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to France, it is the brain-workers that lead, and the muscle-
workers that follow, — a fact of great importance. And the
latter really have commenced to follow. That was shown
in a remarkable manner by the great demonstration in
Hyde Park on Easter Monday, 1887, composed admittedly
of the very best sort of people. They crowded by prefer-
ence round the two Socialist platforms, which literally were
surrounded by an ocean of uplifted, attentive, and enthusias-
tic faces. These people might possibly have been attracted



1886.] ''GOD WILLS IT/'' 247

in such numbers by mere curiosity, but tiicy would not
have api)lauded 7uhat they did not like to hear. London
Radical crowds are not hypocritic. On the same

roaster Monday, Collectivist missionaries from London held
a meeting, that grew to be of enormous size, in the collicr\'
district of Northumberland, to which large numbers of miners,
said by all to be among the most respected men of the vari-
ous districts, marched in procession from villages, some six
to eight miles distant. And the same is the case wherever
one goes in England or Scotland — even more in Scotland
than in England. In London, in a hundred halls, Sunday
after Sunday, audiences listen to lectures mostly on Socialism
in some shape or other.

\w Paisley (Scotland) the provost introduces the poet
William Morris in a sympathetic speech, and takes the
chair. In Glasgow Edward Caird, professor of moral
philosophy, does the same to this writer. In London a
member of Parliament, Cunningham Graham, presides, and
regrets he is " not yet " a Socialist. In England there are
two large Christian Socialist societies, — one in London,
that publishes an excellent monthly journal, — and another
in Clifton, Bristol, that issues occasional pamphlets, which
John Ruskin declares to be the best pamphlets on economic
subjects in English. In Edinburgh there is a large stu-
dents' Socialist society, and in all the British universities
classes have been formed for the study of Socialism, and
ministers deliver everywhere Socialist sermons.

In the United States and Great Britain it is, of course, by
political methods that Collectivism will be realized. It
certainly will not take many years to make it in the latter
country an issue of practical politics.

The present alliance between the Gladstonians and the
Irish party is a most promising fact. Indeed, they now may
be said to form one thortniglily deinocnitic party, since the



248 THE PRESENT TRANSITION STA TE. [1794-



Whigs and Chamberlain are, fortunately, eliminated, as they
had to be some time or other. Home-rule, soon to be
granted to Ireland, will cause a real union between that
island, hitherto a ball and chain on England's limbs, and
Great Britain, and make the two democracies walk forever
after hand in hand. Then all the tremendous social ques-
tions that now for so long have been waiting for a solution
will come to the front. Great Britain is the only > country
where Collectivists are so fortunately situated that tlicy can
accomplish the Coming Revolution constitutionally.

Considering the speed with which we are now progressing,
it is by no means presumptuous to predict that by the close
of another generation Collectivists may succeed in electing
a majority of the House of Commons ; and that, according
to the British Constitution, as it has in practice been worked
out, would be all that would be required. They could then
constitutionally demand the reahzation of Collectivism ; and
if the plutocrats should refuse or threaten or attempt vio-
lence, the CoUectivist majority would have the immense ad-
vantage of having the British bias for legality on their side,
and could summon, with all promise of success, the working-
classes to rise behind them and enforce their demand, what
these would hardly do in any other contingency.

In this connection it is very regrettable that the great
poet ^Villiam Morris, who has done so much for Collectivism
in Great Britain, despises political action and " parliamentary
half-measures ; " that is to say, he is not as clear-sighted as
Herbert Spencer, who, from fear of our cause, warns Parlia-
ment that in every one of their " half-measures " they are
eslaljlishing principles which by their momentum are sure to
lead to Collectivism. And to think that Morris could by
this time be in Parliament, with a little group around him,
if not of Collectivists, at least of advanced Radicals, forcing
affairs still more in a Colk'ctivist direction ! Instead of that,



1886.] "GOD WILLS IT!'' 249

he has the truly Utopian idea of a universal strike ; i.e., that
one fine day all the workers will fold their arms, and refuse
to do a stroke of work until they get Collectivism.

In the United States we are not nearly as well situated.
Here the Constitution must first be changed, which re(iuires
a three-fourths majority of all the States. That almost neces-
sarily drives us Collectivists into unconstitutional, at least
extra-constitutional, ways. However, as soon as half of the
effective majority in America once wills Collectivism, no
doubt they will find a way, as the anti -slavery Republican
party did when they first drove a dozen States out of the
Union, and then admitted them — on condition of sanctioning
the abolition of slavery.

But meanwhile, until Collectivism becomes an issue of
practical politics, whether in Great Britain or the United
States, it is our business to win over the small minority, the
choice band of spirits who in the near future will effect
the mental revolution, — the business of us whom the Power
behind Evolution has raised up as pioneers, unable to think
and act otherwise than as we do, though often, in our long-
ing for sympathy, deeply feeling our isolation. There are
plenty of thoughtful, generous youths, both men and women,
all around us, who need only fully to understand our philoso-
phy to be converted to it. That has already been done to
some extent in England and Scotland, as we have seen,
during the last five years ; but here in America we have as
yet hardly had our first real success.

That Collectivism, so far, has made so little progress among
Anglo-Saxons, there are several things to account for ; first,
this : that hitherto only the critical method has been em-
ployed in expounding Socialism, — a method very effective
with the German or French mind, but leaving no impres-
sion at all on the Anglo-Saxon mind. The Anglo-Saxon



250 THE PRESENT TRANSITION STATE. [1794-

who hitherto happened to study Collectivism, met only with
teachings of evolution towards destruction ; and such teach-
ings roused no enthusiasm in him, created in him no senti-
ment of duty. He might be convinced that a catastrophe
and crash were impending; but "the crash," he would say,
" will come soon enough, when it does come, without my
help." On the other hand, once convince our young men
and women that Collectivism is the evident decree of' evolu-
tion ; that the work to do is constructive rather than destruc-
tive, and that they have it in their power materially to hasten
its advent, and anticipate, forestall, the catastrophe, and we
shall rouse in them a solemn feeling of duty ; they will feel
a call to co-operate with the Power behind Evolution.

Again : the doctrine that Collectivism is a class movcmc7it
has certainly been misunderstood. It has been interpreted
to mean, that it is a movement of those who work with their
hands against all others. Yet it means only this (but also
this decidedly) : that it is a movement of all the workers,
whether with hands or with brains, against those who
monopolize the means of labor. Thus, in " workers " are
included all physicians, all teachers, all men of science, as
far as they are not capitalists. And while, undoubtedly. Col-
lectivism will, in the first place, benefit work-people in the
narrower sense, — level them up, — it is by no means they
who are exclusively interested, or the only ones upon whom
we call. No great social movement ever succeeded before
educated men took hold of it ; and Collectivism especially,
as we have seen, is an outcome of the development of the
whole social body. It is also worth noting, that, with hardly
an exception, the leading Collectivists in every country have
not come from, and do not come from, the manual workers.
Anglo-Saxon Collectivism in particular will therefore address
itself, I am sure, to thoughtful, generous minds of all classes,
and its leaders be a band of choice spirits from all classes.



1886.] ''GOD WILLS IT!'' 25 I

Young men and women ! it is impossible that you can look
at the lives that are led around you, or contemplate your
own lives, and not be filled with a noble discontent. Then
reflect that you are on the threshold of the Golden Age for
mankind, and that it is your high privilege to hasten its
advent. Think how blessed your old age will be, if you fill
your existence with high efforts, for this, indeed, constitutes
the only true life ; if the ideal is the bond that joins your
friends to you, for this, indeed, constitutes the only true
friendship !

This brotherhood of conscious co-operaors with the Power
behind Evolution need not be large ; a mental revolution,
like all great successful revolutions, is made, not by numbers,
but by wills. The effective majority of any nation — that is,
the number of those who lead its march, and time its prog-
ress — itself is comparatively small ; all that has to be done
is, to tui-n the brains of that " effective majority," as the
anti-slavery men did the brains of the leaders of the Repub-
lican party, and the Home-Rulers those of the Gladstonians,
and the revolution is virtually accomplished. What we
shall have to struggle with and to conquer is sluggishness,
ingrown habits, traditional views, and mistaken notions, more
than pure selfishness. One of the most effective

weapons for that struggle will be the press, — to a great
extent the already established press. And one way for the
brotherhood to utilize the latter may be the organization
of private societies, in constant communication and ex-
change with each other, for the purpose of writing short
and pithy letters on topics of the day, and having one such
letter each and every day published now in one, now in
another, of the local newspapers. My experience teaches
me that not even the most inimical journal will refuse a well-
written letter ; at all events, as long as it is unaware of its
being the fruit of a " conspiracy." Another way to utilize



252 THE PRESENT TRANSITION STA TE. [1794-1886.]

the established press might be the method adopted by Bris-
bane in the forties in New York City in his agitation for
Fourierism, — the renting of a cohunn of some popular
journal, and filling it periodically with CoUectivist matter.

There is one thing that will give these Anglo-Saxon Col-
lectivists a peculiar force, and serve them as a wonderful
stimulus, and that is — faith. Thoughtful Anglo-Saxons,
however unorthodox, still refuse to give up the idea of
Providence. When they become convinced that our pres-
ent stage of civilization is a necessary result of the force of
things, that men are Collectivists because their minds have
by necessity been twisted in this direction, and that a Col-
lectivist Order is the unavoidable outcome of evolution, they
will more than ever see the hand of Providence in human
affairs. They will know nothing of a blind Fate behind
Evolution, but place there a Will, an Intelligence, a helpful
Presence. That will not prevent them from heartily co-oper-
ating with those who, like Danton, are doing the will of that
Presence, even if doubting its existence : they will only claim
they are more clear-seeing. But their faith will lend to their
convictions a peculiar strength, since it enables them to give
to those who inquire of them, "What is it you propose?"
this answer : —

" We do not propose any thing. It is the Power behind
Evolution that proposes this change, and therefore it must
be accomplished, at the risk of social heart-burnings, at the
risk even of setting class against class, at the start."

Collectivists can properly adopt the motto of the French
revolutionists of last century, and in their turn sing " (^a
ira/" (" It will go!"), for, after all, it is but the revolu-
tionary equivalent of that old cry of the Crusaders, —

" God wills rr ! "



RECENT FRENCH WORKS ON DANTON.



Notes de Topifio-Lebriin, a juror of the Revolutionary Tribunal
of Paris, on the trial of Danton and of Fouquier-Tinville, published
by J.-F.-F. Chardoillet; pamphlet, 8vo. Paris, J. Baudet, 1875.

PriiicipaKX ei'encvieiits pour et contrc la Rhiohction et pridictioit de
Danton an tribunal revolutionnaire, accomplie, by Vilain d'Aubigny ;
pamphlet, 8vo. Paris, the year III.

Vinalite de Danton, by Eugene Despois ; " Revue de Paris," issue
of July I, 1857.

Ilistoire de la Revobition fran^aise, by NICOLAS VlLLAUM^ ; 4 vols.;
Svo. Paris, 1850.

Danton, documents authentiques pour servir a Vhistoire de la Revolu-
tion fran^aise, by Alfred Bougeart; i vol., Svo. Paris, 1861.

Danton, memoire sur sa vie privee, avec pikes justijicatives, by Dr.
Roiunet; I vol., Svo. Paris, 1884.

Danton et Victor Hugo : attx 100,000 Iccteurs de " Quati-e-vingt-
Treise," by " un Vieux Cordelier ;" pamphlet, i2mo. Paris, 1877.

Le prods dcs Dantonistes, d'apres les documents, precede d'une in-
troduction historique, by Dr. RoBlNET; i8mo. Paris, 1879.

(Euvres de Danton, recueillies et annotes by A. Vermorel; i2mo.
Paris, 1866.

Les Eleutheromanes,\>^ DiDEROT (Danton and the Encyclopedisles) ;
I vol., 32mo. Paris, Ghio, 1884.

Da}tton,hY Georges Lennox; i vol., i2mo. Sandoz and Fisch-
bacher, Paris, 1878. [A popular history, but no new facts.]

Ca?nille Desmoulins, Lucile Desmoulins, Etude sur les Dantonistes
d^apris des documents 7iouveaux et inedits, by J. Claretie ; Svo.
Paris, Plon, 1875.

Danton et la politique contefnporaitie, byANTONiN DuBOST; i vol.,
l2mo. Charpentier, Paris, 1880.

253



254 F:ECENT FRENCH WORKS ON D ANTON.

Danton et les massacres dc scptcnibre, by Antonin Dubost; pam-
phlet, 8vo. Paris, Charavay, 1S85.

N^otes siir Vcloqiience de Danton, by F. A. AuLARD, Professor of
Rhetoric ; 8vo. Paris, Charavay, 1882.

Les gra7ids Fran^ais, Danton ; by F. A. AULARD; pamphlet, i2mo.
Paris, Picard-Bernheim.

La philosophie positive, by AUGUSTE CoMTE, tom. vi. Paris, Bache-
lier, 1842.

La politique positive, by AuGUSTE COMTE, tom. iii., dynamique so-
ciale. Dunod, 1854.

La Revolution fran^aise, iy8g-i8ij, by M. Pierre Laffitte ; i vol.
32mo. Paris, 1868.
Consult also :

Lundis Nevohitionnaires, by Georges Avenel ; 8vo. Paris, Ernest
Leroux, 1875.

La Revobition fran^aise, a monthly review edited by August
DiDE, senator; started in 18S0.




NDEX.



Abolition of slavery by the
Jacobins, 171.

Absolute government instituted, 129.

Administration of things, 243.

Aiguillon, Duke d', 43.

Alison, Sir Archibald, 7.

Amalgamation of regulars and volun-
teers, 133.

Anarchists, successors of the Hebert-
ists, 177, 178, 179; Anarchism, co-
quetting with, 241.

Anglomania, 20; 31.

Anglo-Saxon Collectivism, 241, 250.

Antiquity, why the love of the revo-
lutionists for, 23.

April 5, 1794, 193.

Assembly, National. See National
Assembly.

Assignats, 71 ; 151; 155; 215.

Association-Farming, 230.

Association, growing, 239.

Atheism a fruit of generosity, 23,204.

Aug, 4, 1789,42.

Aug. 10, 1792, 73 ; anniversary of.

Authority, rightful, 12.

BaBEUF'S conspiracy, 217.

Bailly, 34; 41 ; 62 ; 180.

Bank of France founded, 218.

Barentin, 28.

Bastille, 27; 41; anniversary of, 49,

50.
Beccaria, 29.



Rillaud-Varennes, 92; 93; 176; 179;

iSo; guilty of Danton's irvrder,

1 89 ; repents, 19, 51.
Blanc, Louis, 12; 30; 156; 198.
Board-schools, 233.
Bonaparte, 76 ; roots the Revolution,

217.
Bouchotte, 133 ; circular about wooden

shoes, 134.
Bourgeoisie, deeds of the French, 63;

the worst of any, 221, 244, 245.
Bourse closed, 161 ; re-opened, 214.
Bright, John, 234.
Brisbane, 251.
Brumaire 18, 217.
Brunswick's manifesto, 71.
Bureaus of Statistics of Labor, 156;

234-
Burke, Thomas, 213.
Butterflies, evolution in, 237.

^A IRA, 6, 36, 42, 76, 213.

Cahiers, 32.

Caird, Professor, 247.

Calendar, the new, 172.

Cambaceres, 169, 170, 171.

Cambon, 97, 150.

Capacity, 239.

Careers open to talent, 219.

Carlyle, 9; 12 ; 13; 63; 66; 147; 210.

Carmagnole, the, 130.

Carnot the revolutionary Von Moltke.

133. 134, 191-

Catastrophe, 225, 240, 241.

^55



>S6



INDEX.



Centre, the, 94.

Chamberlain, 248.

Champ de Mars, massacre on, 62.

Charles I., 15, 16, 37.

Charpentier, Mademoiselle, 27.

Chartist party, why it failed, 220.

Chaumette, 57, 181.

Children concerning the collectivity

more than the parents, 166, 233.
Chinese fable, 54.

Choice spirits from all classes, 249, 250.
Christianity, 10; anti-social, 212.
Church property, 53.
Church vs. the State, 232.
Citizens, "active" and "passive," 56.
Class movement, how far Collectivism

is a, 250.
Cloots, Baron de, 57, 58, 93, 95.
Club of Cordeliers, 28 ; 56 ; 66 ; of

Jacobins, 58.
Code, 169.
Colbert, 30.

Collectivists, 238, 244, 245, 246.
Collectivity, 242.
Committee on Clemency, 184 ; of

Public Welfare instituted, 114; 131 ;

143, 144 ; giving power back to Con-
vention, 209.
Commonwealth of mankind, 211.
Commune of Paris, 62 ; 244.
Communism a failure, 217.
Competent, 147 ; 243.
Competition, 156; 223, 225.
Comte, Auguste, 3; 216.
Condorcet, appreciation of Danton,

78; 143; 145; 150 ; appreciation of

Robespierre, 207.
Confidence of the people, 48, 49.
Conspiracy by King and Queen, 71.
Constituent Assembly. See National

Assembly.
Constitution, British, 20; 39; 54;

French, of '91, 54; of '93, 143; of

'95, 214.



Constitutional Convention of United
States, 54.

Contractors, no; 114; 214.

Convention, the National, under Gi-
rondin rule, 96 ; 100 ; under Jacobirr
rule, and influenced by Danton, 126,
132, 136, 140; 142, 143. '46, 148.
149. 150. 15I) »55> 157. 162, 163,
166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173,
175 ; under Jacobin rule, an4 influ-
enced by Hebert and Robespierre,
179, iSo, 192, 20S, 2og ; once more
under plutocratic rule, 214; dis-
solves, 215.

Co-operation, growth in, 14; social,

243-
Co-operative Commonwealth, 4, 244.
Co-operative farming, 230.
Co-operative stores, 229.
Cordelier., the Old, 185.
Counter-Revolution, 37; 39; 40; 156,

157-

Countess of Lichtcnau, S7.

Country, our, a link joining us to
humanity, 124.

Crash, of feudal system, 42 ; of pres-
ent system, 225, 240, 250.

Cremieux, 244.

Crisis, 225.

Critical periods, 14.

Cruelty in Parisians, 90, 180, iS6-

Dans le Neant, 204.

Danton, Georges Jacques, the atlas
of the Revolution, 4 ; his kind to
br encouraged, 6 ; his youth, 25,
2 ' , 27, 28, 29 ; enters the Revolu-
tion Oct. 6, 1789, 48; as agitator,
56; keeps the King by force from
St. Cloud, 59 ; as the first republi-
can, 60 ; goes to England, 63 ; the
leader of Aug. 10, 73 ; addresses
the Marseillais, 76 ; becomes minis-
ter, 78 ; organizes opposition to in-



INDEX.



257



vasion, Si ; domiciliary visits, 82 ;
infusing self-confidence, 85 ; bribes
the Countess of Lichtenau, 87;
France out of danger, SS ; guiltless
of September massacre, 89 ; de-
spises Marat, 93 ; a member of
Convention, 94; goes to Belgium
first time, 96 ; goes to Belgium sec-
ond time, loi ; addresses Convention
on crisis in Belgium, 104 ; on in-
vading Holland, 105 ; on Revolution-
ary Tribunal, 107 ; goes to Belgium
the third time, 112; address on
Committee of Public Welfare, 114;
" do not mutilate the Convention,"
117 ; directs the insurrection of May
31, 118; as a statesman, 119; re-
verses the war policy, 121 ; combats
Federalism, 123; his own policy,
125 ; eulogizes Paris, 126; institutes
the Absolute Government, 123; the
levy en masse, 131 ; his resignation,
136; as a politico-economist, 150;
a uniform maximum, 153 ; liberates
debtors, 157; land for maimed sol-
diers, 160; the Law of Forty Sous,
161, 202; on education, 164; in
favor of compulsory education, 166 ;
on the clergy, 169 ; on woman's
right to property, 171 ; abolition of
slavery, 171 ; opportunism, 173 ; his
hopes, 176 ; as to the " Law of Sus-
pects," 179 ; hatred of Hebert, 180 ;
leave of absence, 181 ; at his home,
182; pity, 183; last address, 186;
sayings, 191; trial, 192; on the
cart, 193; on the scaffold, 194; dis-
interested, 196 ; if married to Mad-
ame Roland, 200 ; as a rhetorician,
200 ; on religion, 204 ; his work fin-
ished by Bonaparte, 218 ; what might
have been, 219, 220.

Danton, Madame, 76; 103; 200.

Darkness and Dawn, 66.



David, bust of Marat, 127.
Decadies, 172.
Democracy, 114; true, 243.
Desmouhns, Camille, 57 ; 93 ; demands

clemency, 183; 185, 194.
Desmoulins, Lucile, 74; 194; 206.
Diderot, 21 ; 22 ; his atheism, 23,

204.
Directory, all regicides, 215.
Discontent, 237; 251.
Distribution in the future, 230.
Domiciliary visits, 82.
Drama of history, 13; 14; 15; 242;

243-
Drumont, Edouard, 221 ; 244.
Dumouriez, 71 ; 81 ; SS ; 96; 103 ; 105 ;

112 ; his excuse, 113.
Duport, Adrian, 91.
Duty, I ; 250.

EdGEWORTH, Abbe, 97.

Educated minds, 250.

Education, introduced by Jacobins,
164; as a step of evolution, 233.

Egalite, Philip, 60, 93, 180.

Eliot, George, 205.

Encyclopjedia, 21, 22, 23, 29.

Emerson, 9.

Emigration, 42.

Episode, 213.

Equality, before the law, 53 ; Robes-
pierre's shibboleth, 210; true, 211.

Evolution, in history, 13 ; to be obeyed,
215; destructive, 240; construc-
tive, 241.

Exchange, closed, 161 ; re-opened,
214.

Fabre D'EGLANTINE, 57, 93,

171, 187.
Factory Acts, 233.
Faith, 252.
Famine, 214.
Federalism, 123.



■58



INDEX.



P'estival, of the Federation, 49, 50 ;

of Aug. 10, 131 ; of "the Supreme

Being," 208.
Foreign markets, 225.
Fox, 107.

Fraternity, 12, 141, 157.
Free competition, 52; untrammelled,

214.
Freedom, 7.
French language made universal by

Jacobins, 166.
Freron, 57.
Friendship, true, 251.
Fructidor, 215.

GaRAT, 116; iiS; 180.

Garrison, 43.

Gazette de France, 98.

Genius, 211.

George, Henry, 175.

German Collectivism, 240.

Gide, Professor Charles, 225.

Girondins, 70; 94; 115; first " muti-
lating " the Convention, 117; sus-
pended, 118; 127; 144; 146; 148,
177, 178 ; 180 ; return to power,
213.

Gladstone, 10, 247.

God, 204.

"God's mysterious text," 142, 175.

" God wills it," 252.

Godin, 160, 175.

Golden Age, the, 251.

Graham, Cunningham, 248.

Great Ledger, the, 163.

Guaranties, constitutional, of robberies,
215, 218, 219.

Guesde, Jules, 245.

Guilds, 22 ; abolished, 30, 44.

Handwriting on the waii,
223.

Hatred of French working classes for
bourgeoisie, 69 ; 1 74 ; 220 ; 246.



Hebert, his kind to be repressed, 6:57;
59; 68; 121; 169; 170; Hebertism,
176, 177, 178, 179, iSo, 181; 1S5;
186.

Hebrew example, iS.

Herault de Sechelles, 93; 118; 131;

139; 187; 193; 194-
Herbert, Auberon, 178.
Hero-worship, 210.
History, what it is, 11. \

Hoche, Gen., 215; 217.
Hugo, Victor, i ; 140; 142; his novel

Ninety-Three, 196; 238.
Humanity, 124; 144.
Hyde Park demonstration, 246.
Hypothesis, 3; 4.
Hysterics, 72 ; "jt,; 89.

Immortality, 205.

Incorruptible, the, 206.
Individualism, 44 ; 226.
Insurance companies, 230.
Interest legalized, 52.
Interstate Commerce Act, 234.
Invasion, "Ji, 88.

Jacobin club, 58; convention.

See National Convention.
James, Henry, sen., 12.
Jews of France, 221, 244.
Johnson, Dr., 211.
Jones, Lloyd, 230.
June 17, 17S9, 34.
June 2, 1793, "8.

July 14, 17S9, 41 ; anniversary of, 49.
July 28, 1794, 209.

King, a, is he necessary, 60.
Krapotkin, Pierre, 181.

Lafayette, 62, 79, 197, 199.

Land, land, 214.
Lavoisier, 210.
Law, 12.



INDEX.



259



Leaders, 73, 74; 138. See also 211.

Ledger, the Great, 163.

Legendre, 57, 192.

Legion of Honor, 217.

Legislative Body, 70, 91, 93.

Leisure for all, 243.

Lepelletier, 99 ; loi ; 164.

Liberty, 7, 8,9, 12, 45; Desmoulins

on, 184.
Life, the true, 251.
Lindet, Robert, 191.
Locke, 1 8, 24.
Lotteries, 214.
Louis XVL, 26 ; 30 ; 41 ; 47 ; 59 ; 60,

63 ; conspiracy by, 71, ']'] ; executed,

97.
Louis XVin., 215, 218.
Louis Philippe, 219, 220.

Maimed soldiers, i6o.

Mallet du Pan, 72.
Mallock, William H., 271.
Malon, Benoit, 245.
Malouet, 46.
Mandat, 75, 76.

Marat, his kind to be repressed, 6157;
63 ; 78 ; 88 ; his portrait by himself,

92,93; "3i 117; 127-


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