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George Lyttelton Lyttelton.

The works of George Lord Lyttelton : formerly printed separately: and now first collected together, with some other pieces never before printed (Volume 3) online

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^Bibrarg,




N THE CUSTODY OF THE

BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY.



i SHELF N°




♦ ADAMS




L O



L YTTE LTON's



ISCELLANEOUS



VOL. III.



t H E



WORKS

O F

GEORGE LORD LtTTELTON^

FORMERLY PRINTED SEPARATELY:
AND NOW FIRST COLLECTED TOGETHER*

WITH
SOME OTtfER PIECES NEVER BEFORE MINTED*,
PUBLISHED BY

GEORGE EDWARD AYSCOUGH, Esq*

THETHIRD EDITION.
TO WHICH IS ADDED A GENERAL INDEX;
VOL, Iff*




LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. DODSLEY, IN PALL-MALt*

MDCCLXXVU



«... I' "*



CO NT E N T S



OF



THE THIRD VOLUME.



FOUR SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT,

printed from Manufcripts of the late
Lord Lyttelton, communicated by Wil-
liam Henry Lyttelton, Efq; p. i — 47
1 . Speech upon the Scotch Bill, p. 5

2. upon the Mutiny Bill, p. 1 8

2^ upon the Repeal of the Jew Bill,

4, *«■» — in the Houfe of Lords, con-
cerning Privilege of Parliament, p. 37

POEMS, p. 49— 2oi

The Progrefs of Love, In Four Eclogues,

P- 53—7Z
Vol III. h l.Ui^



VI



CONTENTS.

x. Uncertainty. To Mr. Pope. p. 53

2. Hope. To Mr. Doddington. p. 58

3. Jealoufy. To Mr. Edward Walpole.

p. 63

4. Pofleffion. To Lord Cobham. p. 68
Soliloquy of a Beauty in the Country,

P-73
Blenheim, written at the Univerfity of

Oxford, in the Year 1727, p. j6

To the Rev. Dr. Ayfcough, at Oxford,

written from Paris, in the Year 1728,

p. 84
To Mr. Poyntz, Ambaffador at the Con-

grefs of SoiflTonSj written in 1728,

p. 90
Verfes to be written under a, Pi&ure of

Mr. Poyntz, p. 95

An Epiftle toJMr. Pope, from Rome, 1730,

¥•97
To Lord Hervey, in the Year 1730, from

Worcefterfhire, p. 10 1

Advice to a Lady, 1731, p. 105

Song, written in 1732, p. 112

. 1733, ^ p. 114

Damon and Delia, in Imitation of Ho-
race and Lydia, written in the Year
1732, p. n6
1 Ode,



CONTENTS. vii

Ode, in Imitation of Paftor Fido (0

primavera gioventu del Anno) written

abroad in 1 729, p. 1 16

Parts of an Elegy of Tibullus, tranf-

lated in 1729-30, p. 121

Song, written in 1732, p. 125

Verfes written at Mr. Pope's Houfe at

Twickenham, which he had lent to

Mrs. G lie, in Auguft, 1735, p. 126

Epigram, p. 127

To Mr. Weft, at Wickham, written in
the Year 1740, p. 128

To Mifs Lucy Fcrtefcue, p. 129

To the fame, with Hammond's Elegies,

p. 130

To the fame, p. 1 3 1

To the fame, V- l l z

A Prayer to Venus, in her Temple at

Stowe. To the fame, p. 134

To the feme, on her pleading Want of

Time, p. 136

To the fame, p. 138

To the fame, p. 139

To the fame, with a new Watch, p. 140

An irregular Ode, written at Wickham,

in 1746, To the fame, p. 141

b 2 To



viii CONTENT S.

To the Memory of the fame Lady, a

Monody, 1747, p. 144

Verfes, making Part of an Epitaph on

the fame Lady, p. 157

The Fourth Ode of the Third Book of

Horace, written at Oxford, 1725, p. 160
Virtue and Fame, to the Countefs of Egre-

mont, p. 166

Addition, Extempore, by Lord Hardwicke,

p. 169
Letter to Earl Hardwicke, occafioned by

the foregoing Verfes, p. 170

On reading Mifs Carter's Poems in Ma-

nufcript, p. 172

Mount Edgecumbe, p. 174

Invitation. To the Dutchefs Dowager

d'Aiguillon, V' l 7&

To Colonel Drumgold, p. 177

On Good-Humour, written at Eaton-
School, p. 179
Some additional Stanzas to Aftolfo's

Voyage to the Moon, in Ariofto, p. 1 80
To a young Lady, with the Tragedy of

Venice Preferved, p. 184

Elegy, p. 187

2 Infcription



CONTENTS. xm

Infcription for a Buft of Lady Suffolk,
defigned to be fet up in a Wood at Stowe,
1732, ' p. 188

Sulpicia to Cerinthus, in her Sicknefs,
from Tibullus, (fent to a Friend in a
Lady's Name,) p. 1 89

Sulpicia to Cerinthus, p. 190

Cato's Speech to Labienus, in the Ninth
Book of Lucan, p. 1 9 1

To Mr. Glover, on his Poem of Leoni-
das, written in the Year 1734* p. 193

To William Pitt, Efq; on his lofing his
Commiflion, in the Year 1736, p. 197

Prologue to Thomfon's Coriolanus, fpoken
by Mr. Quin, p. 198

Epilogue to Lillo's Elmerick> p. 20 r

LETTERS TO SIR T. LYTTELTON,

p. 203—327

Letter 1. 205

11* 209

111. 210

TV. 212

v. 214

VI. 216

vii. 249

VIII. 220

tetter



CONTENTS,


Letter ix.


2?3


X.


230


XI.


233


XII.


234


XIII.


237


XIV.


239


XV.


242


XVI,


245


XVII.


248


XVII U


253


XIX.


*ss


XX.


258


XXI.


260


XXII.


263


XXIII.


267


XXIV*


269


XXV.


272


XXVI.


284


XXVII.


287


XXVIII.


290


XXIX.


293


XXX.


296


XXXI.


298


XXXII,


300


XXXIII,


302


XXXIV,


3°4




Letter



C N T


E N T S.


Letter xxxv.


3°?


XXXVI.


310


XXXVII.


31a


XXXVIII.


3*4


XXXIX.


316


XL.


318


XLI.


320


XL 1 1.


323


XLIII.


326


TWO LETTERS TO MR. BOWER.




p. 32$—352


Letter i.


33i



IX



"• 344



FOUR



FOUR

SPEECHES

I N

PARLIAMENT:

PRINTED FROM
Manufcripts of the late Lord LYTTELTON;

COMMUNICATED BY
WILLIAM HENRY LYTTELTON, Efq;



Vol. III. B



C 3 3

\*s v*.' w vt/ Vi' Vi* Vi' V-^

I.
S P E E C H

UPON

THE SCOTCH BILL*

In tlie Year 1747."

Mr. Speaker*

IF it could ever be probable that any bill
of great national confequence, efpecially
one, iri which not only the national intereft,
but many particular interefts are alfo con-
cerned, fhduld pafs through the houfe with-
out a debate, I fhould have thought this
would have done fo ; beeaufe none was ever
more univerfally called for by the voice of
the nation, none has ever undergone a longer
or deeper ctofideration before it came into
the houfe, or been confidered by abler men,
or with a more attentive and candid regard to
any material objections. However, Sir, not-
withftanding thefe circumftances, I did ex-
f>e&, that, in the committee, fome difference .

B 2 <b£



SPEECH UPON THE

of opinion would happen about particular
parts of it ; and indeed I rather wifhed that
there might, becaufe an affair of fo ieripus a
nature cannot be too carefully and flriclly ex-
amined ; and becaufe, if there are faults in
the bill, I fincerely defire they may be
fnended. But, Sir, I did not expedfc, I arri
extremely furprized, that it fhould be oppofed
upon the principle -, that it fhould be oppofed
as a breach of the Union ; and my concern is
equal to my furprize. Next to the breaking
of the Union, I hardly know a greater misfor-
tune that can befall the united kingdom, than
to have it fuggefted that it is broken, and to
have that fuggeftion prevail in the minds of
the people of Scotland. It is a fuggeftion in
which the enemies of Scotland and England
will find their account, the friends cannot ;
and, as I think it intirely grounlefs, I do
moft heartily grieve and lament that it has
ever received any countenance here. God be
thanked, they who are at the head of the
law in Scotland have other notions upon this
matter.

In the return made by the court of feflion
to the houfe of lords concerning the heretable
jurifdiclions, this is the manner in which
they exprefs their fenfe upon that point :
" Thele iurifdi&ions, by the treaty of Union,
are fecured to the proprietors as rights of
property, and therefore cannot, without due
jatisfaBion made to the owners, be taken from

them/'"



SCOTCH BILL. 1747.

them." If therefore due fatisfa£tion be made
to the owners, it is the opinion of the lords
of the feffion, that thefe jurifdi&ions may be
taken away, without any infringement of the
treaty of Union ; and that is the principle
upon which this bill intirely proceeds : no
jurifdi&ions arp taken away by it, without
due fatisfa&ion made to the owners. Where
then is the wrong, where is the violation
of the pafita convent a between the two
nations? Sir, I have confidered the treaty
of Union with all the attentiqn and care
that I poffibly could, ftartled py the ob-
jections made by fqme perfonsf^ for whofe
judgement and love to their country I have
the higheft regard and refpeit : but I proteft,
that, after the ftriSeft examination, there
does not remain in my mind the lead: appre-
hension, or fhadow of doubt, that it can be
infringed by our pafling this bill. The
eighteenth and twentieth articles are all that
relate to the matter before you ; by the
eighteenth, a diflinftion is made between the
laws that concern publick right, policy, and
civil government, and thofe that concern
private rights: the firft are declared to be
alterable by parliament, the. latter not, except
it be for the evident utility of the people of
Scotland. Now, Sir, not to infill: on any
difference between the laws that concern
publick rights and private rights, but allow-
ing th ; s article extends alike to the fecuring
of both from being altered by parliament ;

B 3 yet



3 SPEECH UPON THE

yet frill the exception contained in the fame
article, " that it may be done for the evi-
dent utility of the fubjects in Scotland," is
fully fufficient, according to my underftand-
ing, to vindicate this alteration from being
andnfringement of the treaty of Union. Nor
can any diftincTion be made between this fort
of property and any other exifting in Scot-
land, but that the publick is more affected
by this than by any other. As to the twen-
tieth article, the intention and purport of
it appears to me to be plainly this, That
whereas thefe jurifdiftions and fuperiorities
are of a mixed nature, and might well be
fuppofed to concern policy and civil government,
rtnd fo to be alterable by parliament, even
without compenfation made to -the owners ;
they were declared by this article to be rights
of property v in order to put them upon the
iame foot with other private rights ; and to
fecure an equivalent to the proprietors, in cafe
they mould be afterwards taken away by the
wiidom of parliament ; a cafe that was eaiy to
be forefeen, becaufe the inconvenience and
evil arifing from thefe jurifdictions had been
pointed out more than once, even by par-
liament, before the Union ; and becaufe, till
this is done, I will venture to fay, the fcheme
of the Union,- in all the beneficial, purpofes of
it, will not be intirelyand fully conipleated.
In the very words of this article a power of
making this alteration is clearly implied. The

. ; . / . *. . her et able.



SCOTCH BILL. 1747,

her et able jurif dictions and fuperiorities are there
referved to the owners thereof, as rights of
property ; but, in what manner? Why in the
fame manner as they were then enjoyed by the
laws of Scotland. Now, Sir, by the laws of
Scotland, could not the Scotch parliament,
before the Union, have altered this property,
as well as all other property, upon due com-
penfation made to the owners, for the good
of the publiek ? They certainly could ; and
therefore fubject to the fame power, of alter-
ation by parliament, they are declared to be
now held and enjoyed. If the treaty of Union
had eftablifhed a property that could not be
fubjec~t to fuch alteration upon fuch grounds,
it muft at the fame time have eftablifhed a
maxim fundamentally contrary to the firfl
principle of ail civil fociety, and intirely de-
ftructive to it; this moft prepofterous maxim,
that the good of the publiek ought to give way
to private advantage. But fuch an abfurdity
cannot be charged upon the legiflators of two
fuch wife nations as England and Scotland^
Indeed, Sir, in no ftate upon the face of the
earth, ever w T as there a property, or ever can
there be any, which may not be altered or
taken away, upon proper amends made to
the proprietors, for the good of the whole.
Even the property of our kings themfelves
has not been exempt from this general rule.
The wardihip of thofe who held of the crown,
|hat is, of all the nobility and gentry of

B ^. England^



8 SPEECH UPON THE

England, was a property fixed in our kings,
even from the time of William the Con-
queror; it was an hereditary, lucrative right
of the crown ; and yet, for the good of the
people, becaufe it was thought to be hurt-
ful to them, the parliament took it away,
upon an equivalent paid to the crown. Did
any man ever fuppofe that this adl: of par-
liament was an injuftice, or any breach of
the original compact between the king and
the people, a compact as binding and invio-
lable as the padta convent a of the Union it-
felf ? Was it ever confidered, I fay, as a vio-
lation of that, or as any affront to the royal
dignity? No, it was never fo thought of by
the moft zealous aflertor of the rights of the
crown. What! then, is the property of the
barons of Scotland of a more facred nature,
or is their honour more tender, than that of
the king? Give me leave to obferve to you,
that this right of.wardihip was taken away
in the very firft year of king Charles the
Second's government, before he had made
any ill ufe of thofe powers: but, as the
powers themfelves were judged to be hurtful,
it was not confidered in whofe hands they
were lodged, nor what ufe was made of
them at: that particular time. The wifdom
of parliament looked to futurity, and thought
it expedient to buy off and to abrogate this
ancient, undoubted, hereditary right of the
crown, not from any complaint of a prefent
, ... abufe



SCOTCH BILL. 1747.

abufe of it, but becaufe it had been abufed ia
former times, and might be again. Sir, it is
laid, thefe jurifdidlions were not any caufe of
the late rebellion in Scotland, for that the
proprietors of them were all firm and loyal
on the fide of the government : that is a fact
which I believe may be controverted ; but I
will not difpute it, becaufe, if it be not uni-
verfally true, it is certainly fo with regard to
the far greater part ; the far greater part
were, without queftion, firmly and zealoufly
attached to the government, and I think they
deferve the higheft returns of honour and
gratitude from their king and their country.
JvFo man can deteft more than I do the falfe,
feditious, and fcandalous libels, breathed from
the'malignant fpirit of Jacobitifm, under the
malk of zeal for the government, which have
imputed to them, or to the Scotch nation in
general,' any difloyalty or difaffection. Cer-
tain I am,' that nothing can be further from
the true intent and meaning of this bill, than
to throw any colour of blame on their con-
duct It is a bill of prevention, and not of
punifihment ; a bill of general policy, that
does not aim at particular perfons, but con-
fiders the whole, confiders pad times, and
future, as well as the prefent. Sir, if I am
rightly informed, in the year 171 5, all thefe
jurifdiclions were not on the fide of the
government ; the weight of many of them
was felt very dangeroufly on the fide of re-
>• <• ■- i bellion.



io SPEECHUPONTHE

hellion. I admit that, in general, it was
ptherwife now : but to argue from thence
againft this bill, would be to reafbn upon
very fhort views. If there be in the nature
of thefe jurifdictions, as I am ftrongly con-
vinced that there are, any fuch powers as are
inconfiftent with the good order of govern-
ment, inconfiftent with that found policy
which carries the majefty and juftice of the
crown into every part of the ftate, and prefents
to the eye of the fubject no other object for his
obedience, no other executive power, no
other fountain of juftice, except the king ;
if there be any thing in thefe regalities,
fuperiorities, and jufifdiclions, or in the au-
thority ufurped and exercifed in imitation of
thefe by the chiefs of the clans, which con-
tradicts this great principle of that confti-
tution under which we are fo happy to live,
which in any degree interpofes itfelf between
the crown and the people, between the head
of the commonwealth and the members,
however the influence of fuch irregular
powers may have been ufed on the prefent oc-
cafion, there is in the powers themfelves a root
of danger, which it becomes the prudence and
foreiight of a wife legiflature not to allow to
remain. Sir, it mould be plucked up, not
with a violent hand, but with a firm and a
determined one. Of this I am fure, that it
is more for the honour of government, mQre
for the welfare and fafety of the people, to
fee effects in their caufes, and to deftroy the

feed^



SCOTCH BILL. 1747- II

feeds of future commotions, than to wait till
they come to that fatal maturity, which, at
the fame time that it renders the evil more
plain and apparent, may wholly difable you
from effecting the cure. I remember a fine
panegyrick, made by the lord Bacon, upon
the laws of Henry the Seventh. '* His laws
(fays he) were deep, and not vulgar; not
made upon the fpur of a prefent expediency,
but with providence for the future." All
thefe admirable words may with great juftice
and truth be applied to the bill now under
your confideration. It is a law that is deep,
and not vulgar : it is not made upon the meer
fpur of a prefent expediency, on account of the
late rebellion alone, or for the purpofes of
this prefent year, but with providence for the
future. I may alfo add, as my lord Bacon
does, f after the example of ancient times. It
was the policy of king Henry the Seventh,
one of the ableft princes that ever fat on the
Englifh throrie, to break the power of the
barons, and free the people from the yoke of
it, as much as he poffibly could: to the
confequentiai effect's of that policy rightly
purfued by his fuccefibrs, upon the foun-
dations which he had laid, is owing the
trade, the wealth, and the liberty, that the
Englifh nation enjoys at this day. Sir, I
have heard with no little wonder an imagi-?
nation thrown out by fome honourable gentle-
men zealous for liberty, as if the. purchafing
^ ' thele



r« SPEECH UPON THE

thefe jurifdicYions and fuperiorities out of the
hands of the prefent pofleffors, and the re-
ftoring them back again to the crown, would
be detrimental to publick freedom. Sir, I
have thought, and read, a good deal upon
the nature of government ; and, from the
refult of that application, I think I may
venture to lay it down as a maxim, that,
in every kingdom, where any great powers,
cfpecially of judicature, are lodged in par-
ticular fubje&s independently of the crown, it
is for the good of the people that they mould
be taken out of thofe hands, 2nd lodged in
the crown. The conteft in that cafe is not,
as thefe honourable perfons feem to apprehend,
between the crown on the one fide, and the
people on the other ; but between the crown
and the people united together in one com-
mon caufe againft the intereft of thofe in whom
fuch powers are veiled, which is an intereft
diftinft from both, and hurtful to both :
in other words, it is not a difpute between
liberty and prerogative, but between op-
prefiion and government. This is fo true,
that in no one of the many Gothick con-
ftitutions ertablifhed in Europe, did ever the
people attain to any confiderable fhare, either
of wealth, or power, or freedom, till they
were emancipated from fuch jnrifdictions,
and till all the powers of the great feudal
lords, thofe petty tyrants, too potent for
fubjedts, too weak for fovereigns ; who were

ftrone



SCOTCH BILL. 1747. 13

ftrong enough to opprefs, but not ftrong
enough to protect ; till all their powers were
entirely abforbed in the more beneficial and
falutary power of the crown. Indeed, Sir,
in every limited monarchy, that is, in a free
government which has a king at the head of
it, the power of the crown, when acting
properly within its due bounds^ reftrained
and confined by law and by parliament, is
the power of the whole commonwealth. — It
is not an intereft fet up in the king in
contradiftinction to that of his people ; no,
the power of the crown is only a name for
the executive part of the government -, it is
the vigour and energy of the whole ftate that
acts in thefe cafes, though, in the ftyle and
language of the law, it be called the act of
the crown. This is particularly true in
matters of judicature, and the adminiftration
of juftice : That is a power, which it is fo
much the intereft of the whole common-
wealth to place in the crown, that, when
a king diverts himfelf of it, or gives up
any part of it, he fo far withdraws the
protection he owes to his fubjecls, and
loofens the bond of their allegiance, Will
you not hear my caufe ? (faid a fuitor for
juftice to Philip of Macedon) ,why then you
are not my king! Philip allowed the force
of his reafoning, and confirmed him his
fubjecl by hearing his caufe. If he had
referred him to a great lord, to an here-
ditary



i% SPEECH UPON THE

clitary judge, the man would have taken
that lord for his king. — It is in the dif-
penfing of juftice, in the protecting of right;
and redreffing of wrongs, that the royal
Authority beft appears to the fubject. It
Is in that view of it, that it excites his
veneration and love ; arid when any part o f f
the people do not fee their fovereign hi
that aweful character, they are apt to forget
him, and turn their eyes another way.
- Therefore the wifdorri of our cohftitution
Ms made all jurifdidliori immediately flow
from the crown. Sir, extend that wifdoiti
to Scotland ; let none be exer,cifed in the
moil diftant corner of thefe regal dominions,
at lead ill matters of any important regard
and concernment, and where unmrmountable
difficulties do not prevent an alteration ; let
no jurifdiclion, I fay, be exercifed, other-
wife than in the name of the king, and
by virtue of his com million alone. This
is an eternal maxim of policy : it is not
taken up from any fudden heat or refentment,
but upon cool and mature deliberation. — I
hope it will not be laid down, becaufe of
any fudden heat or refentment ariffng againft
it, without a juft of reafbnable caufe. Such
refentment cannot be lafting : timb and ex-
perience will overcome it; but the great,
benefits, that will arife from this bill, if
it fhall pais into a law, the good influence
that it will have over the whole Britifh

ftate/



SCOTCH BILL. 1747; 15

Hate, will laft, I hope, to the lateft pofterity;
Can there be any thing more advantageous
to the fubjecl: in Scotland, can there be a
better or happier fruit of the Union, than
an entire communication of the generous*
free, and noble plan of the law of England,
in the room of thofe fervile tenures and
cuftoms, which deform the fyftem of go-
vernment there; and, by the effe&s that
they have over thsft part of the people which
is lead civilized and mail prone to diforder*
difturb the peace, and endanger the fafetyy
of the whole constitution ? When this is
done, when thefe thorns are once rooted up,
the way will be open to many other im-
provements, to the introduction of arts, of
manufactures, of induftry, of all the virtues
and fweets of civil life, even in the wildeft
parts of that country. But all thefe bleflings
muft be the gifts of good government : before
you cart hope to make thofe people good
fubjefts, or ufeful to you in any refpect,
you muft firft mew them w T hofe Subjects
they are ; before they can be mended by
the inftrucl'ions of government, they mult
be protected by the power and care of it.
Authority and juftiee muft take the lead in
this great work of reformation ; difcipline*
peace, and civility, will follow after.

Sir, the matter before you is of fo very
extenfive a nature, it mi^ht be fhewn to
you in fo many lights of general policy,,



16 SPEECH UPON THE

ib many authorities might be alledged in
fupport of it, out of all hiftories ancient
and modern, and from the beft and moft
famous writers upon the laws of nature
and nations, that I mould weary your pa-
tience, which has already indulged me too
long, if I were to fay half that occurs to
me upon this fubje£t. I have purpofely
avoided the considering of any objection s made
to particular parts of the bill : that will be
better done in the committee ; it is not
proper to do it here. I hope that it will
not be neceffary to fay any thing more, in
order to mew what this bill is not ; that
it is not a breach of the Union, that it
is not an act of injuftice, that it is not an
inflidion of penalties on the innocent and
well-deferving. Allow me juft to fum up,
in a few very words, what I think that it is.
It is a bill to fecure and perfed the Union;
to carry the juftice of the king into every
part of the united kingdom, and, together
with that royal juftice, a more fettled peace,
a more regular order, a furer protection, a
clofer and ftronger bond of allegiance ; to
put an end to all thofe dependencies that
combine men together, not as the fubjecls of
the fame king, or fellow-citizens of the


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Online LibraryGeorge Lyttelton LytteltonThe works of George Lord Lyttelton : formerly printed separately: and now first collected together, with some other pieces never before printed (Volume 3) → online text (page 1 of 17)