, in
theatrical fashion, of the Holy Places?

Turkey has been restored by the Kaiser of Berlin. He is her Emperor,
her Khalif, Master of the Holy Places, for the reason that his most
humble servant is Emperor, Khalif and Master of the Holy Places. So
long as all these titles and powers lay in weak hands, the dangers of
Turkish policy, if not the anxieties it created, might be disregarded.
But today the military strength of Turkey is firmly established and it
is supported by another tremendous Power. Russia and France have never
committed an act of graver imprudence than to allow these two forces to
unite. Germany, Germany, ever and ever greater! The German song is no
longer a dead letter.

It was by guile that simulated liberal and democratic ideas, that
Bismarck prepared public opinion in the German Confederation for union
with Prussia. We, too, believed in the liberalism of Germans and of
Bismarck before 1870, and herein we proved ourselves to be just as
easily gullible as French socialists are to-day, who believe in the
genuine internationalism of German socialists.

For those whose interest lies in this direction, the Imperial
Statistical Bureau of Berlin provides information of an astounding
kind. Germany's exports in 1896 reached the value of 3754 millions of
marks. German exports to England and her colonies amounted to 808
million marks, whilst England and her colonies supplied Germany with
produce to the amount of 931 million marks. [19]

Henceforth William II knows that he has at his command the tools with
which to bite into England, industrially and commercially. He has
already had a large bite, and he looks forward to eating up proud
Albion, slowly but surely.

November 26, 1897. [20]

We must always remember and incessantly repeat: Germany's paths
throughout the whole world are widening and lengthening horribly. The
latest Roman invader profits at the same time by all the headway that
Carthage and Athens lose. England and France, alike responsible for
their spoliation, are the more to blame in that they allow themselves
to be smitten with blindness at a time when they are not yet smitten
with impotence. In the East, both might have done what they liked,
with the help and the interested support of Russia. But what have they
done? Less than nothing, since they have worked in servile
fashion - one for the greater glory of her military conqueror, the other
for the glory of her commercial conqueror. The European Concert,
whether it retreated or advanced, whether it took up a question or
discussed it, has done all things under the exclusive direction of
German interests.

With a haughty contempt and disdain for the dignity of all Europe
outside the Triple Alliance, which should have been met by emphatic
protests, William II has compelled Russia, England and France to give
public sanction to the crimes of the hyena of Stamboul, to build up
with their own hands the supremacy of Prussia in the East and that of
Austria in the Balkans.

Baron Marshal von Bieberstein, Germany's new Ambassador, has been
welcomed at the Court of the Grand Turk as the envoy of his chief
counsellor, his only friend, as the sacrosanct representative of the
Emperor-King, over-lord of the East. Thus all the delays, evasions and
subterfuges of the Sultan are sanctioned by William II.

The King of Prussia, Emperor of Germany, takes pleasure in a
self-contradictory policy, whereby he misleads and confuses the world.
He is the same to-day as he was when, as prince heir to the throne, he
declared that he "would never have any friends, only dupes." Through
him the Sultan, whom he delights to honour, becomes a conqueror, his
crimes are condoned and cynically absolved before the outraged
conscience of all Europe. Yes, all these things have been done by
William II; Abdul Hamid looks upon the German Emperor as the main
pillar of the temple of his glory!

One cannot speak of the East without feelings of shame and heartfelt
indignation. In Turkey's stolid resistance to reform, in her
massacres, in the Cretan revolt, and in the war between her and Greece,
William II has seen only an opportunity of gain for himself. He has
cynically pursued his policy of profit-snatching. Just as certain
quacks demand a higher fee when they prescribe for a patient whose life
is in serious danger, so William II exacts heavier payment from his
client. His demands are exorbitant: trade, finance, armaments,
concessions, sale of arms, renewal of munitions of war, rebuilding of
the fleet, etc., etc.

The King of Prussia continues, without ceasing and at his own sweet
will, to utter defiance to common sense and to the general direction of
civilised opinion. Whilst by his policy he supports the foul murderer
of Christians and prepares the way for fresh butcheries on the return
of the victorious Turks from Thessaly, William II has addressed these
astounding words to the recruits of his Royal Guards: "He who is not a
good Christian, is not a brave man, nor a worthy Prussian soldier, and
can by no means fulfil the duty required of a soldier in the Prussian

December 10, 1897. [21]

Germanism, which up till 1870 had a certain sense of decent restraint,
and took the trouble to disguise itself skilfully under Bismarck, no
longer knows either limitations or scruples. It displays itself
without shame, secure in the hesitancy of the Slav and the weakness of
the Latin peoples. Who could fail to be roused to indignation by the
display of German fanaticism which has taken place at Vienna? To think
that in the capital of an ally of William II, a faction, relying on
advice publicly given in Berlin should shout in the Reichsrath,
overthrow a ministry, disturb the public peace in the streets, and
accompany these manifestations with Prussia's national song, "Die Wacht
am Rhein," and the display of the German flag! If scandalous
proceedings such as these make no difference in the relations of the
Triple Alliance, why wonder at the audacity and pride of the Teutons?

Everything is a matter of exclusive right for the German. There are no
other rights but German rights, and when Germany claims the exercise of
a right, neither numbers, nor nationalism, nor races have any
existence, confronted by the individuality, the nationalism, of the
German race. Mommsen, the leading historian of Prussian Germany, wrote
in the _Neue Freie Presse_ of Vienna, "Pummel the heads of the Czechs
with your fists," whereat all the Austrians of German race applauded,
loudly declaring that if it came to a question between the Germans of
Prussian Germany and Austrian subjects of Slav extraction, their
sympathies would not be in doubt, for they, although Austrians, saw on
the one side their brethren of a superior _Kultur_, and, on the other,

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