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the Conduct of Marfhal Dcfaucrdes Governor of Picar- ing for the defence of Bretagne, and yet fent no aid. In

dy (.})• On the other fide, Maximilian, or the Duke of this uncertainty, Charles refolved to fend an Ambaffy into Embaffytt

Saxony in his name, fent AmbalTadors to Henry, to make England, under pretence of taking oft Henry from the /"'"'Henry,

a League with him againft France. Duchefs's party, but in reality to know by his anfwer bTm""

With the aid arrived from Picardy, the rebels made what he was to hope or fear from him. He chofe for Hall-
great progrefs, and after taking /pre and Slttce, befieged this purpofe Francis de Luxemburg Vifcount of Martigues, Stow : .
Dixmude. Henry, angry with Charles for delaying his Waleran de Sams, and Robert Gaguin, General of the Or- Afl!"pub'.
anlwer fo long, and moreover being concerned to fupport der of the Trinity. Thefe Ambaftadors being arrived at XI l. p.4S<-
the Archduke, refolved to fend him aid. To that pur- London, had their audience of the King, where nothing
pofe, he fuddenly difpatched [the Lord Morlcy (4) with] particular paffed. Some days after, the King having nomi-
a thoufand Men to Calais, with orders to the Lord nated to treat with them Richard Fox Bifhop of Exeter y



Charlet'f



They make
great pre-



The lord
Daubcncy
relieve:
Dixmuile.
July 16.
.MX. Pub.
XII. F . 455
Hollingih.
Bacon.



D'aubeney, Governor of that place, to relieve Dixmude,
if poffible. D'aubeney joining a thoufand Men of his Gar-
rifon (5), to thofe come from England, marched directly
to Dixmude, which was not well inverted. He entered



Thomas Earl of Ormond, and fome others (7), in their
firft conference, the General of the Order of the Trini-
ty being the Speaker, made the moft fubmiffive and cring-
ing Speech that ever came out of the mouth of a French



the Town by night without oppofition, and at break of Ambatiador to a foreign Prince, if after all the matter is

day iallying out of the oppolite gate, fell upon the Camp to be referred to Henry VII's Hiftorian. As I have feve-

of the French and Flemings, and entirely routed them (6). ral reafons to fufpect this Speech to be rather the Hifto-

This affair bred a great coldnefs between Charles and Hen- rian's than the AmbafTador's, I frail only relate the prin-

ry. But Charles durft not complain, fince he had no cipal points, without keeping to the very words, or men-



t ..



Ann enters

wtofrelb

tbligai.or.s
to Henry,
but iv'.tbout
obtaining ilny
fycCBitrs.
p. 394...

397-



more right to affift rebellious Subjects, than had Henry to
aflift the Sovereign.

Mean time, the Ambaftadors of Bretagne waited at



tioning certain Articles which feem to me altogether im-
probable (8).

The Ambaffador began with faying, " Their mafter the Am-

baffador"



(t) Richard Fox Bilhop of Exeter, Ibomas Earl of Ormmi and Lord Rocbford, and the Prior of Cbnjl' s-Cburcb in Canterbury. Rymer, p. 449.
{l) Eight thoufand Men. Hollingjh. p. 1435.

(3) He was fo inveterate againft the Englijh , that he ufed to fay, He mould gladly tie in Hell /even years, Jo be might luin Calais from tbe Eng-
lifll. Eaton, p. 598. Holhngjh. p. 1436.

(4) And Robert Lord Wiltougbby of Brooke. See Rymcr's Ftrd. Tom. 12. p. 455.

{5) Among whom were Sit James lyrrel Captain ot Guijties, Sir G ubtr t Talbot , and Sir Hutrfrey Talbot Marfhal of Calais, Src. Hollingjh. p. 1435.

(6) With the Slaughter, as is faid, of eight thoufand of the Enemy, and the lei's only of a hundred of live Er.gli/b, among v.hnm was tie Lord
M-oriey. Bacon. Hollingjh. ibid.

(7) The Prior of Cbnjl's-Cburcb in Canterbury, Jcbn Guntborp Dean of K'i, Sir J*br. Don, Sir John Turberi/yle Treafurei of Calais, and
William Rtffe Victualler of the fame. Rymer's Feed. Tom. 12. p. 431.

(8) For inftance, the Lord Verulam makes ihe Ambaflidur defiie lltnry that hs aaay annul the Marrrage of M-i imilian, «. r which neither Charles
nor Henry had yet any knowledge.

" had



Speech.
Bacon.
Hall.
Hulliogft-



668



The BISTORT of ENGLA ND.



Vol. I.



j 490. " had Cent them to pray a Peace with the King of Eng-

" land, and his refpedt for that great Prince induced him

" to pafs by all formalities, and make advances unufual

" in fuch Sovereigns as he. He would not however con-

" ce.il from him another motive which made him defi-

" rous of Peace. Having refolved to carry his Arms in-

" to remote Countries, it could not but be for his advan-

" ta^e. that all the World ihould know hs was in friend-

" fhip with all his Neighbours, and particularly with the

" Kinf of England. Then the AmbalTador himfelf took

" care to excufe Henry's fending aid into Bretagne and

" Flanders, though it was againft France, and owned it

" to be no juft caufe of rupture between the two Crowns.

" As for Flanders, he juftified the King his mafter's fend-

" ing Troops thither, becaufe it was his duty to protect

" the Flemings his VafTals ( 1 ), againft the King of the

" Romans their Oppreflor. After that, the AmbalTador

" added, King Charles intended to make war upon the

" Kingdom of Naples, unjuftly detained from him by a

" Baftard of the Houfe of Arragon. That Kingdom be-

" longing to him by undoubted right, he was bound in

" honour to try to recover it. But his thoughts did not

" reft there, his purpofe being to make the Conqueft of

" Naples ferve as a Bridge to tranfport his Forces into

" the Eaft, and overthrow the Empire of the Turks, to

" which he was invited, as by a Voice from Heaven, by

" a Rent in the Ottoman Family. This therefore being

" his refolution for a holy War, he was content for the

" honour and advantage of the Chriftian religion, to beg

" Peace at the hands of all the Princes of Europe, that he

" might not be diverted by any obftacle from them.

The Ambaflador concluded with faying, " He had only

" another Affiir to mention, not as a fubjecl: of Treaty,

" but as a mark of his Mafter's great defire to preferve a

" good underftanding with the King of England, namely,

" Being Sovereign Lord of Brctagne, and as fuch Guar-

" dian of the Duchefs, he requefted that with the King of

" England's confent, he might difpofe of her marriage as

" he mould think fit. "

Tt>e Chan- Some days after, the AmbafTadors of France being fent

celhr, An- c Qr to (fog Council, the Chancellor returned them the fol-

Bnr'i lowing Anfwer from the King : " That the King his

Name. " Mafter had not forgot his former love and friendfhip

Bacon. u w\th the King of France. That if the friendfhip was

" ftill the fame, there was no occafion to talk of it: But

" if not, it was not words but deeds that muft renew it :

" That as for the Affair of Brctagne, he could not help

" thinking it ftrange that the King of France fhould

" make him his inftrument to ruin one of his beft Allies,

" and moreover pretend, he was very much obliged to

" him for it : As for the Duchefs's marriage, he meant

" not to meddle with it, provided the King of France

" would proceed by Law and not by the Sword : That

" however, what had palled in Brctagne as well as in

" Flanders did not make fo deep an impreffion, as to re-

" fufe to treat of Peace, if all their other Affairs might

" be debated at the fame time. That as for the War

" upon Naples, the King had but one thing to fay,

" which was, as the King of France thought himfelf

Hi demands " bound in honour to try to recover that Kingdom, fo

oil France. " f or tne f ame re afon the King thought himfelf obliged

" to exert his utmoft for the recovery of Guienne, Nor-

" mandy, and the Kingdom of France itfelf, which of

" right belonged to him. "

Motive of Henry had eafily difcovered the defign of this EmbafTy,
Ucmar.i. an j t\ax, ky a g enera ] propofal to live in peace with him,
Charles had no other view than to found his intentions
with refpe£t to Brctagne. Wherefore, according to the
maxim he had eftabliihed, which was to frighten him,
lie threatened a War, not only for the intereft of the
Duchefs of Bretagne, but alfo for his own. Mean while,
it is likelv he fpoiled his affairs by carrying the artifice too
far, and that Charles was fenfible, this anfwer was only
Charles ^are wor< k, which would not be followed by deeds. It
Jij.wtn 11. was not at all probable, that in the then fituation of
France, Henry who tottered as it were in the Throne
of a Kingdom full of Male-contents, would renew a
quarrel of that importance, of which he could not natu-
rally expe<3 to fee a happy IH'ue. His reputation for
being one of the moft prudent Princes of his time, made
it incredible that he would imbark in fuch an undertak-
ing. So Charles taking for granted, that he intended on-
ly to frighten him, ftill puriued his courfe, with refpect



to Brctagne, - and fucceeded in the end, as will be feen 1490.
under the next year. On the other hand, his Ainbaffa- !&■<*»**/-
dors, furprized at the Chancellor's Speech, anfwered with-fo^^ "'
warmth, that the King their Sovereign feared not fuch
threats, and was able to maintain his juft rights againft
any perfon whatever (2). The Chancellor calmly re-
plied, the King expedled no other anfwer from them ;
but would forthwith fend AmbafTadors to the King 0/
France, to acquaint him more fully with his intentions.
Then he asked them whether the King of France would
agree to have the difpofal of the marriage of the Duchefs
of Brctagne, with an exception that he mould not mar-
ry her himfelf (3). The AmbafTadors anfwered, the ^aefiimft
King their mafter was fo far from any thoughts of mar- t °' i " A <»-
rying the Duchefs of Brctagne, that he had given them JM "
no inftrudlions upon that head.

During all thefe Negotiations, Ann was extremely Ann *<*ifia
troubled to fee no aid come either from Maximilian or M ™™1*"
the King of England. She had hitherto kept her mar-
riage fecret ; but perceiving it could not be concealed any
longer, and that it was not honorable to hide it from
him whom fhe deemed her principal Protector, fent a
folemn EmbafTy into England, confifting of the Prince
of Orange, the Earl of Dun-As, and the Chancellor.
Their bulinefs was to defire aid, and probably, notify
her marriage to the King. For, till after this EmbafTy
which arrived in England the beginning of the next year,
we do not find in the Publick Ails, Maximilian's name
joined with her's.

In February 1 49 r Henry font AmbafTadors into r40j.
France (4) according to his promife. Their Commiffion Henry't '
was, to treat of all his differences with King Charles, and Emi "Iy "
in particular of a certain fum due to him from that Prince, 5ut J£ bi
as alfo of the affair between Charles and the Duchefs of XII. p. 43?.
Brctagne. Thefe inftrutftions alone are a clear evidence, Bacon>
that Henry defigned not vigoroufly to pufh his preten-
fions to the Realm of France, or at leaft, to Guienne
and Normandy. For, is it probable that he would have
comprized under the general word Differences his claim
to all France, or to two of the richeft Provinces, and
have fpecified a debt of a hundred and twenty-five thou-
fand Crowns, if the firft had been the principal : It is
therefore manifeft, he ftill perfifted in his defire to end
the affair of Brctagne without War, and to fecure the
Turns he had advanced.

A few days after, he appointed Conuniffioners to treat A .
with the AmbafTadors that came laft from Brctagne. Then nage u /ra-
it v/as probably, that the Duchefs's marriage with Max- t" ,r " d '"
imilian was imparted to him (5). Perhaps he was told of '"' 6 g#
it before, though he pretended ignorance, becaufe it had
not been notified to him in form.

Mean while, Charles having at laft heard of this mar- Charles ie-
riage, which had been made a great fecret, refolved to fix" rb '
ufe no more ceremony, but vigoroufly haften the con- ^" lL J""
queft of Brctagne. In all appearance, he plainly faw Argemre.
through all Henry's difguifes, and perhaps believed the ac-
quifition of Bretagne well worth the hazarding a rupture
with England. As for Maximilian, he did not much
fear him, and had an infallible expedient to pacify the
King of Arragon, by reftoring Roujillon, much Jets im-
portant to the Crown of France than Bretagne. So, with-
out further confideration, he ordered Rennes, Capital of
the Duchy, to be inverted, where the Princefs then was.
During the Siege, which lafted fome months, Ann fent
into England, John Bcuteiller Lord of Maupertuis, and ,
Peter Cojalu, to defire Henry's afliftance. Shortly after EmbafTy
fhe fent alfo the Countefs de la Val, and the Marfhal del"™ Am»
Rieux, and fome others, to inform him of her condition, Mj H ™'' y
and demonftrate to him, that Bretagne was going to fall p. +«?"
into the hands of France. This EmbafTy furnifhed the <*"**«•.
King with a pretence to borrow money of his Subjects, t"?,''
to enable him to make war upon France. And yet, p 446*
though he feemed extremely in hafte, he gave no orders J ul V "•
for levying Troops, but was very intent upon collecting
the Loans.

Not long after, the League between Henry and Ferdi- Leame-witb
nand was renewed. They agreed once more, that in Ferdinand
May, or at fartheft in June the next year (6), each ""j'Mari-
fhould enter France at the head of an army. Maximili- g„Jj.
an promifed likewife to do the fame, and fent an aid of p- +62.
two thoufand Men to his Duchefs. But all this tended J] 3 !!: «,
only to make a great noife, in order to deter the King of
France from his defign to conquer Bretagne. It was not m,./.,., ,
the intention either of Henry, or Ferdinand, or Alaximi- ttifi tbn*
Han, to make war upon France. Ferdinand was then • 4li '"-



(1) In the Lord Beicsn it is, the Subjects cf Burgundy

(2) According to the Lord Verulam, their anfwer was, That they doubted not, but the King their Sovereign's Sword woyld be able to maintain
hi-. Scepter, p. 601.

(3) If Henry had known, Ann had efpoufed Maximilian, he would not have offered to leave to~Cbarlet the difpofal of that Princefs i; Marriage. Raton.

(4) Ri bata Itx, Ibtmas Earl of Ormond, and the Prior of Cbrift'l-Cburcb in Canterbury. Rymer't Fad Turn. la.
I Kine lleiuy takes norice of it, in a Commilliun dated j\:arcb Q. this year. Hid. p. 43S.

ibout the 15th of May, or of June. Rjmer'i Fad. Tom. 12. p. 403.



P- 435-



entirely



Book XIV.



19. HENRY VII.



669



1491. entirely employed in the War of Granada, and if he leagued
with Henry, it was only to oblige King Charles by the ter-
ror of the League, to reftore him Roujfillon, being very ready
to defift the moment he fhould be poflefled of that Province.
Maximilian's aim, who had neither Men nor Money, was
to ingage the Kings of England and Spain in a War with
France, and reap all the fruit, by the poifeffion of the Duchefs
and Duchy of Bretagne. So, Henry not being able to de-
pend in any meafure upon fuch Allies, and feeing Bre-
tagne almoft loft, was unwilling to ingage alone in its de-
fence. His fole aim was to fecure by the dread of this
League, the payment of what was owed him by France and
Bretagne. Mean while, Henry and Ferdinand, in order
to attain their ends, were to feign a real intention to make
war upon France.
clmlnViu Whilft thefe two Monarchs were taking meafures to
i"""' 1 ' ^" n accomplifh their defigns, and the Ambafladors of Bre-
Arguitr^ f eigne were waiting in vain at London, Charles caufed the
P. Daniel. Siege of Rennes to be continued. But finding the Siege
was in an ill way, and the feafon now far advanced, he
fought and found a readier and more effectual means than
Itegaini Ber the Sword to fecure the pofTeffion of Bretagne. He gained,
CWt.'. [,y his liberalities, all the young Duchefs's Counfellors,
who fhould perfuade her to break off her marriage with
Maximilian, and take himfelf for her Husband. Perhaps
he had formed that project before. But however, he fir 11
difcovered it during the Siege of Rennes. When he was
fecure of the concurrence of the Lords of Bretagne, he
caufed the Duchefs, then above fifteen years of age, to be
Shcrtfuftsict'o importuned, that fhe had not a moment's repofe. She
""'ty- at firft couragioufly withftood all their follicitations, af-
firming, fhe could not refolve to be falfe to a Prince
whom file had voluntarily efpoufed. But it was repre-
fented to her, That Maximilian had forfaken her firft :
That inftead of coming in perfon to defend her, or at
leaft, of fending her aids proportionable to her wants, he
had remained quietly in Germany, as if what palled in
Bretagne no way concerned him: That in the prefent
pofture of affairs, it was impoffible to hinder Bretagne from
becoming a Province of France, and then Maximilian
would regard her ftill lefs, when he faw her difpoffeffed of
her Dominions : Nay, perhaps fhe would have the con-
fufion to fee that he himfelf would cancel his marriage,
and fo lofe at once both her Duchy and Spoufe, and re-
duce her Subjects to flavery : That in marrying the
King of France, fhe might fecure by a Treaty, the
Sovereignty and Liberties of Bretagne ; whereas, by an ob-
ftinate and fruitlefs defence, fhe would ruin her fubjects,
without reaping any advantage herfelf. In fine, That
the King of France was more proper for one of her age :
That the glorious title of Queen of the Romans, and Em-
prefs, ought not to tempt her, fince that of Queen of
France, with a real Kingdom, was not of lefs value. Mean
while, as the Duchefs refifted, Charles thought of another
Charles em- expedient to conquer her refolution. He went himfelf and
i;?V!/" t00 ' c the Duke of Orleans out of the Tower of Bourges,
Orleans ; where he was confined after the battle of St. Aubin, and
told him, that knowing how great confidence the young
Duchefs of Bretagne placed in him, he required him, in
return for his freedom, to try to perfuade her to comply
■*»JfT'* , '''*with his deiires. The Duke of Orleans, who was tired
Bucbefi,' and * ^' s ' m P r >f°nment, willingly accepted of the Office,
thtmarritvt and repairing to Rennes, fucceeded at laft in determining
a' "nilf' the ^ ucnefs t0 the marriage, which was accordingly con-
ItamU duded December the 1 6th, 1491.

Whilft this affair was in hand, Charles amufed the
Englijh Ambafladors, being unwilling to conclude any
thing, or even treat with them till he faw the fuccefs of
WKAmbiffix. his Negotiation with Ann. At laft, the Ambaffadors
England hearing the marriage was upon the point of conclufion,
■m.thdniii:. withdrew about the end of November, without taking
leave. Thus Henry faw, not without confulion, that he
had loft the fruit of his avaritious Policy, not only as he
had not faved Bretagne, but chiefly as the reimburfement
of the funis he had advanced, was become more precari-
ous than ever. Neverthelefs, he had ftill one refuge left,
which he knew how to improve, and which brought
bim off, if not with honour, at leaft with a pecuniary
advantage, the thing he had all along aimed at. Hap-
pily for him, Charles was poffeffed with his defign to
conquer the Kingdom of Naples. As a rupture with
England would have laid invincible Obftacles in his way,
he thought it fhould by all means be avoided. Henry on
his part, well knowing that, in the prefent juncture,
Charles would not fcruple to purchafe a Peace, feigned an
extreme refentment of the affront he had received, and a
U ^7/C'' relolut ' on to be revenged at any rate. The moment his
f w". Ambaffadors made their report, he ifTued out orders to levy

Ad. Pub.



Forces, and prepare Tranfports, intimating, he was going 1491.
to undertake the moft dreadful War that had ever been be-
tween England and France (1). He feem-.d to prepare to
tread in the fteps of Edward III and Henry V, and not
think of refting till he had forced the Crown of France from
the Houfe of Vakis. We fhall fee prefently to what all
this ardour tended.

Maximilian was inraged when he heard Charles had The A% »/
thus injurioufly robbed him of his Wife. He threatened,' 4 ' R " ma "»
like Henry, to carry Fire and Sword into the heart o(%T"'
France, in revenge of fo deadly an affront. On theHaiL
other hand, the Archduke Philip demanded his Sifter^TV,.
Margaret who was at Paris, and affianced to King Charles. Mo ' l "' sU, '
But the Court of France did not yet think fit to fend
back that Princefs. They feared neither Father nor Son.
'1 heir whole attention was employed in laying the florm
with which they were threatned from England and Spain,
and which appeared much more violent than it really
was. But before I relate the effects of this quariel, it
will be neceffary briefly to mention the affairs of Scot-
land.

Since James IVs acceflion to the Crown of Scot/and, 4bin 0/
he had found it very difficult to maintain himfelf in the Scut | nn ' 1 -
Throne. The troubles which immediately broke out, Bu ^
ftill continued by the Policy of the King of England,
who took care to foment them. He gave from time to
time the Scotch Male-contents fome little aids, which en-
abled them to fupport themfelves, but not to make any
great progrefs againft their King. It is a Policy very
ufual with Princes, to cherifh the troubles of their Neigh-
bours, in a belief that it is a moft effectual way to pre-
ferve Peace at home, though there are foine who would
fcruple to ufe fuch means. But Henry was not of this
number. He even feems to have been lefs fcrupulous Tin c ■ I, -
than many others, fince we find in the Cclleclhn of the mc ?.
Publkk Ails, that the Lord Bothwcl and Sir Thomas Ted^bTa^ ,?
both Scots, had engaged to deliver into his hands the Per- Hmr y-
fons of the King of Scotland, and the Duke of Rcfs his £f/ Pub -
Brother, which could not be done without notorious trea- ' P ' 44 °"
chery. It even appears by the Record, that he had lent
the Larl of Boghan and Sir Thomas Ted, 266 /. 13/. 4 d.
Sterling, to enable them to execute this defign, and that
Ttd left his Son in hoftage forfecurity. This Act is dated
April the 17th, 1 49 1.

This project mil'carry ing, Henry who was preparing for^<« h-
the war with France, would firft be fecured from the di- '"*"-'" E . n S"
verfions, the Scots might make in England during his ab- scotUd ,V»
fence. James for his part, defired nothing more than to '•>"'"•
deprive thofe of his Subjects that were in arms againft him,
of the protection ever afforded them by the King of Eng-
land. So, the two Kings fending their Ambaffadors to lb. P . 465.
Caldjlream upon Tweed, a Treaty of Truce was conclud-
ed, rrom the 21 ft of December, to that day five years 1496.
By this Treaty, the City of Berwick, with its Territory,
was to ftand neuter, and the Lordfhip of Loin in Scotland,
with the little Ifland of Lundey belonging to England, were
excepted out of the Truce. Henry ratified the Treaty P- 47°.
January the 9th, 1492. But probably, the King of
Scotland, whether bribed by France, or from fome other
motive, refufed to confirm it. He agreed however, to a Amba
much fhorter Truce, from the 20th of February 1492, to 7 ""' -
the 20th of November following. P'473*

France fcemed to be threatened from all fides with a 1492.
furious war. Maximilian preffed it to the utmoft of his France "
power, reckoning that his Son Philip, then twenty years 'l'^ dm
old, would make a powerful diverfion in Flanders, whilft""
the Allies acted in other places. Henry was openly pre-
paring for war with great noife and boaftings. In fine,
Ferdinand and Ifabella, who had lately put a glorious pe-
riod to the war with the Moors, by the taking of Gra-
nada, publickly threatned to invade France : Charles there-
fore would have been in great danger, had this powerful
League been in reality, what it was in appearance. Af-
ter taking pofTeffion of Bretagne, he thought of executing
his grand project, concerning the Conqueft of Naples. But
he muft firft difpel the ftorm that was gathering in Spain,
England, and Flanders. Whilft he was wholly employed
in this affair, Henry was no lefs intent upon his own con-
cerns.

In the beginning of the year 1492, he affembled a Par- Henry «.
liament, and communicated to both Houfes his defign toS^g' '**
carry war into France, not with intent to ask their ad- J;. b"bii"l-
vice, as in the cafe of Bretagne, but to acquaint them/£" " ■"""
with his refolution to exert his utmoft endeavours to reco- "g^ Fnmca
ver the Kingdom of France, which he called the Inhe- Bacon,
ritance of his Anceftors. To inflame them the more, he Holloa,
fet before them the glorious Battles of Crecy, Poicliers,~ tov ''
and Azincourt, where the Englijh alone, with a fmall



4.64.' 471 „ C'' .''r . rctainea feveraI Perlons by Indenture, to fa-ve him in this War, who had the following allowance. For every Man at Arms, garniihed with his



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