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races of Africa are pre-eminently fighters. To them the law of the
stronger is supreme; they have been conquered, and in turn they conquered.
To them the fierce, warlike spirit inherent in Mohammedanism is infinitely
more attractive than is the gentle, peace-loving, high moral standard of
Christianity: hence, the rapid headway the former is making in central
Africa, and the certainty that it will soon spread to the south of the
Zambezi."[53]

The way in which Islam is marching southward is dramatically shown by a
recent incident. A few years ago the British authorities suddenly
discovered that Mohammedanism was pervading Nyassaland. An investigation
brought out the fact that it was the work of Zanzibar Arabs. They began
their propaganda about 1900. Ten years later almost every village in
southern Nyassaland had its Moslem teacher and its mosque-hut. Although
the movement was frankly anti-European, the British authorities did not
dare to check it for fear of repercussions elsewhere. Another interesting
fact, probably not unconnected, is that Nyassaland has lately been the
theatre of an anti-white "Christian" propaganda - the so-called "Ethiopian
Church," of which I shall presently speak.

Islam has thus two avenues of approach to the African negro - his natural
preference for a militant faith and his resentment at white tutelage. It
is the disinclination of the more martial African peoples for a pacific
creed which perhaps accounts for Christianity's slow progress among the
very warlike tribes of South Africa, such as the Zulus and the Matabele.
Islam is as yet unknown south of the Zambezi, but white men universally
dread the possibility of its appearance, fearing its effect upon the
natives. Of course Christianity has made distinct progress in the Dark
Continent. The natives of the South African Union are predominantly
Christianized. In east-central Africa Christianity has also gained many
converts, particularly in Uganda, while on the West African Guinea coast
Christian missions have long been established and have generally succeeded
in keeping Islam away from the seaboard. Certainly, all white men, whether
professing Christians or not, should welcome the success of missionary
efforts in Africa. The degrading fetishism and demonology which sum up the
native pagan cults cannot stand, and all negroes will some day be either
Christians or Moslems. In so far as he is Christianized, the negro's
savage instincts will be restrained and he will be disposed to acquiesce
in white tutelage. In so far as he is Islamized, the negro's warlike
propensities will be inflamed, and he will be used as the tool of Arab
Pan-Islamism seeking to drive the white man from Africa and make the
continent its very own.

As to specific anti-white sentiments among negroes untouched by Moslem
propaganda, such sentiments undoubtedly exist in many quarters. The
strongest manifestations are in South Africa, where interracial relations
are bad and becoming worse, but there is much diffused, half-articulate
dislike of white men throughout central Africa as well. Devoid though the
African savage is of either national or cultural consciousness, he could
not be expected to welcome a tutelage which imposed many irksome
restrictions upon him. Furthermore, the African negro does seem to possess
a certain rudimentary sense of race-solidarity. The existence of both
these sentiments is proved by the way in which the news of white military
reverses have at once been known and rejoiced in all over black Africa;
spread, it would seem, by those mysterious methods of communication
employed by negroes everywhere and called in our Southern States
"grape-vine telegraph." The Russo-Japanese War, for example, produced all
over the Dark Continent intensely exciting effects.

This generalized anti-white feeling has, during the past decade, taken
tangible form in South Africa. The white population of the Union, though
numbering 1,500,000, is surrounded by a black population four times as
great and increasing more rapidly, while in many sections the whites are
outnumbered ten to one. The result is a state of affairs exactly
paralleling conditions in our own South, the South African whites feeling
obliged to protect their ascendancy by elaborate legal regulations and
social taboos. The negroes have been rapidly growing more restive under
these discriminations, and unpleasant episodes like race-riots, rapings,
and lynchings are increasing in South Africa from year to year.

One of the most significant, not to say ominous, signs of the times is the
"Ethiopian Church" movement. The movement began about fifteen years ago,
some of its founders being Afro-American Methodist preachers - a fact which
throws a curious light on possible American negro reflexes upon their
ancestral homeland. The movement spread rapidly, many native mission
congregations cutting loose from white ecclesiastical control and joining
the negro organization. It also soon displayed frankly anti-white
tendencies, and the government became seriously alarmed at its unsettling
influence upon the native mind. It was suspected of having had a hand in
the Zulu rising which broke out in Natal in 1907 and which was put down
only after many whites and thousands of natives had lost their lives.
Shortly afterward the authorities outlawed the Ethiopian Church and
forbade Afro-American preachers to enter South Africa, but the movement,
though legally suppressed, lived surreptitiously on and appeared in new
quarters.

In 1915 a peculiarly fanatical form of Ethiopianism broke out in
Nyassaland. Its leader was a certain John Chilembwe, an Ethiopian preacher
who had been educated in the United States. His propaganda was bitterly
anti-white, asserting that Africa belonged to the black man, that the
white man was an intruder, and that he ought to be killed off until he
grew discouraged and abandoned the country. Chilembwe plotted a rising all
over Nyassaland, the killing of the white men, and the carrying off of the
white women. In January, 1915, the rising took place. Some plantations
were sacked and several whites killed, their heads being carried to
Chilembwe's "church," where a thanksgiving service for victory was held.
The whites, however, acted with great vigor, the poorly armed insurgents
were quickly scattered, and John Chilembwe himself was soon hunted down
and killed. In itself, the incident was of slight importance, but, taken
in connection with much else, it does not augur well for the future.[54]

An interesting indication of the growing sense of negro race-solidarity
was the "Pan-African Congress" held at Paris early in 1919. Here delegates
from black communities throughout the world gathered to discuss matters of
common interest. Most of the delegates were from Africa and the Americas,
but one delegate from New Guinea was also present, thus representing the
Australasian branch of the black race. The Congress was not largely
attended and was of a somewhat provisional character, but arrangements for
the holding of subsequent congresses were made.

Here, then, is the African problem's present status: To begin with, we
have a rapidly growing black population, increasingly restive under white
tutelage and continually excited by Pan-Islamic propaganda with the
further complication of another anti-white propaganda spread by negro
radicals from America.

The African situation is thus somewhat analogous to conditions in Asia.
But the analogy must not be pressed too far. In Asia white hegemony rests
solely on political bases, while the Asiatics themselves, browns and
yellows alike, display constructive power and possess civilizations built
up by their own efforts from the remote past. The Asiatics are to-day once
more displaying their innate capacity by not merely adopting, but
adapting, white ideas and methods. We behold an Asiatic _renaissance_,
whose genuineness is best attested by the fact that there have been
similar movements in past times.

None of this applies to Africa. The black race has never shown real
constructive power. It has never built up a native civilization. Such
progress as certain negro groups have made has been due to external
pressure and has never long outlived that pressure's removal, for the
negro, when left to himself, as in Haiti and Liberia, rapidly reverts to
his ancestral ways. The negro is a facile, even eager, imitator; but
there he stops. He adopts; but he does not adapt, assimilate, and give
forth creatively again.

The whole of history testifies to this truth. As the Englishman Meredith
Townsend says: "None of the black races, whether negro or Australian, have
shown within the historic time the capacity to develop civilization. They
have never passed the boundaries of their own habitats as conquerors, and
never exercised the smallest influence over peoples not black. They have
never founded a stone city, have never built a ship, have never produced a
literature, have never suggested a creed.... There seems to be no reason
for this except race. It is said that the negro has been buried in the
most 'massive' of the four continents, and has been, so to speak, lost to
humanity; but he was always on the Nile, the immediate road to the
Mediterranean, and in West and East Africa he was on the sea. Africa is
probably more fertile, and almost certainly richer than Asia, and is
pierced by rivers as mighty, and some of them at least as navigable. What
could a singularly healthy race, armed with a constitution which resists
the sun and defies malaria, wish for better than to be seated on the Nile,
or the Congo, or the Niger, in numbers amply sufficient to execute any
needed work, from the cutting of forests and the making of roads up to the
building of cities? How was the negro more secluded than the Peruvian; or
why was he 'shut up' worse than the Tartar of Samarcand, who one day shook
himself, gave up all tribal feuds, and, from the Sea of Okhotsk to the
Baltic and southward to the Nerbudda, mastered the world?... The negro
went by himself far beyond the Australian savage. He learned the use of
fire, the fact that sown grain will grow, the value of shelter, the use of
the bow and the canoe, and the good of clothes; but there to all
appearances he stopped, unable, until stimulated by another race like the
Arab, to advance another step."[55]

Unless, then, every lesson of history is to be disregarded, we must
conclude that black Africa is unable to stand alone. The black man's
numbers may increase prodigiously and acquire alien veneers, but the black
man's nature will not change. Black unrest may grow and cause much
trouble. Nevertheless, the white man must stand fast in Africa. No black
"renaissance" impends, and Africa, if abandoned by the whites, would
merely fall beneath the onset of the browns. And that would be a great
calamity. As stated in the preceding chapter, the brown peoples, of
themselves, do not directly menace white race-areas, while Pan-Islamism is
at present an essentially defensive movement. But Islam is militant by
nature, and the Arab is a restless and warlike breed. Pan-Islamism once
possessed of the Dark Continent and fired by militant zealots, might forge
black Africa into a sword of wrath, the executor of sinister adventures.

Fortunately the white man has every reason for keeping a firm hold on
Africa. Not only are its central tropics prime sources of raw materials
and foodstuffs which white direction can alone develop, but to north and
south the white man has struck deep roots into the soil. Both extremities
of the continent are "white man's country," where strong white peoples
should ultimately arise. Two of the chief white Powers, Britain and
France, are pledged to the hilt in this racial task and will spare no
effort to safeguard the heritage of their pioneering children. Brown
influence in Africa is strong, but it is supreme only in the northeast and
its line of communication with the Asiatic homeland runs over the narrow
neck of Suez. Should stern necessity arise, the white world could hold
Suez against Asiatic assault and crush brown resistance in Africa.

In short, the real danger to white control of Africa lies, not in brown
attack or black revolt, but in possible white weakness through chronic
discord within the white world itself. And that subject must be reserved
for later chapters.




CHAPTER V

RED MAN'S LAND


Red Man's Land is the Americas between the Rio Grande and the tropic of
Capricorn. Here dwells the "Amerindian" race. At the time of Columbus the
whole western hemisphere was theirs, but the white man has extirpated or
absorbed them to north and south, so that to-day the United States and
Canada in North America and the southern portions of South America are
genuine "white man's country." In the intermediate zone above mentioned,
however, the Amerindian has survived and forms the majority of the
population, albeit considerably mixed with white and to a lesser degree
with negro blood. The total number of "Indians," including both
full-bloods and mixed types, is about 40,000,000 - more than two-thirds of
the whole population. In addition, there are several million negroes and
mulattoes, mostly in Brazil. The white population of the intermediate
zone, even if we include "near-whites," does not average more than 10 per
cent, though it varies greatly with different regions. The reader should
remember that neither the West India Islands nor the southern portion of
the South American continent are included in this generalization. In the
West Indies the Amerindian has completely died out and has been replaced
by the negro, while southern South America, especially Argentina and
Uruguay, are genuine white man's country in which there is little Indian
and no negro blood. Despite these exceptions, however, the fact remains
that, taken as a whole, "Latin America," the vast land-block from the Rio
Grande to Cape Horn, is racially not "Latin" but Amerindian or negroid,
with a thin Spanish or Portuguese veneer. In other words, though commonly
considered part of the white world, most of Latin America is ethnically
colored man's land, which has been growing more colored for the past
hundred years.

Latin America's evolution was predetermined by the Spanish Conquest. That
very word "conquest" tells the story. The United States was _settled_ by
colonists planning homes and bringing their women. It was thus a genuine
migration, and resulted in a full transplanting of white stock to new
soil. The Indians encountered were wild nomads, fierce of temper and few
in number. After sharp conflicts they were extirpated, leaving virtually
no ethnic traces behind. The colonization of Latin America was the exact
antithesis. The Spanish _Conquistadores_ were bold warriors descending
upon vast regions inhabited by relatively dense populations, some of
which, as in Mexico and Peru, had attained a certain degree of
civilization. The Spaniards, invincible in their shining armor, paralyzed
with terror these people still dwelling in the age of bronze and polished
stone. With ridiculous ease mere handfuls of whites overthrew empires and
lorded it like gods over servile and adoring multitudes. Cortez marched
on Mexico with less than 600 followers, while Pizarro had but 310
companions when he started his conquest of Peru. Of course the fabulous
treasures amassed in these exploits drew swarms of bold adventurers from
Spain. Nevertheless, their numbers were always infinitesimal compared with
the vastness of the quarry, while the proportion of women immigrants
continued to lag far behind that of the men. The breeding of pure whites
in Latin America was thus both scanty and slow.

On the other hand, the breeding of mixed-bloods began at once and attained
notable proportions. Having slaughtered the Indian males or brigaded them
in slave-gangs, the Conquistadores took the Indian women to themselves.
The humblest man-at-arms had several female attendants, while the leaders
became veritable pashas with great harems of concubines. The result was a
prodigious output of half-breed children, known as "mestizos" or "cholos."

And soon a new ethnic complication was added. The Indians having developed
a melancholy trick of dying off under slavery, the Spaniards imported
African negroes to fill the servile ranks, and since they took negresses
as well as Indian women for concubines, other
half-breeds - mulattoes - appeared. Here and there Indians and negroes mated
on their own account, the offspring being known as "zambos." In time these
various hybrids bred among themselves, producing the most extraordinary
ethnic combinations. As Garcia-Calderon well puts it: "Grotesque
generations with every shade of complexion and every conformation of
skull were born in America - a crucible continually agitated by unheard-of
fusions of races.... But there was little Latin blood to be found in the
homes formed by the sensuality of the first conquerors of a desolated
America."[56]

To be sure, this mongrel population long remained politically negligible.
The Spaniards regarded themselves as a master-caste, and excluded all save
pure whites from civic rights and social privileges. In fact, the
European-born Spaniards refused to recognize even their colonial-born
kinsmen as their equals, and "Creoles"[57] could not aspire to the higher
distinctions or offices. This attitude was largely inspired by the desire
to maintain a lucrative monopoly. Yet the European's sense of superiority
had some valid grounds. There can be no doubt that the Creole whites, as a
class, showed increasing signs of degeneracy. Climate was a prime cause in
the hotter regions, but there were many plateau areas, as in Colombia,
Mexico, and Peru, which though geographically in the tropics had a
temperate climate from their elevation.

Even more than by climate the Creole was injured by contact with the
colored races. Pampered and corrupted from birth by obsequious slaves, the
Creole usually led an idle and vapid existence, disdaining work as
servile and debarred from higher callings by his European-born superiors.
As time passed, the degeneracy due to climate and custom was intensified
by degeneracy of blood. Despite legal enactment and social taboo, colored
strains percolated insidiously into the creole stock. The leading
families, by elaborate precautions, might succeed in keeping their
escutcheons clean, but humbler circles darkened significantly despite
fervid protestations of "pure-white" blood. Still, so long as Spain kept
her hold on Latin America, the process of miscegenation, socially
considered, was a slow one. The whole social system was based on the idea
of white superiority, and the colors were carefully graded. "In America,"
wrote Humboldt toward the close of Spanish rule, "the more or less white
skin determines the position which a man holds in society."[58]

The revolution against Spain had momentous consequences for the racial
future of Latin America. In the beginning, to be sure, it was a white
civil war - a revolt of the Creoles against European oppression and
discrimination. The heroes of the revolution - Bolívar, Miranda, San
Martín, and the rest - were aristocrats of pure-white blood. But the
revolution presently developed new features. To begin with, the struggle
was very long. Commencing in 1809, it lasted almost twenty years. The
whites were decimated by fratricidal fury, and when the Spanish cause was
finally lost, multitudes of loyalists mainly of the superior social
classes left the country. Meanwhile, the half-castes, who had rallied
wholesale to the revolutionary banner, were demanding their reward. The
Creoles wished to close the revolutionary cycle and establish a new
society based, like the old, upon white supremacy, with themselves
substituted for the Spaniards. Bolívar planned a limited monarchy and a
white electoral oligarchy. But this was far from suiting the half-castes.
For them the revolution had just begun. Raising the cry of "democracy,"
then become fashionable through the North American and French revolutions,
they proclaimed the doctrine of "equality" regardless of skin.
Disillusioned and full of foreboding, Bolívar, the master-spirit of the
revolution, disappeared from the scene, and his lieutenants, like the
generals of Alexander, quarrelled among themselves, split Latin America
into jarring fragments, and waged a long series of internecine wars. The
flood-gates of anarchy were opened, the result being a steady weakening of
the whites and a corresponding rise of the half-castes in the political
and social scale. Everywhere ambitious soldiers led the mongrel mob
against the white aristocracy, breaking its power and making themselves
dictators. These "caudillos" were apostles of equality and miscegenation.
Says Garcia-Calderon: "Tyrants found democracies; they lean on the support
of the people, the half-breeds and negroes, against the oligarchies; they
dominate the colonial nobility, favor the crossing of races, and free the
slaves."[59]

The consequences of all this were lamentable in the extreme. Latin
America's level of civilization fell far below that of colonial days.
Spanish rule, though narrow and tyrannical, had maintained peace and
social stability. Now all was a hideous chaos wherein frenzied castes and
colors grappled to the death. Ignorant mestizos and brutal negroes
trampled the fine flowers of culture under foot, while as by a malignant
inverse selection the most intelligent and the most cultivated perished.

These deplorable conditions prevailed in Latin America until well past the
middle of the nineteenth century. Of course, here as elsewhere, anarchy
engendered tyranny, and strong caudillos sometimes perpetuated their
dictatorship for decades, as in Paraguay under Doctor Francia and in
Mexico under Porfirio Diaz. However, these were mere interludes, of no
constructive import. Always the aging lion lost his grip, the lurking
hyenas of anarchy downed him at last, and the land sank once more into
revolutionary chaos. Some parts of Latin America did, indeed, definitely
emerge into the light of stable progress. But those favored regions owed
their deliverance, not to dictatorship, but to race. One of two factors
always operated: either (1) an efficient white oligarchy; or (2)
Aryanization through wholesale European immigration.

Stabilization through oligarchy is best illustrated by Chile. Chilean
history differs widely from that of the rest of Latin America. A land of
cool climate, no gold, and warlike Araucanian Indians, Chile attracted
the pioneering settler rather than the swashbuckling seeker of
treasure-trove. Now the pioneering types in Spain come mainly from those
northern provinces which have retained considerable Nordic blood. The
Chilean colonists were thus largely blond Asturians or austere, reasonable
Basques, seeking homes and bringing their women. Of course there was
crossing with the natives, but the fierce Araucanian aborigines clung to
their wild freedom and kept up an interminable frontier warfare in which
the occasions for race-mixture were relatively few. The country was thus
settled by a resident squirearchy of an almost English type. This ruling
gentry jealously guarded its racial integrity. In fact, it possessed not
merely a white but a Nordic race-consciousness. The Chilean gentry called
themselves sons of the Visigoths, scions of Euric and Pelayo, who had
found in remote Araucania a chance to slake their racial thirst for
fighting and freedom.

In Chile, as elsewhere, the revolution provoked a cycle of disorder. But
the cycle was short, and was more a political struggle between white
factions than a social welter of caste and race. Furthermore, Chile was
receiving fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many English, Scotch, and
Irish gentleman-adventurers, taking part in the War of Independence,
settled down in a land so reminiscent of their own. Germans also came in
considerable numbers, settling especially in the colder south. Thus the
Chilean upper classes, always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in
ethnic character. The political and social results were unmistakable.
Chile rapidly evolved a stable society, essentially oligarchic and
consciously patterned on aristocratic England. Efficient, practical, and
extremely patriotic, the Chilean oligarchs made their country at once the
most stable and the most dynamic factor in Latin America.

The distinctly "Northern" character of Chile and the Chileans strike
foreign observers. Here, for example, are the impressions of a recent
visitor, the North American sociologist, Professor E. A. Ross. Landing at


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