M. (Paul) Rapin de Thoyras.

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Margaret. I do not mean to confider here, all the Ob-
jections that may be made to this Circumftance. I am
willing to fuppofc, God reveals fometimes to the glorified
Saints what is to happen upon Earth ; that he commands
them to afliime a human Shape, to inform certain Per-
fons thereof, and that Catherine and Alargaret were of
the Number of thole glorified Saints, though it cannot be
affirmed with Certainty. But it mult be owned, at leaft,

No. 3c. Vol. I.



that God very rarely makes ufe of fuch means, and wlicn
he does, it is always for his own Glory, or the Good of
his Church, or in favour of fome Perfons very eminent
for their Holinefs. Now, in the War which was then
waging in France, neither the Glory of God, nor the
Honour of Religion, nor the (rood of the Church were
directly concerned : And Charles VII, for whofe fake,
according to the Suppofition, God did fo great Things,
was far from being famous for Holinefs of Life. The
Difpute between the two Kings, and the two Parties, was
purely about Temporal Concerns. They both profefled
the fame Religion, and could not tax one another either
with Schifm or Herefy. It does not therefore appear,
wherein it could be for the Glory of God, or the Advan-
tage of Religion or the Church, that the Realm of France
fhould be governed by a Prince of the Houfc of Fa/ois,
rather than by a King of England, defcended by a Daugh-
ter, from the Blood Royal of France. A Man may af-
firm, as much as he pleafes, that the Ufurpation of the
Englifh was fo heinous and manifeft, that God's Honour
was concerned to make them an Example of his Jufticc.
This is luppofing the Thing in queftion. One need onlv
read what has been faid upon this Point in the Reign of
Edward III, to be fatisfied, that the Suppofition is not fo
manifeft as is pretended, but is liable to great Difficulties.
However, though it were undeniable, that the Englijh
were real Ufurpers, can it be affirmed, that God's Ho-
nour is concerned, to punifh in an exemplary and fu-
pernatural manner, the heinous Injuftices committed in
the World ? How many Ufurpations of Provinces and
Kingdoms arc to be met with in Hiftory, without the
Intervention of a Miracle to punifh the Ufurpers ? In
fine, Charles VII, or his Succeltbrs do not appear to have
done Religion any Service, to make it ;prefumed, that
God had it in view, in what he did by Joan's means.
Befides the French, in thofe Days were no> better Chri-
stians, nor honelter Men than the Englijh. As for the
Perfon of King Charles VII, for whofe fake, it is pre-
tended, God miraculoufly raifed up the Maid, all knew
him to have been very immoral. To far nothing of the
Duke of Burgundy's Murder, committed by his Order,
and in his Prcfence, contrary to the Faith of a Treaty
ratified with an Oath, is it not certain, that at the very
time Joan came to him at Chinon, he lived in open A-
dultery with Agnes Sorrel, in the Eyes of his whole Court ?
Are they Princes of this Charter, whom God ufually
honours with particular Favours ? If to all thefe Reafons
be added Joan's Confeflion before her Death, that fhe was
deceived, there will be room to be fatisfied, fhe was not
really infpired. But I infill not on this Confeflion, becaufe
it is a difputable Point, as being fupported only by the Te-
(timony of her Adverfaries.

I come now to the Opinion of the Englijh, who ob-
ftinately maintain, that Joan of Ate was a Witch, and act-
ed only by the Inltigations of the Devil. I fhall only
briefly obferve, that this Opinion is liable to the very
fame Objections as the foregoing, fince it is no lefs diffi-
cult to conceive, why, upon this Occafion, God fhould
have given fuch Power to the Devil. So whatever has
been faid concerning her Infpiration, may be applied to her
Witchcraft, and retorted upon the EngliJIi.

But theie is a third Opinion, which is not liable to fo
many Difficulties. If it is fuppofed, that in King Charles's
extreme Diftrefs, himfclf, his Queen, Agnes Sorrel, or fome
one of his Minifters, invented this Contrivance ; nothing
will be more eafy than to reconcile the Events with
fuch a Suppofition. The Bufinefs was to revive the Cou-
rage of the French, difheartened by fo many Lones, and
perhaps, of the King himfclf, who was thinking of retir-
ing into Dauphine. Is it any wonder, that fuch an Ar-
tifice fhould be ufed for that purpofe? This is at leaft as
poflible as the Apparitions of Saints, or as Witchcraft.
A Country Girl of good Senfe, (as there are many) of
an undaunted Courage, and who knew how to ride, may
have been chofen. She may have been taken from out
of the Kingdom, that (he might be the lefs known, and
impertinent Neighbours not obftruct, by diicovering her,
the Execution ot the Project. This being fuppofed, it will
be eafy to account for moft of the Things, which appear
extraordinary in the Maid. All the King fays of her,
and the Secrets fhe difclofes, will be only a Confequence
of the Cheat. Thofe that are in the Plot will not fail
to extol her, and the reft will be carried away by their
Authority.

It mult not however be concealed, that ftrong Objec-
tions may be made to this third Opinion, which it wdl
Le proper to anfwer.

The firft is, that it is only a Conjecture. I own it :
But it is a very natural Conjecture in a thing, where it
is fo difficult to difcover the Truth. The French fay,
fhe was infpired by God. This Notion is demonftrated
to be full of Difficulties, and highly ipiprobable. The
7 L EngUJk



594



The H I S TO R T of E N G L A N D.



Vol. I.



Englijh affirm, fhe was a Witch, and afted by the Infti-
fation of the Devil: This is nolefs hard to conceive. It
is however certain, (he performed great Aftions. What
remains therefore, in order to explain the Caufe of the
Revolution in France, but to have recourfe to natural means,
fince the fupernatural are fo doubtful, not to fay worfe? In
my opinion, this is a cafe, where, if ever, Conjecture is
to take Place.

The fecond Objeftion is taken from Joan's uncommon
Valour, which is reprefented as fupernatural. To this
it may be anfvvered, much more was certainly afcribed
to her than fhe deferved, as appears by the Teftimony ot
Monjirelat a cotemporary Writer. A Man muft be very
ignorant of the Way of the World, not to know how apt
we are, on fuch Oceafions, to run into Exceffes, and
how capable fuch a Subjeft is of Imbellifhment. It
does not appear, by what MonJlrelet fays, That Joan
ever commanded in Chief. If this Author feems to fay
it in one Place, he unfays it in another, as may be feen
in the Pallaiies above-cited. It is true, the Generals car-
ried her with them, and placed her at their Head to con-
firm the Soldiers Prepoffeffion. So, fhe had only to fhew
Refutation enough to keep always near them, and fuch a
Rcfolution cannot be accounted Miraculous. - And it the
Glory of all the happy Succeffes were afcribed to her, where
is the wonder, fince it was for the Advantage of the King,
and all his Adherents?

The third Objection is the ftrongeft, grounded upon the
accompliihmentofyofftf's Predictions. She told the King,fhe
would caufe the Siege of Orleans to be raifed, and himfelf
to be crowned ; which fell out accordingly. On Suppofi-
tion therefore, that the whole was a Contrivance, it mull
be fuppofed withal, that fhe had the Gift of Prophecy.

To this Objeftion, it may be replied in the firft Place,
that the Allurance, wherewith the French Hiftorians have
advanced, that thefe Predictions were before the Event,
is what gives it the molt Strength. But it muft be ob-
served, that of the two Articles, namely, the 'raifing of the
Siege of Orleans, and the King's Coronation at Rheims,
the firft only is attefted by Joan herfelf in her Examina-
tion, 'without any mention of the Coronation. In the
next place, this fame Atteftation comes after the Event ;
neither can it be well proved, that when lbe waited on
the King, the gave him any Allurance of raifing the Siege
of Orients. As MonJlrelet relates it, Charles does not
fcem to have relied on her Promifes, when he undertook to
fend a Conuoy to' Orleans. Monflrelet fays , he was re-
folved to fend a Convov to that City, and that Joan defir-
ed to accompany it, which was granted her. Certainly, if
that Delign had been formed folely upon her Promifes,
fhe would have had no occafion to define to be prefent at
the Execution, fince in that Cafe, fhe would have been the
principal Aftrefs.

But fecor.dly, though Joan had foretold what is af-
cribed to lier, I do not know whether that will be a
convincing Proof. Upon fuppofition that fhe was per-
fuaded to aft this Part, and had her Leffon given her
beforehand, nothing was more natural than to make her
tell the King, fhe was commiffioned to raife the Siege of
Orleans. This Siege was then the Caufe of Uneafinefs
to the King and the whole Court. It was not known
which way to fave that important Place, and confequently,
to give hopes of raifing the Siege was requifite, in order
to create a Belief of Joan's coming from God. Herein
nothing was hazarded but the Reputation of a Country
Girl, which would not have been regarded, had the Af-
fair proved unfucctfsful. As to the King's Coronation, the
hopes of that was likewife neceffary to be inftilled, fince
the raifing the Siege was but a means to attain the chief
End, which was to eltablifh the King on the Throne of
his Anceltors.

In the third Place, to Joan's, Predictions a very perplex-
ing; Objeftion may be made. If fhe was infpired by God
to foretel the future, how came the to be miftaken? She
faid, fhe would drive the Eiiglijh out of the Kingdom, and
yet they were not driven out till above twenty Years after
her Death. She foretold, they would be expelled by a great
Victory gained over them by the French. Does not this
raife the Idea of a bloody Battle, and an extraordinary Vic-
tory ? But where is this Victory to be found after Joan's
Death ? There is only that of Fourmigui, which happened
twenty Years after, and was, as I obferved, very inconfi-
derable. She foretold likewife in her Examination, that
within feven \ ears, the Englijh fhould leave a greater Pledge
than that before Orleans. I don't underltand that Expref-
fion, unlefs it means the Lofs of fome Battle. But there
was no Battle within that Term. Let us however give the
Words the molt favorable Senfe we can, and underftand
them, if you pleafe, ox' the Lofs of Paris. But this Event
happened five Years after the Prediftion. Is it ufual for the
Holy Ghoft to mark thus the Space of feven Years inftead
of five? Was it more difficult for him to forefee this Event
would happen in, five, than in feven, Years?



Thus, all things confidered, let the Difficulties of the
third Opinion be compared with thofe that arife from the
Apparitions of Saints and Witchcraft, and I imagine, they
will be found to be lefs in this than in the two other Opi-
nions.

Befides, the Infpiration of the Maid was not fo gene-
rally owned by the French themfelves, but that feveral que-
ftioned it. The Conftable Richemont being upon the March
to join the King before Baugtnci, the King prepoileffed
that he Was coming with fome ill Defign, refolveil at fir ft
to go and fight him. But altering his Mind,' he fent Joan
to meet and receive him. As foon as fhe'faw him, fhe
alighted, and embraced his Knee: Whereupon the Con-
ftable faid thefe Words to her, which plainly (hew what
he thought of her : Joan, I am told you defign to fight me.
I neither know ivho you are, nor from whom you are fent,
whether from God or the Devil. If you come from G«d, I
have no reafon to fear you, for he knows my Intention as
well as yours. If you are from the Devil, I have lefs rea-
j;n to fear, and therefore do your bejl or your ivorjl.

The Lord of Langey, in bis Treatife of military Infti-
turion, fays, that Joan's Infpiration was like Numa's pre-
tended Converfations with the Nymph Ege'ria.

Others have affirmed, fhe was perfuaded to aft this
Part by the Lords of the Court. Du Hail/an was of this
Opinion, who even relates feveral Circumftances, and
then adds, Some have taken it ill that I fay this, and
put fhe French out of conceit vjith fo hoh and miraculous
a Thing, by endeavouring now to turn it into Fal/le. But
I was willing to fay ii, becaufe Time, which difcovers all
Things, has difcove?ea this to be a Cheat. Befides, it is not
a Thing iffhat Mdme'nt as to be received for an Article of
Faith.

Pope Pius II, under the Name of Gobelin his Secretary,
after relating the Story of Joan and her Exploits, adds,
It is very difficult to affirm, whether this ivas the TVork of
God, or the Invention of Man. Some think, the great Men
at Court contending for the Command, fome one more wife
than the rejl invented this Contrivance, and perfuaded Joan
to fay jhe was fent from God, that none might fcruple to
ferve under her.

In fine, there are French Writers who have defamed
Joan of Arc, and fiiid, fhe was corrupted by Baudricourt,
or according to others by the Baftard of Orleans, or by
Xaintrailles, and that thefe' three Lords, with the Duke
of Alenfon, contrived the whole Plot. Polydore Virgil fays,
when Joan found fhe was conderrined, fhe pretended to be
with Child, and for that reafon her Execution was delayed
for fome Months. In a word, among all the Hiftorians
both antient and modern, who have fpoken of the Maid,
there are no two to be .'found that agree in the Fails
concerning her.

But, fuppoling Joan's Infpiration to be a human Inven-
tion, it is not eafy to determine, whether the King wa-
in the Secret, or was himfelf cheated. It may be Joan
herfelf was deceived, by certain Means but too frequently
praftifed. For my part, I think this Opinion very plau-
lible, contidering the Firmnefs wherewith fhe anfwered her
Judges, when fhe muft have perceived her great Danger.
But after all, this is only Conjefture.

I conclude this Inquiry, that Joan's pretended Infpiration
may juftly be deemed a Contrivance to revive the Courage
of the terrified French. It is true, the Projeft fucceeded
doubtlefs beyond the Expectation of the Authors. How-
ever, it is not very ftrange, the Courage of the French
Troops fhould be revived, when they thought to fiaht
under the particular Direftion of Heaven. This is not the
firft time that fuch Invention has produced the like Ef-
fect. We meet with Inftances in the Hiftories of the
Heathen Nations. The feigned Apparitions of the Pagan
Gods and Goddeffes, were not certainly the immediate
Works of the Power of God, and yet, upon fome Oc-
eafions, they produced wonderful EfFefts.

Before I clofe this Subjeft, I cannot help reflefting or»
the Barbarity exercifed upon Joan. It is not poffible to
give any colour to this Injuftice. As Joan w^s not a
Native of France, Henry could not pretend fhe was his
Subjeft, and confequently could treat her only as a Pri-
foner of War. Upon this Suppofition, he could much
lefs punifh her for a Schifmatick, Heretick, or Witch,
tho' fhe had been convifted. If the Rule which the En-
glijl) would then have eftablifhed , was once received,
every Prifoner of War would be in danger of being con-
demned by his Enemies for forged Crimes, and tacrificed
to their Malice. Charles VII caufed the Sentence to be
reverfed by other Judges, and Joan's Honor to be retrieved,
which by feveral is alledged in proof of her Innocence.
But this is a weak Argument, fince, without llrong Pre-
judice, the laft Sentence can be no more depended upon
than the firft. This was pailed by her Enemies, whole
Intereft it was to defame her, and the other by her Friends,
who found their Glory and Advantage in proving her in-
nocent.

THE




THE



HISTORY of ENGLAND.



BOOK XIII.

The Reigns of the Three Kings of the Houfe of York, Edward IV, Edward V, and
Richard III: Containing the Space of Twenty Four Tears and a Half.



16. E D W A R D IV.



1 46 1.

"Edward £fi«

tofgbl the

Qieen.

Hall.

An Extcutic

upon a jhgb

Account,

Stow.

Habington.




Tie Haters
A>my n

v.ucb
increased.



Habington.



Edward
fihe: tofgl
rU Suun.



DIVARD was proclaimed the
5th of March, and on the 1 2th or
1 3th of the fame Month, he was
obliged to put himfelf at the Head
of his Army. Before his Depar-
ture from London, a Tradefman
was executed, for faying, he would
make his Son Heir of the Crown ( 1 ).
Probably, he added fome con-
temptuous Words againft the new
King, and expreffed too much Zeal for the Houfe of
Lancajler. However this be, fome have confidered this
Man's Execution, in the beginning of this Reign, as a Pre-
fage of the Blood which was yet to be flied, in the Quarrel
of the two contending Houfes.

Queen Margaret had acted with Prudence, in not
hazarding a Battle at the Gates of London, and in re-
tiring among the northern People, who had hitherto
appeared firmly attached to the Houfe of Lancajler.
They even gave her, upon this occafton, a fenfible Mark
of their Affection, by ftrengthning her Army with Re-
cruits, nay, whole Bodies of frefh Troops. This was done
with fuch Expedition, that in a few Days the Queen faw
herfelf at the Head of fixty thoufand Men, in condi-
tion to expect her Enemy, or even to march againft
him.

Though Edward had been proclaimed at London, he
was very fenfible, that Ceremony made no great ad-
dition to his Right, confidering how irregularly it was
performed. The Nobles of his Party, and the People of
London, were not inverted with Power to give the King-
dom a Sovereign: And therefore, lie could not depend



upon that extraordinary Election, unlefs it was fupported 1461,
with Force. Henry VI had reigned thirty eight Years,
acknowledged for lawful King by all the EngliJI); and yet
this Right, which feemed fowell cftaMifhed, had not been
able to maintain itfelf againft a fuperior Strength. It was
therefore eafy to fee, that Edzvard's Right, which had
not greater Advantages, would fublift no longer than
crowned with Succefs. Matters ftanding thus, the two
Parties were once more to try the way of Arms. Happy
Both, if one fingle Battle could have decided this bloody
Quarrel ! Edward being young and lively, trufted to his
Courage and Fortune. He was likewife excited to venture
all, by the great Men of his Party, who having fhewn
fo little regard for Henry, faw no fafety but in Victory.
He departed therefore from London a few Days after being Halt.
proclaimed (2), and heading his Armv, marched toward;
the North, with a Refolution to go in queft of Queen HoUul 8 fl1,
Margaret.

As foon as he was come to Pontfracl, he detached theft/awn *
Lord Fitz-I 'Falter (3), to fecure the PaiTage of F)M-*'J''
bridge, upon the River Are, which was neceffarily to be Habington.
paffed, in order to join his Enemies. Fitz-IValter fuc- Hall,
ceeded according to the King's Defires, and ported himfelf
on the other fide of the River with his Detachment. In
the mean time Henry and his Queen, who were at Ycrlc,
hearing that Edward was marching with all fpeed, readily
concluded, it was to give them Battle. This was what
they themfelves earneftly wifhed, fir.ee the gaining of a
Victory was the only Means left for their Reftoration.
They made therefore the Duke of Simcrfet General of
their Army, and waited at York the Iffueof a Battle, which
was to determine their Fate.



(t) Meaning only, as it is laid, his own Houfe, which had the Sign of the Crown. Rapin, not understanding the Jelr, lays, it was for laying, bevxuli
rr..,i- i s S:, : Prince of Wale?. The Man's Name was Walter ffult.r, a Grocer in Cbeapfide. Habington, p. i.;i.

(2) Havrng with him, Join Mciobray Duke o{ Norfolk, William NmlltmA Fauconbridge, Sir Jcbn and Herry tatclljfe, Sir J dr. WcnloeY, Jcbs Staf-
ford, Roger WolferjUnc, &c. oVcw, p. 4.15.

(3) There was at this time no Lord Fitz-Walter : For Waller Lord Fitx-Waltcr died in 1431; and Sir Jcbn tt\»c!igr, Son of A/m, Daughter of tht (aid
L^rJ Firz.JVcltcr, had not Summons to Parliament till the ill of Hnry VII. This Sir Jsbr., or his Son, is probably the i'j.t..', v,;.E Rafia, aid ether oi
w: HilWans-, call by Anticipatioa Lord Fits-Walter, See Dugdait'% Baron. Vol, I. p. 223; and Vol. IJ. p. iSj,

1 The



59°



The HISTORY of ENGLAN D.



Vol. I.



1461,

His Men
bear from
thence.



The King's

Rtcadinefs.
Hall.

Hollinglh.



The Duke of Somerfet hearing Edward' had fecured the
Paflaoe of Ferribridgc, did not doubt that it was with in-
tention to fight ; and to oblige him to do it with Difad-
vantao-e, refolved to diflodge Fitz-Wa/ter, in order to have
the River between him and his Enemies. Purfuant to this
Relblution, the Lord Clifford was detached to recover the
Poll feized by Fitz-Walter. Whether Fitz-Walter was
guilty of any Neglect, or was not timely fupported, he
could not withftand Clifford's Attack, who. drove his
Troops over the River with great Slaughter. Fitz-Wal-
ter, and the Baftard of Salisbury (1), were (lain in the
Action.
■Tit Earl f The Earl of Warwick, of whom I have had frequent
v T arwi , ck '.' Occalion to lpeak towards the end of the late Reign, was
Hal""' 'confidered as the Soul of Edward's Army. The King
Hollingfli. was looked upon as a Valiant young Prince, without Ex-
perience, and the Earl of Warwick, as the real General.
Accordingly, all Eyes were fixed upon him, to fee by his
Countenance whether there was Reafon to hope or fear.
The News of Fitz-Walter's Defeat being brought to the
Earl, he feemed to be under great Confternation, dreading,
this firft Check would difcourage the Army. He imme-
diately ported to inform the King, with an Emotion, that
plainly difcovered how appreheniive he was of the Con-
fequences. But withal, to fhew his Fears were not per-
fonal, he ftabbed his Horfe, and killing the Hilt of his
Sword, made like a Crofs, fwore that though the whole
Army fhould take to Flight, he would alone defend the
King's Caufe.

Edward perceiving the Earl's Concern, judged it ne-
ceffary to prevent the ill Effects it might produce among
the Troops. Inftead therefore of being alarmed at the
News, he made Proclamation, that all who defired it,
might depart : That he would reward thofe that fhould
do their Duty ; but there was no favour to be expected
for thofe that fhould fly, during the Battle. At the fame
time, he detached IVilliam Nevil, Lord Fauconbridge, to
pals the Are at CajUeford, about three Miles from Ferri-
bridgc, with Orders to attack thofe who guarded the
Poll lately loft. Fauconbridge executed his Orders, with
fuch Secrecy and Expedition, that he palled the River at
Cajilcford, before the Enemies had the leaft Notice.
Then marching along the River, he met Clifford at the
Head of a Body of Horfe, fuddenly attacked him, and put
him to Rout. Clifford was flain with an Arrow in the
beginning of the Fight, too light a Punifhment for his in-
humanity to the young Earl of Rutland, Brother of
Edward, at the Battle of Wakefield. With him was
killed likewife, the Earl of Wejlmoreland's Brother.
The Poll: of Ferribridge being thus fortunately recovered,
Edward, who kept himfelf ready, paffed his Army over
the River, and immediately marched in queft of his
Enemies.
■TuB.,ttkof The two Armies met on Palm-Sunday (2), between
Towton. Saxton and Towton ( 3 ), where they drew up. Henry's
Army was fixty thoufand ftrong, and Edward's about
forty thoufand (4). The Air was darkened by the Snow,
which fell very thick, and was blown by the Wind in the
Faces of the Lancajlrians. Thefe laft began the Fight
with a Volley of Arrows, which being difcharged too far
off, did no great Execution (5). Fauconbridge, who com-
manded the Van of Edward's Army (6), difdaining to
fight at fuch a Diftance, ordered his Men to lay by their
Bows and take to their Swords. Whereupon, the Armies
approaching one another began a furious Fight, where-
in both Sides feemed equally brave and refolute, to ex-
ert their utmoft to gain the Victory. It would be very
difficult to defcribe this terrible Battle at large ; moft of
thofe that have mentioned it, not underftanding the Art
of War, have, inftead of reprefenting the feveral Cir-
cumllances, given only a confufed Idea thereof. Befides,
the two Armies are to be confidered, as trufting more
to their Courage, than the Experience of their Ge-
nerals. It will fuffice to obferve, that the Battle lafted
from Morning (7) to Night ; and from thence, it
may be judged, how obftinately it was fought on both
Sides. Edward fignalized himfelf by an uncommon Va-
lour, which did not a little contribute to maintain his
Troops in their Refolution of conquering or dying for his
j fake. At length, the Lancajlriam began, towards the



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