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so far as thirty days off from you.

What little English I know, I learned from your Shakespeare, and I
learned from him that "there are more things in heaven and earth than
are dreamed of in our philosophy." Who knows what the future may bring
forth? I trust in God that all nations will become free, and that they
will be united for the internal interests of humanity, and in that
galaxy of freedom I know what place the United States will have.

One word more. When John Quincy Adams assumed for the United States the
place of a power on earth, he was objected to, because it was thought
possible that that step might give offence to the Holy Alliance. His
answer was in these memorable words: "The United States must take
counsel of their rights and duties, and not from their fears."

The Anglo-Saxon race represents constitutional governments. If it be
united for these, we shall have what we want, Fair Play; and, relying
"upon our God, the justness of our cause, iron wills, honest hearts and
good swords," my people will strike once more for freedom, independence,
and for Fatherland.

* * * * *

XLV. - THE MARTYRS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

[_Lexington, May 11th_.]

Kossuth having been invited to visit the first battle fields of the
Revolution, was accompanied by several members of the State Committee,
on May 11th, to West Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord. He had already
visited Bunker Hill on the 3d of May, but we have not in these pages
found room for his speech there. At West Cambridge he was addressed by
the Rev. Thomas Hill, and replied: at Lexington also he received two
addresses, and the following was his reply: -

Gentlemen, - It has been often my lot to stand upon classical ground,
where the whispering breeze is fraught with wonderful tales of devoted
virtue, bright glory, and heroic deeds. And I have sat upon ruins of
ancient greatness, blackened by the age of centuries; and I have seen
the living ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about the
sacred ground, unconscious that the dust which clung to their boots, was
the relic of departed demigods - and I rose with a deep sigh. Those
demigods were but men, and the degenerate shapes that roamed around me,
on the hallowed ground, were also not less than men. The decline and
fall of nations impresses the mark of degradation on nature itself. It
is sad to think upon - it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills
the fiery arms of energy. But, however dark be the impression of such
ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of men who themselves have
experienced the fragility of human fate, thanks to God, there are bright
spots yet on earth, where the recollections of the past, brightened by
present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of mankind's
destiny. Such a spot is this.

Gentlemen, should the reverence which this spot commands allow a smile,
I might feel inclined to smile at the eager controversy whether it was
at Lexington or Concord that the fire of the British was first returned
by Americans. Let it be this way or that way, - it will neither increase
nor abate the merit of the martyrs who fell here. It is with their blood
that the preface of your nation's history is written. Their death was,
and always will be, the first bloody revelation of America's destiny;
and Lexington, the opening scene of a revolution, of which Governor
Boutwell was right to say, that it is destined to change the character
of human governments, and the condition of the human race.

Should the Republic of America ever lose the consciousness of this
destiny, that moment would be just so surely the beginning of America's
decline, as the 19th of April, 1775, was the beginning of the Republic
of America.

Prosperity is not always, gentlemen, a guarantee of the future, if it be
not accompanied with a constant resolution to obey the call of the
genius of the time. Nay, material prosperity is often the mark of real
decline, when it either results in, or is connected with, a moral
stagnation in the devoted attachment to principles. Rome was never
richer, never mightier, than under Trajan, and still it had already the
sting of death in its very heart.

To me, whenever I stand upon such sacred ground as this, the spirits of
the departed appear like the prophets of future events. The language
they speak to my heart is the revelation of Providence.

The struggle of America for independence was providential. It was a
necessity. Those circumstances which superficial consideration takes for
the motives of the glorious Revolution, were but accidental
opportunities for it. Had those circumstances not occurred, others would
have occurred, and might have presented perhaps a different opportunity;
but the Revolution would have come. It was a necessity, because the
colonies of America had attained that lawful age in the development of
all the elements of national existence, which claims the right to stand
by itself, and cannot any longer be led by a child's leading-strings, be
the hand which leads it a mother's or a step-mother's. Circumstances and
the connection of events were such, that this unavoidable emancipation
had to pass the violent concussion of severe trials. The immortal glory
of your forefathers was, that they did not shrink to accept the trial,
and were devoted and heroic to sacrifice themselves to their country's
destiny. And the monuments you erect to their memory, and the religious
reverence with which you cherish the memory, are indeed well deserved
tributes of gratitude.

But allow me to say, there is a tribute which those blessed spirits are
still more eager to claim from you as the happy inheritance of the
fruits they have raised for you; it is, the tribute of always remaining
_true to their principle_; devoted to the destiny of your country,
which destiny is to become the corner-stone of LIBERTY on earth. Empires
can be only maintained by the same virtue by which they have been
founded. Oh! let me hope that, while the recollections connected with
this hallowed ground, inspire the heart of a wandering exile with
consolation, with hope, and with perseverance (from the very fact that I
have stood here, brought with the anxious prayers and expectations of
the Old World's oppressed millions), you will see the finger of God
pointing out the appropriate opportunity to act your part in America's
destiny, by maintaining the laws of _Nature and of Nature's God_,
for which your heroes fought and your martyrs died; and to regenerate
the world.

"Proclaiming freedom in the name of God,"

till - to continue in the beautiful words of your Whittier -

- - "Its blessings fall
Common as dew and sunshine over all."

[From Lexington Kossuth proceeded to Concord, and was there addressed by
the well-known author, Ralph Waldo Emerson. His reply was at greater
length, and on the same subject as at Lexington; yet a part of it may
here be printed.]

Kossuth said: -

In my opinion, there is not a single event in history so distinctly
marked to be providential - and providential with reference to all
humanity - as the colonization, revolution, and republicanism of the now
United States of America.

This immense continent being peopled with elements of European
civilization, could not remain a mere appendix to Europe. But when it is
connected with Europe by a thousand social, moral, and material ties, by
blood, religion, language, science, civilization, and commerce, to
believe that it can rest isolated in politics from Europe, would be just
such a fault as it was that England did not believe in time the
necessity of America's independence. Yes, gentlemen, this is so sure to
me, that I would pledge life, honour, and everything dear to man's heart
and honourable to man's memory, that either America must take her
becoming part in the political regeneration of Europe, or she herself
must yield to the pernicious influence of European politics. There was
never yet a more fatal mistake, than it would be to believe, that by not
caring about the political condition of Europe, America may remain
unaffected by the condition of Europe. I could perhaps understand such
an opinion, if you would or could be entirely isolated from Europe; but
as you are not isolated, as you cannot be, as you cannot even have the
will to be (for that very will would be a paradox, a logical absurdity,
impossible to be carried out, being contrary to the eternal laws of God,
which he for nobody's sake will change); therefore to believe that you
can go on to be connected with Europe in a thousand respects, and still
remain unaffected by its social and political condition, would be indeed
a fatal delusion.

You stretch out your gigantic hands a thousandfold every day over the
waves; your relations with Europe are not only commercial as with Asia,
they are also social, moral, spiritual, intellectual; you take Europe
every day by the hand. How then could you believe, that if that hand of
Europe, which you grasp every day, remains dirty, you can escape from
soiling your own hands? The cleaner they are, all the more will the
filth of old Europe stick to them. There is no possible means to escape
from being soiled, than to help us, Europeans, to wash the hands of our
old world.

You have heard of the ostrich, that when persecuted by an enemy, it is
wont to hide its head, leaving its body exposed; it believes that by not
regarding it, it will not be seen by the enemy. That curious aberration
is worthy of reflection. It is _typical_.

Yes, gentlemen, either America will _re_generate the condition of
the old world, or it will be _de_generated by the condition of the
old world.

Sir, I implore you (Mr. Emerson), give me the aid of your philosophical
_analysis_, to impress the conviction upon the public mind of your
nation that the Revolution, to which CONCORD was the preface, is full of
a higher destiny - of a destiny broad as the world, broad as humanity
itself. Let me entreat you to apply the analytic powers of your
penetrating intellect, to disclose the character of the American
Revolution, as you disclose the character of self-reliance, of spiritual
laws, of intellect, of nature, or of politics. Lend the authority of
your judgment to the truth, that the destiny of American revolution is
not yet fulfilled; that the task is not yet completed; that to stop half
way, is worse than would have been not to stir: repeat those words of
deep meaning which once you wrote about the monsters that looked
backward, and about the walking with reverted eye, while the voice of
the Almighty says, "_up and onward for ever more_," while moreover
the instinct of your people, which never fails to be right, answered the
call of destiny by taking for its motto the word _ahead_.

Indeed, gentlemen, the monuments you raised to the heroic martyrs who
fertilized with their hearts' blood the soil of liberty - these monuments
are a fair tribute of well-deserved gratitude, gratifying to the spirits
who are hovering around us and honourable to you. Woe to the people
which neglect to honour its great and good men; but believe me,
gentlemen, those blessed spirits would look down with saddened brows to
this free and happy land, if ever they were doomed to see that the happy
inheritors of their martyrdom imagined that the destiny to which that
martyr blood was consecrated, is accomplished, and its price fully paid
in the already achieved results, because the living generation dwells
comfortably and makes TWO DOLLARS out of _one_.

No, gentlemen, the stars in the sky have a higher aim than merely to
illumine the night-path of some lonely wanderer. The course your nation
is called to run, is not yet half performed. Mind the fable of
Atalanta: it was a golden apple thrown into her way which made her fall
short in her race.

Two things I have met here in these free and mighty United States, which
I am at a loss how to make concord. The two things I cannot harmonize
are: - First, that all your historians, all your statesmen, all your
distinguished orators, who wrote or spoke, characterize it as AN ERA in
mankind's history, destined to change the condition of the world, upon
which it will rain an everflowing influence. And secondly, in
contradiction to this universally adopted creed, I have met in many
quarters a propensity to believe that it is conservative wisdom not to
take any active part in the regulation of the outward world.

These two things do not agree. If that be the destiny of America, which
you all believe to be, then that destiny can never be fulfilled by
acting the part of passive spectators, and by this very passivity
granting a charter to ambitious Czars to dispose of the condition of the
world.

I have met distinguished men trusting so much to the operative power of
your institutions and of your _example_, that they really believe
they will make their way throughout the world merely by their _moral
influence_. But there is one thing those gentlemen have disregarded
in their philanthropic reliance; and that is, that the ray of the sun
never yet made its way by itself through well-closed shutters and
doors - they must be drawn open, that the blessed rays of the sun may get
in. I have never yet heard of a despot who yielded to the moral
influence of liberty. The ground of Concord itself is an evidence of it;
the doors and shutters of oppression must be opened by bayonets, that
the blessed rays of your institutions may penetrate into the dark
dwelling-house of oppressed humanity.

There are men who believe the position of a power on earth will come to
you by itself; but oh! do not trust to this fallacy; a position never
comes by itself; it must be taken, and taken it never will be by
passivity.

The martyrs who have hallowed by their blood the ground of Concord,
trusted themselves and occupied the place Divine Providence assigned
them. Sir, the words are yours which I quote. You have told your people
that they are now men, and must accept in the highest mind the same
destiny, that they are not minors and invalids in a protected corner;
but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, advancing on chaos and on the
dark.

I pray God to give to your people the sentiment of the truth you have
taught.

Your people, fond of its prosperity, loves peace. Well, who would not
love peace; but allow me again, sir, to repeat with all possible
emphasis, the great word you spoke, "Nothing can bring you peace but the
triumph of principles."

* * * * *

XLVI. - CONDITION OF EUROPE.

[_Last Speech in Boston_.]

On May 14th, Kossuth, in obedience to a distinct invitation, delivered,
in Faneuil Hall, the following ample Speech or Lecture, on the present
condition of Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen, - The gigantic struggle of the first French
Revolution associated the name of FRANCE so much with the cause of
freedom in Europe, that all the world got accustomed to see it take the
lead in the struggle for European liberty; and to look to it as a power
entrusted by Providence with the initiation of revolutions; as a power,
without the impulse of which, no liberal movement had any hope on the
European continent.

I, from my earliest days, never shared that opinion. I felt always more
sympathy with the Anglo-Saxon character and Anglo-Saxon institutions,
which raised England, notwithstanding its monarchy and its aristocracy,
to a position prouder than Rome ever held in its most glorious days: and
which, free from monarchical and aristocratical elements here in
America, lie at the foundation of a political organization, upon which
the first true democratic Republic was consolidated and developed into
freedom, power, and prosperity, in such a short time, as to make it a
living wonder to the contemporary age, and a book full of instruction to
the coming generations.

However, that opinion about the French initiative prevailed in Europe,
and it was a great misfortune; for you know that France has always as
yet forsaken the movement which it raised in Europe, and the other
nations acting not spontaneously, but only following the impulse which
the French had imparted to them, faltered and stopped at once, as soon
as the French failed them. With that opinion of the French supremacy, no
revolution in Europe could have a definite, happy issue.

Freedom never yet was given to nations as a gift, but only as a reward,
bravely earned by one's own exertions, own sacrifices, and own toil; and
never will, never shall it be attained otherwise.

I speak therefore out of profound conviction, when I say that, though
the heart of the philanthropist must feel pained at the new hard trials
to which the French nation is, and will yet be exposed, by the momentary
success of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's inglorious usurpation, still that
very fact will prove advantageous to the ultimate success of liberty in
Europe. Louis Napoleon's _coup d'état_, much against his will, has
emancipated Europe from its reliance upon France. The combined
initiative of nations has succeeded to the initiative of France;
spontaneity and self-reliance have replaced the depending on foreign
impulse and reliance upon foreign aid. France is reduced to the level
amongst nations, obliged to join general combinations, instead of
regulating them; and this I take for a very great advantage. Many have
wondered at the momentary success of Louis Napoleon, and are inclined to
take it for an evidence that the French nation is either not capable or
not worthy to be free. But that is a great fallacy. The momentary
success of Louis Napoleon is rather an evidence that France is
_thoroughly democratic_. All the revolutions in France have
resulted in the preponderance of that class which bears the denomination
of _bourgeoisie_. Amongst all possible modifications of
oppression, none is more detested by the people than oppression by an
Assembly. The National Assembly of France was the most treacherous the
world has ever yet known. Issued from universal suffrage, it went so far
as to abolish universal suffrage, and every day of its existence was a
new blow stricken at democracy for the profit of the bourgeoisie. Louis
Napoleon has beaten asunder that Assembly, which the French democracy
had so many reasons to hate and to despise, and the people applauded him
as the people of England applauded Cromwell when he whipped out the Rump
Parliament.

But by what means was Louis Napoleon permitted to do even what the
people liked to see done? By no other means, but by flattering the
principle of Democracy; he restored the universal suffrage; it is an
execrable trick, to be sure - it is a shadow given for reality; but still
it proves that the democratic spirit is so consolidated in France, that
even despotic ambition must flatter it. Well, depend upon it, this
democracy, which the victorious usurper feels himself constrained to
flatter in the brightest moments of his triumph - this democracy will
either make out of Louis Napoleon _a tool_, which in spite of
itself serves the democracy, or it will crush him.

France is the country of sudden changes, and of unthought of accidents.
I therefore will not presume to tell the events of its next week, but
one alternative I dare to state: Louis Napoleon either falls or
maintains himself. The fall of Louis Napoleon, even if brought about by
the old monarchical parties, can have no other issue than a Republic - a
Republic more faithful to the community of freedom in Europe than all
the former Revolutions have been. Or if Louis Napoleon maintains
himself, he can do so only either by relying upon the army, or by
flattering the feelings and interests of the masses. If he relies upon
the army, he must give to it glory and profit, or, in other words, he
must give to it war. Well, a war of France, against whomsoever it be, or
for whatever purposes, is the best possible chance for the success of a
European Revolution. Or if Louis Napoleon relies upon the feelings of
the masses - as indeed he appears willing to do - in that case, in spite
of himself, he becomes a tool in the hands of democracy; and if, by
becoming such, he forsakes the allegiance of his masters - the league of
absolutistical powers - well, he will either be forced to attack them, or
be attacked by them.

So much for France; now as to ITALY.

Italy! the sunny garden of Europe, whose blossoms are blighted by the
icy north wind from St. Petersburg - Italy, that captured nightingale,
placed under a fragrant bush of roses, beneath an ever blue sky! Italy
was always the battlefield of the contending principles, since, hundreds
of years ago, the German emperors, the kings of Spain, and the kings of
France, fought their private feuds, their bloody battles on her much
coveted soil; and by their destructive influence, kept down all
progress, and fostered every jealousy. By the recollections of old, the
spirit of liberty was nowhere so dangerous for European absolutism as in
Italy. And this spirit of republican liberty, this warlike genius of
ancient Rome, was never extinguished between the Alps and the Faro.

We are taught by the scribes of absolutism to speak of the Italians as
if they were a nation of cowards, and we forget that the most renowned
masters of the science of war, the greatest generals up to our day, were
Italians, - Piccolomini, Montecucculi, Farnese, Eugene of Savoy, Spinola,
and Bonaparte - a galaxy of names whose glory is dimmed only by the
reflection that none of them fought for his own country. As often as the
spirit of liberty awoke in Italy, the servile forces of Germany, of
Spain, and of France poured into the country, and extinguished the
glowing spark in the blood of the people, lest it should once more
illumine the dark night of Europe. Frederic Barbarossa destroyed Milan
to its foundations, when it attempted to resist his imperial
encroachments by the league of independent cities; and led the plough
over the smoking ruins. Charles the Fifth had to gather all his powers
around him to subdue Florence, when it declared itself a democratic
republic. Napoleon extinguished the last remnants of republican
self-government by crushing the republics of Venice, Genoa, Lucca,
Ragusa, and left only, to ridicule republicanism, the commonwealth of
San Marino untouched. The Holy Alliance parted the spoils of Napoleon,
riveted afresh the iron fetters which enslave Italy, and forged new
spiritual fetters; prevented the extension of education, and destroyed
the press, in order that the Italians should not remember their past.

Every page, glorious in their history for twenty-five centuries, is
connected with the independence of Italy; every stain upon their honour
is connected with foreign rule. And the burning minds of the Italians,
though all spiritual food is denied to them, cannot be taught not to
remember their past glory and their present degradation. Every stone
speaks of the ancient glory; every Austrian policeman, every French
soldier, of the present degradation. The tyrants have no power to unmake
history, and to silence the feelings of the nation. And amongst all the
feelings powerful to stir up the activity of mankind, there is none more
penetrating than unmerited degradation, which impels us to redeem our
lost honour. What is it therefore that keeps those petty tyrants of
Italy, who are jealous of one another, on their tottering thrones,
divided as they are among themselves, whilst the revolutionizing spirit
of liberty unites the people? It is only the protection of Austria,
studding the peninsula with her bayonets and with her spies. And Austria
herself can dare this, only because she relies upon the assistance of
Russia. She can send her armies to Italy, because Russia guards her
eastern dominions. Let Russia stand off, and Austria is unable to keep
Italy in bondage; and the Italians, united in the spirit of
independence, will easily settle their account with their own weak
princes. Keep off the icy blast which blows from the Russian snows, and
the tree of freedom will grow up in the garden of Europe; though cut
down by the despots, it will spring anew from the roots in the soil,
which was always genial for the tree. Remember that no insurrection of
Italians has been crushed by their own domestic tyrants without foreign
aid; remember that one-third of the Austrian army which occupies Italy
are Hungarians who have fought against and triumphed over the
yellow-black flag of Austria - under the same tri-colour which, having
the same colours for both countries, show emblematically that Hungary
and Italy are but two wings of the same army, united against a common



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