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Japan in World Politics
Japan and World Peace



k} k: "kawakami

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AH rights reserved


Copyright 1921,

Set up and electrotyped. Published September, 1921.





THE articles put together between these covers
have been chosen by the editor with a view to
presenting what may be called representative opin-
ions of representative Japanese on the foremost
questions of the world to-day, such as the Monroe
Doctrine and the League of Nations, imperialism and
liberalism, democracy and autocracy, militarism and
navalism, armament and disarmament, race equality
and race discrimination, the "white peril" and the
"yellow menace." The Japanese side of the Yap
controversy is also fully presented.

Of the fourteen articles composing this book all
but two are culled from newspapers, magazines, and
books published in Japan or China. Most of them
were originally written in Japanese for Japanese
publications, and were later translated into English
for various English publications in the Orient.

The value of these articles lies in the fact that they
were, with a few exceptions, addressed primarily or
exclusively to the Japanese. None of them was pre-
pared especially for this book. They were not writ-
ten for foreign consumption. Their respective
authors had no eye upon the American or European
gallery. They show just what the Japanese are talk-
ing among themselves on the vital problems of the
world and their bearing upon Japan.



Some of the views expressed In the following
articles may be found unpleasant to sedate readers in
America and Europe. The editor has not shrunk
from such views, believing that in the end straight-
forwardness Is more conducive to clear understand-
ing than evasive diffidence.

In selecting these articles from the mass of current
literature in Japan, the editor purposely avoided
articles written by "professional" statesmen or diplo-
mats, whose utterances are usually characterized by
what the journalistic wit of America gracefully calls
"pussyfooting." They are often deliberately super-
ficial or platitudinous, often too subtle or too vague
to be of much value as a measure of real public senti-
ment. The editor has, however, taken an article
from the pen of Premier Hara, the "Great Com-
moner," a second by Marquis Okuma, the "Grand
Old Man," and a third by Baron Goto, the "Roose-
velt of Japan." Because of their great distinction
and widespread reputation, the world Is eager to
listen to them, whatever they may have to say.

From a literary point of view these articles,
whether originally written in English or translated
from the Japanese, leave much room for improve-
ment. But the editor, conscious of his own limita-
' tions, has resisted the temptation to rewrite them.
He has, however, taken the liberty of making such
emendations as he thought absolutely necessary in
order to avoid overtaxing the imagination of the
reader. Only to that extent is he responsible for the
English of this book. He presents this volume not as



a work of literature, but as a symposium of opinions
of grave international significance which, due to the
vehicle by which they were originally conveyed, have
remained more or less unknown to Europe and

Acknowledgment is due to the editors or publish-
ers of the journals and books, in which these articles «
originally appeared, for permission to reprint them
in the present form.

K. K. Kavi^akami.

New York, May, 1921.




I. A World Unsafe for Democracy ... 11

By Isoh Y amagata.

II. The Monroe Doctrine and the League

OF Nations 21

By Professor Rikitaro Fujisawa.

III. Mikadoism: A Resume of Professor Uye-

suGi's Shinsei Nippon no Kensetsu . 49
By R. Oda.

IV. Japan's Defective Constitutional Gov-

ernment _, , , 63

By Yukio Ozaki.

V. Liberalism in Japan ...... 79

By Sakuzo Yoshino.

VI. Japan's Navalism , . 93

By Vice Admiral Tetsutaro Sato.

VII. Militarism and Navalism in America . 104

By Henry Sat oh.

VIII. Harmony Between East and West . . 132

By Premier Takashi Hara.


IX. The War's Effect Upon the Japanese

Mind 143

By Professor Masaharu Anesaki.

X. Illusions of the White Race . . . 160

By Marquis Okuma.

XI. The "White" Problem in Asia . , . 171

By An Anonymous Writer.

XII. The Japanese Question in America . 189

By Baron Shimpei Goto.

XIII. Can Japan Be Christianized? . , , 204_

By M. Zumoto.

Appendix: The Yap Controversy . . 217

1. The Editor's Note.

2. The Japanese Government's Note to the

American Government.

3. Comment of the Japanese Press.



A World Unsafe for Democracy

By IsoH Yamagata

Mr. Yamagata is the editor of the Seoul Press, an English daily
paper in Seoul, Korea. He was a collaborator in the prepara-
tion of Professor James Murdoch's monumental "History of
Japan During the Century of Early Foreign Intercourse."
This article appeared in the Seoul Press in October, 1920.

WHEN the phrase, "the world safe for democ-
racy," was first used by Mr. Wilson, it re-
ceived an almost hysterical applause, and as long as it
served its war purpose in France and England it was
freely quoted in those countries. Tattered and
threadbare though it has become, it still echoes
around the world. And after all how well it sounds !
In it are rolled up all those half-formed hopes and
immature formulas with which idealists delude them-
selves, but toward which, if we are not too officious in
endeavoring to manage evolution for ourselves, we
may be developing.

The staggering certainty is, however, that evolu-
tion is a great force working over our heads; some-
thing far too stupendous for us to more than dimly
apprehend, and with a momentum which we can cer-



tainly not stop and probably can hardly modify. It
presupposes law in the universe, but law of such a
bewildering complexity that we, with our slightly
evolved mentalities, can but touch the hem of its gar-
ment. And in this evolution nothing is plainer than
that the individual counts for almost nothing. iWhen
he becomes too obstreperous, Nature's spear point
is ready, and he either falls back into his proper
place, or is hit by the spear and falls and is cast aside.

In the "cosmological perspective" that Haeckel
wrote of, the human individual is of not much greater
worth than the ant, the fly, or the elephant. His real
strength lies in unity and an obedience to law — in his
ability, indeed, to enter into the rhythm of the whole
and willingly become one note in the big music. The
great bandmaster does not tolerate small individual
footings that are not in the score, and a music-loving
audience leaves when this occurs.

The agitators who are preaching democracy and
freedom in various parts of the world to-day are out
of harmony with Nature's teachings and are them-
selves shackled men. They believe they are free —
in reality they are like sheep, for they are all follow-
ing a few leaders who have the mental virility to
hypnotize them with their fine-sounding phrases.
Their words may be their own, but their ideas are
manufactured for them by the arch-hypnotists of
democracy. If one of these agitators were seized
with a bad attack of palsy or St. Vitus's dance, in
which all of his fingers and toes and other members
wished to go their own free and Individual ways, he



would speedily, so far as his own personality was
concerned, become an ardent advocate of autocracy,
and long for the restoration of power to his sover-
eign brain. An individual with shaking head,
twitching arms, jerking legs, and a stuttering tongue
would be absurd If he got up to recite Whitman's "I
am the captain of my soul." His arms and legs
might assert that they were of equal rank, and his
tongue might decide at the last moment on some
other poem. This would be disconcerting to him, as
well as painful and unpleasant to his audience.

The analogy is not as far-fetched and absurd as
it appears, for during the late war it was only be-
cause the St. Vitus germs of Individualism had not
yet gotten the upper hand In Britain, France, and
America that these countries, together with Japan —
who has so far retained the captaincy of her soul —
were able to raise conscript armies, put things on an
autocratic basis, submerge the individual, and finally
conquer Germany. Simple honesty requires the ad-
mission that, without becoming monarchical In prac-
tice, If not in form, the United States Government
could never have given the help which the lordly and
supercilious Briton now so derides.

But surely one may ask. If In time of crisis and
stress an autocratic government Is necessary to the
accomplishment of great ends, why in time of peace
should It not be equally efficacious? As a matter of
fact it is, and Japan and Germany, as the latter coun-
try was before 1914, prove It. One knows that it is
highly reprehensible to see any good In Germany,



and in daring to do so one must be willing to face
ostracism by the greater part of society. Still, as
things are, one doesn't lose much by this, for tire-
some and unoriginal people with their cut-and-dried
opinions may bore exceedingly, even though they be
highly respectable and of the proud majority. It is
futile to deny that Germany with her imperialism and
her unity had built up a marvelous state, and the
time may come, with the rising tide of Bolshevism
threatening to engulf the world, when even her ene-
mies may wish that she were as strong and powerful
as in the days when it required the combined force of
many nations to subdue her.

After all, we might as well recognize the fact that,
in spite of the upward trend of evolution, we are still
merely human beings built on a substratum of neo-
lithic man. Even in this twentieth century, after the
tragic lessons of the last few years, we are still con-
siderably lower than the angels, and being so we
need strong rulers rather than the democracy and in-
dividualism that are being preached by all the dev-
otees of the great god Fashion.

Balzac, one of the greatest thinkers of the nine-
teenth century, makes one of his characters in "The
Country Doctor" say:

"The disease of the present day is superiority.
There are more saints than niches; and the reason
is obvious. Losing the monarchy we lost honor,
losing the religion of our fathers we lost the Chris-
tian virtues, and through our fruitless attempts at
government we have lost patriotism.



"Power is, as It were, the heart of a State. Na-
ture, in all her creations, shuts in the vital principle
to give it greater stamina; so with the body politic.

"Abolish the peerage, and at once every rich man
becomes a privileged person. Instead of a hundred
(peers), you have ten thousand, and you enlarge the
sore of social inequalities.

"The triumph of the bourgeoisie over the monar-
chical system, which has for its object the increase,
in the eyes of the people, of the numbers of the
privileged class, will find the inevitable end in the
triumph of the masses over the bourgeoisie. When
that struggle arises, its weapon in hand will be the
right of suffrage, given without restriction to the
masses. He who votes, discusses. Authority when
discussed does not exist. Can you imagine a Society
without authority? No, well then, authority means
force, and force rests on a judgment rendered."

Even though the cosmic laws are beyond our
understanding, clear hints are given us as to our
course. We may not know the harbor we are
bound for, but if we follow the channel marked out
by the buoys we shall escape the shallows and the

We see that independence is unwelcome when it
invades the nerves of the individual. It works out
in a similar way in the family, and a father, if he
be wise and thoughtful, governs his children. They
are not allowed, with their immature brains, to de-
cide important questions for themselves. The un-
welcome scrubbing, the necessary dose of castor oil,



the prompt spanking that follows too much indi-
viduality on the part of an enterprising youngster,
are all highly imperialistic, and to the youngster,
wholly to be condemned. But even the most ardent
upholder of democracy would probably prefer this
family as neighbors to one in which the children were
brought up according to the Montessori method or
one of the new fads in which "self-determination" is
the slogan.

Great corporations, great shipping companies —
indeed, all Important undertakings — must be ruled by
one master. There Is no time for the talk and dis-
putations which would paralyze effort if there were
not a supreme head.

All the great nations have been built on imperial
foundations, and the phenomenal growth and devel-
opment of modern Japan were possible only because
she was united and had as a ruler a great, farseeing,
and unselfish monarch, one of the great men of his-
tory. Is it possible, with the noble old samurai train-
ing of the past, the spirit of which enabled her to be-
come what she is, that twentieth century Japan will
repudiate that training and follow the false gods
of democracy and "freedom"? The condition of
Russia to-day is exactly what Balzac said would hap-
pen when the masses ruled. Do the Japanese liberals
believe that America is a haven of rest and peace,
and that democracy is justifying itself there? Let
them investigate conditions there minutely, and they
will find that a "world made safe for democracy"
works out as a world made safe for crime, dishon-



esty In government, and a general waste and Ineffi-
ciency that are appalling, and that democracy though
It be, the United States has had to adopt autocratic
methods In every supreme crisis In her history in
order to spell Success.

Moreover, In many American university circles at
present, there is a very decided reaction against
democracy, although this movement is denied or
ignored by those who wave the flag of freedom so
wildly. This movement was voiced last year In
"The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma" by
Henry Adams, with a striking preface by his brother.
Brooks Adams. In this, the latter says, "for physi-
cal reasons, which are capable of mathematical
proof. It Is clear that democracy must ultimately
disintegrate In chaos." The Atlantic Monthly re-
viewer of this book says that "It Is refreshing to
have some one say bluntly what he thinks, and not
temper the wind of his criticisms to a sensitive pub-
lic. What is more, the state of the world, including
America, is such at the present time that no one can
lightly put aside the thesis that the democratic dogma
has suffered serious degradation."

A disintegrating, crumbling process seems to have
begun all over the world. Individualism, with Its
pernicious and deceptive doctrine of freedom. Is
undermining all that civilization has so slowly and
with such huge travail built up. This vaunted free-
dom Is a freedom that invariably degenerates Into
license, and accords liberty to criminals; a free-
dom for looting, burning, and a general boideverse-



ment of all that real government has hitherto stood
for. It must of necessity work out in just this way,
because human things have still within them all the
springs of selfish energy that enabled their prehis-
toric ancestors to survive. A true democracy can
never exist until altruism has really become the ani-
mating impulse of every individual. And justice to
the "lower" classes is by no means incompatible with
the most autocratic form of government. Indeed,
this justice might be far more quickly and wisely
secured by such a government than by one In which
individuals, with their own selfish purposes to serve,
may obstruct just legislation, or by one In which the
legislators, bought by the labor vote, accord far too
much freedom to the workers and make of them a
class which eventually Is certain to become the worst
of tyrants.

In regard to Japan and democracy, there are many
foreigners, even Americans, who believe that her
very existence still depends upon her remaining a
military and imperialistic nation. Her courtesy and
forbearance are too great — one remembers the para-
ble of casting pearls before swine — and perhaps if
more of the spirit she Is credited with, rather than
less, were manifested, there might be a sudden quiet
reigning in the ranks of foreign missionaries, busi-
ness men, newspaper editors, etc., who are spreading
their malignant anti-Japanese propaganda.

But for her army and navy and great military
leaders, Japan would have become an English or
Russian outpost, and Instead of being the sturdy and



efficient race that they are, the Japanese to-day might
have become a subject race bearing the yoke of a
European rule.

The enemies of Japan, and they are numerous,
would be glad to see socialism undermining the em-
pire's strength, and it is not so long ago that a man
who is now an attache at one of the embassies in
Tokyo came over here, nominally as a teacher, but
in reality to report to his government how far social-
ism in Japan could be counted upon as an ally in
case of war.

Before the missionaries, the teachers, the doctors,
the men who boast of having carried papers and
photographs out of Korea between the double soles
of their shoes, to be used by them as proofs of
Japanese atrocities in that country — before the news-
paper editors who are ceaselessly carrying on their
nefarious work and who preach against Japan's
militarism and imperialism chiefly to incite the young
and immature against the existing order of things —
before these agitators do further harm, let them be
unceremoniously hustled out of the country — or, to
use more dignified language, deported as undesir-
ables. They will perhaps be happier, live more
luxuriously, and be under a less severe mental strain
on the banks and braes of their own bonnier lands,
and Nature will doubtless fill the vacuum that their
departure causes.

Let the men of the younger generation in Japan
realize that they may be the ones who will last hold
civilization in their grasp — to preserve or to crush



forever. If they would be world saviors, let them
curb a little their responsiveness and eagerness in
following Western thought, and beware the snares
and pitfalls that are so cleverly set for them around
the clay feet of the Goddess of Liberty.



The Monroe Doctrine and the League
OF Nations

By Professor Rikitaro Fujisawa

Professor Fujisawa was born in 1861 in Niigata, Japan, He was
educated in the University of Tokyo, University College of
London, and the Universities of Berlin and Strassburg. The
last-named institution conferred upon him the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy. Since 1887 he has been Professor of
Mathematics in the Imperial University of Tokyo. He was
Japan's delegate to the Second International Conference on
Mathematics, Paris, 1900, and also to the International Com-
mission on the Teachings of Mathematics, 1910. Although
a mathematician by training. Dr. Fujisawa has written many
articles on international politics. He is a facile writer both
in Japanese and in English. This article was published in
the Asian Review, Tokyo, for April and May, 1920, under
the title of "The Feaji Doctrine."

TN a certain aspect history repeats itself; in a cer-
-^ tain other aspect history never repeats itself.
History will repeat itself in the sense that the future,
in spite of the best efforts of the world's greatest
and wisest men gathered together at the Peace Con-
ference, has in store some sort of world calamities
commensurable with, or even eclipsing, the World
War which we have just gone through. History
will not repeat itself in the sense that the next world
calamity will not be a war as we now conceive it or,



even if it be destined to be a war, it will not be
caused by the military genius and daring despotism
of a Napoleon or by the avarice of autocratic mili-
tarism of the Prussian type led by the morbid vain-
gloriousness of a Wilhelm Hohenzollern.

Nature is cynical and not seldom plays a trick by
attacking humanity from the quarter least expected,
while mankind is busily engaged in entrenching Itself
against the recurrence of the danger experienced a
little while ago. Paris has still fresh remembrance
of the long-range Berthas. A few hours' railway
journey from the seat of the conference brings its
participants to the scene of the horrors and devasta-
tions wrought by German brutality. As a natural
consequence, the wisdom and sagacity of the peace
movement will be handicapped, if not blinded, by the
vivid memories of the shocks and emotions felt dur-
ing the war and the enduring sufferings and distress
of bereavement which will long survive the war,
and by the horrible sight of the devastated regions
all around. In the dizzy eyes of the too ardent
advocates of any peace movement, the danger of
arrogant militarism outshines all other sources of
danger which are, in reality, equally appalling and
disastrous, to the detriment of sober meditation and
sound judgment. Let those who are jubilant over
the formulation of the constitution of the League
of Nations be reminded of the very many perilous
isms silently glaring from behind the walls of the
great banqueting hall at the Quai d'Orsay. Capi-
talistic Imperialism, even subject to Drago limita-



tlons, Is as cruel and detestable as Bolshevism,
though it may not appear so terrifying as the latter,
simply because It works in an indirect, roundabout
way. Besides isms like the two just mentioned,
whose existence in our midst is well known, there are
isms still In an embryo stage like Adventism which,
we are told, will some day crush Russian Bolshevism.
Again it does not lie beyond the scope of our Imagi-
nation to think of Ultrabolshevlsm, compared with
which the Bolshevism of Lenine and Peter may ap-
pear humane and tame. Another example of such
an Ism is DIctatorlsm. It exists In a great nation
which may unwittingly own the potentiality of be-
coming the greatest nation upon the earth, monopo-
lizing the privilege of Interpreting fineries such as
right, justice, freedom, and so forth in a manner as
suits Its own convenience and in a way conforming
to its exalted and advantageous position among the
'comity of nations, denying the other nations even
the right of criticizing such interpretations, and un-
consciously but aggressively setting Itself up as the
dictatorial arbiter in all disputes among nations. It
is a facsimile of the world domination dreamed of
by the pre-war German chauvinists, attained not by
viight but by the apparently pacific means of one-
sided or hypocritical right backed by might camou-
flaged. Viewed from the historical standpoint, it Is
the eighteenth century spirit of "enlightened despot-
ism" clothed In the garment of the twentieth century
fashion of "safe for democracy." Over and above
these, there are still other dangerous isms imper-



vious to our myopic vision, or perhaps yet to be
born, for which human Inventiveness will some day
be called upon to jfind fit names. Let us be always
conscious of the indisputable truth that we live
amidst a universe of unknown forces pregnant with
fathomless good or evil and immeasurable happiness
or woe.

We have but a vague idea of how far we can
possibly penetrate into the mystery of the future.
At the same time, we feel certain that the future has
in store innumerable surprises. Human foresight,
even discounting unlooked-for occurrences, is subject
to a limit prescribed by earthly wisdom, in spite of
our ignorance as to where in the sequence of time
this limit lies. People are apt to think that tinned
food will be preserved forever free from mildew,
while our appetite instinctively shuns dusty tins in a
dark corner of a grocer's shop. As my mind was
flying to and fro among very many such instances of
human incongruities, my fancy happened to perch for

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Online LibraryKiyoshi Karl KawakamiWhat Japan thinks → online text (page 1 of 15)