M. (Paul) Rapin de Thoyras.

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' ut ur />'.' stain, Exulaaaht Cbrifti jacetdotes ac Mouacbi, quiatnoue Scotia erar.t nomims, quorum magna pars in Hebrides delata, in Jona Injtdtt jacrum

eenfiituere Ctwr.obiUtK, Set..

(0 Bedc lays, flpeaking of Jona or Hy) " This IHand is always wont to have fot its Governor the Abbot or Prelbyter, to whofe Authority all
" ihc Province, and even the Bifhops thcmfclvcs, alter an unului.l Order, ought to be fubjeft, according to the Example of their hrlr Teacher, who
" Wi never a E.ihop, but a Moak/" Beit, I. 3. c a-. The inxtt) Cbnr.ide is mote cxprel's, and fays, " Thsre mull be always in Hy an Abbot,

j " »n4



Vol. I.

Oris. Bi


F. chet
Am a,

Vlher. Brit


inT to my Calculation built upon Reafons, too long to be
inferted, in 511. Gildas wrote a Treatife entitled, De Ex-
ci iio Britannia, Of 'the DeJiruSlion of Britain, wherein lie
boldly cenfures the Britijh Princes of his Time, that is,
thofe who alter the Death of Arthur, divided the Country
into feveral petty State;. From him chiefly it is, that we
know what palled among the Britons about the Time he
wrote, in 564. There is another Hiftory, or rather Ro-
mance, under the Name of Gildas, who is by fome call'd
Albanian, and fuppos'd to be different from him lam fpeak-
ino, of. But the learned StiUingfket averts, they are Both
the Woiks of one Author, and that there was no other
Gildas but he of Badon.

Columbanus an Irijhman, Difciple of Congal Abbot of
Bangor in Ireland, pafs'd great Part of his Lite in Britain ( 1 ).
From thence going into Burgundy, he founded the Ab-
bey of Luxeuil, of which he was the fir ft Abbot. Twen-
ty Years after, Thierri King of Au/irajia, and alfool-Bw-
gnndy, banifh'd him his Dominions, for too freely cen-
tring his Conduit, and fore'd him to fly to Agilulph
Kin" of the Lombards. At length he founded near Na-
ples the Monafterv of Cobio, where he died (2).

Thefe were* the moft noted Ecclefiaftics in the Britijlj
Church, from the Arrival of the Saxons to the Retreat of
the Britons into Cambria. It is obvious we have the Names
onlv of thofe that flouriftvd in Cambria, Ireland, or Scot-
land. As for the other Parts of Britain, we know no-
thing of what pafs'd, with refpecl: to Church- Affairs. We
have not fo much as the Names of the Bifhops, except Theon
and Thadiock, Archbifhops of London and York, who were
fore'd alfo in the end to fly into Cambria. It is very likely,
all the Monuments of the Britijh Churches were deftroy'd,
where-ever the Saxons became Mafters ; and that it was not
poffible to preferve any but thofe of the Churches of Wales,
where the Saxons could never penetrate. It is cafy to ima-
gine, that the Church was in a very mournful State, whilft
the Saxons were exercifing their Fury. Thefe mercilefs Idola-

ters, a^; well out of Duty as Wantonnefs, not onlv trampled
upon every thing relating to the Cbriftian Religion, but let
loofe their Rage againft the Chriftians themlelves. Gildas
and Bede have painted out their inhuman Proceedings in f'uch
a manner, as (hows, their Barbarities were carried to the
higheft Degree imaginable. From the Eajl to thelVeJl, fay
Gildas, nothing was to be feen but Churches burnt and de- %• z i-
ylroy'd to their very Foundations. The Inhabitants were ex-
tirpated by the Sword, and buried under the Ruins of their
own Houfes. The Altars were daily prof in d by the Blood
of thofe fain thereon. Bede who was a Saxon, and there-
fore not to be fuppos'd to aggravate the Cruelties of his Coun-
trymen, exprefles himfelf thus: By the Hands of the Saxons Bed.-.
a Fire was lighted up in Britain, that fer-vd to execute the L - '•'
jujl Vengeance of God upon the wicked Britons, as he had
formerly burnt Jerulalem by the Chaldeans. The Ifland was
fo ravagd by the Conquerors or rather by the Hand of God,
making ufe of them as Injlruments, that there feem'd to be
a continued Flame from Sea to Sea, which burnt up the Ci-
ties, and covered the Surface of the whole Ifle. Publick and
private Buildings fell in one common Ruin. The Priejls
were murder d on the Altars ; the Bijhop with his Flock pe-
rijh'd by Fire and Sword, without any Dij/inclion, no one
daring to give their fcatter'd Bodies an honorable Burial.

To thefe mournful Defcriptions may be added, that the
Britons, who efcap'd the Fury of their Enemies, not find-
ing wherewithal to fubfift in the Woods and Mountains,
were fore'd at length to furrender to the Conquerors, deem-
ing themfelves happy in being able to purchafe their Lives
with the Lofs of their Liberty. Some fled into foreign
Parts, and thofe whom the Love of their native Country
kept at home, and the Dread of Slavery prevented from
fubmitting to the Saxons, dragg'd on a wretched Life, in
miferable Want and perpetual Fear. It is therefore no
wonder that the Accounts of the Britijh Church are fo im-
perfect, fince the Saxons ufed their utmoft Endeavours to
deftroy all the Monuments, that might have been preferv'd.

" and not a Biihop, and that all the Bilhops of Scotland ought to be fubjecr. to him." Hence fome have inferr'd, that Bilhops were not then thought
fo neceflary, fince the Abbot of lly, without being ordain'd Bifhop, exercis'd Epifcopal Authority over thofe that were Bilhops. To this Ujhir anfwers,
" That this Authority of the Abbots of Hy, their exercifing Jurifdiclion over the Biinops of Scotland, was a Superiority of mere Jurildiction, and not of
" Older ; and cites the Annals of Uljlir to prove that a Biihop always rtlidcd in Ily." De Brit. Ealef. Ant. c. 16. hloyd proves, that Cvlwr.la was or«
dain'd by Finean, Biihop of Mcath- c. 5.

(ij He came into Britain in the Year 589.

(2 To thefe may be added, Taliaj/in the fameus Britijh Poet, whofe Verfes are F«'(rv'd to this Day. Tyr f. 144,


_?.W 3




Concerning the mojl remarkable Events during the Heptarchy of the Anglo-Saxons,
to its Dijfolution, and the Union of the Seven Kingdoms. Contacting the Space of Tiz'Q
Hundred and Forty 'Three Tears,




H E Revolution caus'd by the Con-
queft of xheAng lo-Saxons^xntroindd
a new Face of Things in Great-
Britain. The Country formerly
inhabited by the Britons was now
pofiefs'd by Strangers. The very
Names of theTowns and Provinces
were chang'd, and the Country di-
vided in a very different Manner
from what it was by the Romans. It will therefore be requi-
site, before we proceed to the Affairs of the Anglo-Saxons
(which are to be the Subject of this third Book) briefly to
mow the State of Great-Britain after this Revolution.
ThtSiatrof Great-Britain, cantled out into frveral Kingdoms, was
fhar'd among four different Nations, namely, the Britons
or IVelJh, the Scots, the Picls, and the Anglo-Saxons. Un-
der the Britons were compriz'd all thofe Foreigners, Romar.s
or others, fettled in the Ifland ever fincc the Reign of Clau-
dius, who being incorporated with the Natives, became one
People with them. The Defcendents of thefe Foreigners
were undoubtedly very numerous, it being the conftant Po-
licy of the Romans to diminifh, as far as lay in their Power,
the Natives of a conquei'd Country, and to fend thither
large Colonies either of Veterans, or of People taken fom
their other Conqueffs. As Britain had been in their poflef-
fion four hundred Years, Aery probably tlvy had not neg-
lected, with Regard to that Ifland, a Cr.tom they pra£tis'd
every where elfe. Before they left Britain, their Colonies
wete diffinct from the Natives. But the War, carried by the
Picls and Scots into the Roman Province, after Honorius had
renoune'd his Right, and that of the Britons and Romans
fettled in the Ifland, with the Anglo-Saxons, fo confounded
them, that we don't find from thenceforward in anvHiftory
the leaff Signs of Diilinclion between the Reman Colonies
and Britijh Natives. The Britons therefore, now retir'd be-
yond the Severn, are to be confider'd as a People compos'd
of the ancient Inhabitants of Great-Britain and the Roman
Colonies. The Vandals fettled about Cambridge, were
a'fo reckon'd as Britons, and involv'd in the fame Ruin
with them. After the F.ftablifhment of the Seven Kingdoms
N. 3. Vol. I. b

of the Anglo-Saxons, the Britons had nothing left but Cam*
bria, and the Wejlem Part of Danmonlum. Cambria (the
Name formerly of all Britain) was chang'd by the Saxons
into Wales. As for Dannwnium, it was, in all appearance,
a Roman Name. The Britons call'd that Country Kernaw,
from Kern, that is, in their Language, Horns, becaufe of
the many Promontories that fhoot out into the Sea like
Horns. Hence doubtlefs the Saxons gave it the Name of
Cornwall, that is to fay, the Country of Kernaw, inhabited
by Gauls or Britons. They feem'd to ftudy to leave nei-
ther to the Inhabitants nor Countries, any Sign of the Ro-
man Names, fince they even ftil'd We/Jh, a People the Ro-
mans had call'd Britons above four hundred Years. The
Natives kept their Ground a good while in that Corner of
the Ifland, as well as in Wales, till at length they were en-
tirely fubdu'd, as we fhall fee hereafter.

The North Part of Great Britain was in Pofleflion of
the Picls and Scots, feparated from the Engli/h by the Esi
and Tweed, and the Mountains between thefe two Rivers.
The Pitts were on the Eajl, and the Scots on the Wejl
Side. The Grampian Mountains ferv'd them for a com-
mon Boundary, from the Mouth of the Nid to the Lake
of Lomond. Abernethy, now a fmall Town in the Country
of Strathern, was the Capital of the Picls, from whence
the Bifhop's Seat was removed to St. Andrezvs. Edinburgh
belong'd alfo to the Picls, and whatever the Englijh pof-
fefs'd beyond Severus's Wall was taken from the fame Na-
tion. The Territories of the Scots extended towards the
North and Weji, as far as the Sea that bounds the Ifland on
thefe two Sides.

The Saxons, Angles, and Jutes, who are all to be con-
fider'd as one People, and comprehended under the Name
of Englijh, had conquer'd all the Southern Part of the
Ifland, from the Channel to the Wall of Severus, and a
little beyond, towards the Eajl. This Part of Great-Bri-
tain, pofiefs'd by thefe three Nations, was divided into Se-
ven Kingdoms, whereof the Saxons and Jutes had four,
namely, Kent, Ejfcx, SuJJcx, and WJJex ; the Angles a-
lone had two, Mcrcia and Eajl Anglia; but in Northum-
berland were mix'd with the Defcendents of the Saxons
M that



Vol. 1,

that firft took poflcriion of the Country beyond the Htttn-
ber, under Ocla and Ebufa.

The Hiftory of thefe feven Kingdoms is what I am now
to give a general Knowledge of. I fay general, becaufe it
is impoffible to be very particular, by Reafon of the Barren-
nefs of the Authors that have writ on this Subject. As the
greateft Part intended only to write bare Annals, they have
omitted what might contribute mod to the compofing a re-
gular and coherent Hiftory of each Kingdom, or of all to-
gether. Some, particularly intent upon the Hiftory of one
of the feven Kingdoms, fcarcc make any mention of what
pafs'd in the reft. Hence it is that hardly any thing is
known of the Affairs of fome of thefe Kingdoms, the Hi-
ftories whereof have been neglected, or, it maybe, loft by
fome Accident.

Another greater Difficulty occurs, in the Choice of a
Method. If the Hiftory of the feven Kingdoms be given at
once, by placing the Events, that happened in each, ac-
cording to the Order of Time, the Thread of the Nar-
ration muft be continually broken, and Confufion intro-
due'd, which will be farther increas'd by the Difficulty of

remembring Names now grown barbarous. On the othc:
hand, if the Hiftory of each Kingdom be given apart by it-
felf, it will be hardly poffible to avoid a tedious Repetition
of Facts common to two, and fometimes three of the
Kingdoms, by Reafon of their Wars with one another. Be-
fides, in this Method, the Reader will lofe the Benefit of
feeing a perpetual Synchronifm of the Affairs of the feven
Kingdoms, which is no little Help to the giving a diftinct
Idea of the State of England, during the Heptarchy.

After weighing the Conveniencies with the Inconvenien-
cies of thefe two Methods, I am refolv'd in fome meafure
to follow both. To that End, I fliall firft make fomeRe-
marks on the Anglo-Saxons in general. In the next place,
I fhallgivea brief Summary of the Hiftory of each of the
feven Kingdoms in particular. Laftly, I fhall reprefent, in
Synchronical Tables, the piincipal Events which happen'd
in each Kingdom, that the Hiftory of all the Kingdoms to-
gether may be fcen at one View. I hope by this Means to
give a compleat Idea, if not of all the Affairs of the Hep-
tarchy, at leaft of what is moft material.

Of ^'HEPTARCHY in General.

Y the Heptarchyh meant the Government of the feven
Kingdoms of the Anglo-Saxons, confider'd as making
but one Body and one State. The Anglo-Saxons, as
I laid before, eftabhfh'd in England a Form of Government
not unlike what they had lived under in Co Many; that is,
confidering themfelves as Brethren and Countrymen, and
being equally concem'd to fupport themfelves in their Con-
quefts, they conceiv'd it neceflary to afiift one another,
and act in common for the good of All. To that end
they judg'd it proper to appoint a General in Chief, or, if
you pleafe, a Monarch, inverted with certain Prerogatives ;
the Nature and Number of which we are not fully in-
ibrm'd of. Upon the Death of this General or Monarch,
another was chofen by the unanimous Confent of the fe-
ven Kingdoms : But there were fometimes pretty long In-
terregnums, caus'd by the Wars or Diviiions between the
Sovereigns, who could not meet or agree upon a Choice.

Befides, this lihiuvch, they had alfo, as the Center of the
Heptarchical Government, an Affembly-General, confifting
of the principal Members of the feven Kingdoms, or their
Deputies. This is what was call'd the Jl'ittenagemot, or
general Parliament', where the Concerns of the whole Na-
tion only were confider'd. But each Kingdom had a parti-
cular Parliament, much after the manner practis'd in the
United Provinces of the Low Countries. Each Kingdom
was Sovereign, and yet they confulted in common, upon
the Affairs that conccrn'd the Heptarchy ; and the Acts and
Refolutions of the Affembly-General were to be punctu-
ally obferv'd fmce every King and Kingdom had allented
thereto. Such was the Form of the Heptarchical Govern-
ment, on which I fhall no farther infift, defigning to fpeak
more fully of it in (mother Place.

But as Time and Circumftances often caufe Alteration in
the beft Conjlitutions, it happen'd that the Ambition or Relt-
leffnefs of their Kings did not fuffer the Anglo-Saxons to
remain long in that Union the Form of their Government
fuppos'd. The moft Powerful often took Advantage of the
Weaknefsof the reft to aggrandize themfelves at their Coft.
Hence their frequent Wars with one another, which
ended in the Deftruction of fome of the feven Kingdoms
that were annex'd to others, and at laft in the Union of
All under the Government of a fingle Prince. Herein
chiefly confifts what is tranfmitted to us of the Hiftory of
the feven Kingdoms ofjthe Anglo-Saxons, I mean their con-
tinual Wars from the Beginning to the End of the Hep-

Another Caufe of their Wars, was the Ambition of their
Monarchs, who, not content with the Prerogatives annex'd
to their Dignity, were for ftretching their Rights. Had the
Hiftorians that writ of the Heptarchy been "pleas'd to have
given us an exact Account of the Prerogatives of the Mo-
narch, we fhould have been able to judge, in fome mea-
fure, of the Caufes of the Wars, fo frequently occafion'd
by the Difputes on that Head. But as they have only
mark'd the Time and Succefs of thefe Wars, without let-
ting us know the Reafons and Motives of them, the Hi-
ftory is rendcr'd very imperfect, and incapable of being fo
coherent as one would wifli, fmce the Annah give us only

a bare Relation of Facts, without any manner of Con-
nexion. All we can gather from them is, that the Anglo-
Saxon Kings were naturally very reftlefs, and Enemies to
Peace. But this Character is not peculiar to them, fincein
the following Ages there has been no greater Union a-
mong the Princes of Europe.

Befides thefe Wars, to which the Hiftorians and Anna-
lifts have chiefly confin'd themfelves, there were, no doubt,
many more agreeable and affecting Events, that would
have embellifh'd and enliven'd their Hiftories. But unhap-
pily thefe Writers being all Monks, had not Judgment e-
nough to make Choice of fuch Matters as would have ren-
der 'd their Works entertaining. The Affairs of Religion,
and efpecially the Founding of the Monafteries, and the
Privileges of the Monks and Clergy, were the only
things they enlarg'd upon. As their fole View was to fhow
the Origin of thefe Foundations, and the Endowments of
Monafteries ; in doing this, they could not help informing
Pofterity that there were in England feven different King-
doms ; whofe Kings founded fuch and fuch Monafteries,
and granted them fuch Revenues and Immunities. By this
they were led to write a kind of Hiftory of the Heptarchy^
otherwife the Ground ot their Rights would not have ap-
pear'd. But on the other hand, as their Defign requir'd no-
thing more, they were fatisfied with relating theSucceffion
of the Kings in the feveral Kingdoms, with Ibme of their
principal Actions. This is properly all the Affiftance we
have for the Hiftory of the Heptarchy, the chief Subject
whereof confifts of Religious Affairs. Of which there-
fore it will be neceffary to fay a few Words.

When the Saxons arriv'd in England, they were all Pa-
gans and Idolaters. It was one Hundred and Fifty Years
after their Arrival, before they were instructed in the Chri-
ftian Religion. Their Converfion began in 597, with the
Kingdom of Kent, by Auftin a Beneditiine Monk, fent by
Pope Gregory I. and ended in 653 with the Kingdom of
Mercia, by the Miniftry of certain Mifiionaries from Nor-
thumberland. During thefe 56 Years fpent in propagating
the Gofpel, Revolutions happen'd in fome of the (even
Kingdoms, whereby Chriftianity was fo rooted out, that
it was again to be planted, as it it had never been heard of.
This was the Cafe of the Kingdom of Ejfex, Northumber-
land, and Eajl-Anglia. So from the beginning of thefe
Converfions to the end, there was in England a mixture
of Chri/llans and Idolaters; fome of the Kingdoms being
converted, whilft others remain'd in Paganifm ; neither
were all of the fame Kingdom converted at once.

'Auftin preach'd to the Saxons of Kent, Mellitus to the
Eajl-Saxons, Paulinus to the Northumbrians, Birinus to
the Well-Saxons, Wilfrid to the South-Saxons, Felix to the
Eafl-Angles, and the Northern Monks to the Mercians.
But all thefe preach'd not with the fame Succefs, be-
caufe the Conjunctures were not every where alike favour-
able. However, in the Space of about 60 Years after the
coming of Auftin, all England was converted. But no
more of this at prefent, as I intend to fpeak more largely
of the Church of each Kuvgdom.

I have

Book III.

The Kingdom of Northumberland.


I have another, and no inconfiderable Remark to make)
and that is, the Monks, in converting the Anglo-Saxons,
took care to infpirc them with Reverence tor Monajleries
and the Monajlhk Life. They wrought (o upon the Minds
of the Kings and Great Men, that it is aftonifhing what
Number of Monafterics from the Converfion of the Eng-
lijl) to the Diffolution of the Heptarchy, that is, in 200
Years, were founded in England, and what immenfe Riches
the Monks had acquired in that Time. Religion feem'd to
conlift in enriching the Monks, and the higheft Perfection in
embracing a Monajlick Life. For this Caufe Kings, and
Queens, Princes and Princeffes, ftript themfelves of all their
worldly Grandeur, to pais the Refidue of their Days in a
Monaftery ; fome to expiate their enormous Crimes, otheis

as believing it the readieft Way to Heaven. The Monks
did not negledt tocherifh the Fervour of this Sort of Devo-
tion, extolling to the Skies thofe that refolv'd to offer fuch
Sacrifices to God, and Sainting all that died in thefe pious
Difpofitions. Hence the great Number of Saints of both
Sexes, recorded in the Etehfiaftkal Hi/lory of England,
among whom are feveral Kings, as being of all the others
the beft able to purchafe a Saintjhip this Way.

After thefe general Remarks, I proceed now to the par-
ticular Hiftory of each of the feven Kingdoms, of which I
fhall relate only what is material, to avoid as much as pof-
fible, the Drynefs which ufuafty attends fuch kind of Suia-

Summary of the HISTORY



berland, its

Sax. Ann.

TH E Kingdom of Northumberland 'was fituated on the
North of the Humber, as its Name imports. It was
bounded on the South and parted from Mereia by
that River, on the IVeJl by the Irijh Sea, on the North by
the Country of the Picls and Scots, and on the Eaji by the
German Ocean. It contained the prefent Counties of Lan-
eajlnre, Cumberland, Weftmorcland, Northumberland, York
and Durham. The principal Cities were York, Dunelm,
(fmce called Durham,) Carlijle, (named by the Romans, Lu-
guballia) Hexham or Hagulftadt, Lancajler, and fome others
of lefs Note. This Country was divided into two Parts,
Deira and Bernicia, each, for fome time, a diftindt King-
dom of itfelf. Bernicia was partly fituated on the North of
Severus's Wall, and ended in a Point at the Mouth of the
Tweed. Deira contained the Southern Part of Northum-
berland, as far as the Humber. The greateft Length of
the whole Kingdom, including both Parts, was 160 Miles,
and its greateft Breadth 100.

I D A.

Ida, the firft King, began his Reign in 547, and died
in 559. After his Death Northumberland was divided into
two Kingdoms, namely Bernicia and Deira. Adda, Son
of Ida, was King of Bernicia, and Alia of Deira } but the
Occafion of this Divilion is unknown.


Adelfrid (1), fucceeding his Father in 590, became very
powerful and formidable to his Neighbours, particularly to
the IVelJh, as well as to the Scots and Picls. But of his
Wars, Hiftorians have related only this remarkable Parti-
cular : Adelfrid preparing to lay Siege to Chejler, then in the
Hands of the Weljh, thefe laft were bent to give him Battle ;
and to procure the Blefling of God on their Arms, twelve
hundred and fifty Monks from the Monaftery of Bangor
were ordered to pray near the Field of Battle, during the
Fight. The Monks making too much hafte to the Place
appointed, were met by Adelfrid, who being told the Rea-
fon of their leaving their Monaftery, put them all to the
Sword. This Maffacre was followed with a fignal Victory
over the Weljh ; after which Adelfrid entered Wales, and
entirely demolifhed the Monaftery of Bangor (2), where was
ftill above 1000 Monks, finceiWi; allures us they were di-
vided into (even Claffes, the leaft of which confifted of above
3 00. Two of the Gates of this immenfe Edifice were above
a Mile afunder. As this was a very antient and famous Mo-
naftery, in all probability the Monks driven out of Britain
the Saxons had taken refuge there.

Whilft Adelfrid was aggrandizing himfelf by his Con-
quefts, and growing formidable to all his Neighbours, Ed-
win, Son of Alia King of Deira, wandered from Place to
Place, deftitute of the neceffary Affiftance to recover his
Father's Dominions. Nay, it was even difficult for him to
find where to remain in Safety. Adelfrid his Enemy was (o
powerful and fo dreaded, that not one of the Englijh Prin-
ces cared to hazard his Dominions in Defence of a diftreffed
Orphan. At length RedoWald King of the Eajl-Angles,
pitying his Condition, afforded him a Retreat at his Court.
He was then about 30 Years old, of a noble Prefence, and
withal poffeffed of fuch good Qualities, as gained him the
Love and Efteem of Redow aid and his Queen. Scarce had he
begun to enjoy the Sweets of his Retreat, when he faw him-
felf on the brink of Deftruttion by Adelfridh Enmity and
Redowald's timorous ConducL Adelfrid tearing the King of
Eajl-Anglia was forming fome Projecl for the Reftoration
of Edwin to the Throne of Deira, fent Ambaffadors to
him, to defire him to deliver up Edwin, or put him to
Death ; and in cafe of Refufal, to proclaim War againft
him. Redowald, furprifed at this Demand, was fome time

(il Adel, Attel, Ethel, (ignify Famous or Noble : Fred, Frid, Frttb, Frith, fignify Peace: Adelfrid or Etlilfrid (i. '■) famoui for Peace: Athelric,

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