M. (Paul) Rapin de Thoyras.

The history of England : written in French (Volume 1) online

. (page 314 of 360)
Online LibraryM. (Paul) Rapin de ThoyrasThe history of England : written in French (Volume 1) → online text (page 314 of 360)
Font size
QR-code for this ebook


and had a great Influence upon the Dominions they wei
not poflefied of. They were all four young, able and 1
bitious enough to form valt projects, which could not be
executed without putting all Europe in combuftion.

Francis I, fecretly envying Charles V, fought occafion 0/ Francis I.
to fhewhis concern at feeing him on the Imperial Throne,
and was thinking to ufe the pretence of recovering the
Kingdom of Naples for himfelf, and Navarre for Henry
d'Albrct. But his defign of attacking the Emperor v. .is
founded upon another and more powerful motive, namely,
Policy, which required his utmolt endeavours to humble
this formidable Rival, otherwife France might be in great
danger. To execute this grand project, it would have
been necefiary for him to be wholly intent upon his af-
fairs, and to be a good Oeconomift, in order to fupport
the expence in which he was going to engage. But un-
happily for him, he was too much addicted to his piea-
fures, and very often applied to other ufes, the Money
defigned for the War. Moreover, he was too ealily go-
verned by his Minifters, and ftill more by the Duchcfs of
Angoulime his Mother, whole interefts were olten con-
trary to his. However, he fancied his affairs in fuch a
pofture, as promifed a happy Succels of his undertakings.
Spain was difaffected and agitated with inteltine troubles,
which probably would greatly embarrals the Emperor. On
the other hand, the Turks threatened Hungary, which
the Emperor could not abandon without indangering his
Aujlrian Dominions. In the next place, Francis flattered
himfelf with having in the King of England a faithful
friend, who would not forf.tke him, and who feemed to



of Cloth of Gold. On the 9th, they came and view'd the Camp or Place of Exercil'e, 300 yards long, and 106 hroad, with Scaffolds on the Side for the:
Beholders. There were alio let up two artificial Trees, with the Arms of the two King* and their Aflilhuits, on which were artix^d the An I

the Jufa, &c. June nth, 12th, 13th, 14th, Jcth, the two Kings, with feven Ainftants each, encountered all Corners, and came oft" with A|
June 16th, was fpent in feafting and dancing with the Queens and otheT Ladies. June 17th, being Sunday, and the iSth, being foul wcatHer, '.
pofed. The 19th they continued their Ccurfcs. On the 20th the Tournay began, where our King particularly got that Honour, that a bine 7 ■ N -
bleman, with whom he fought, prelented him with his Horfe, as a Gage of his being overcome. On the 21ft, the Sport was to rough, rlut rbui
Aihltnnts were hurt. On the 22d the Barriers began. The 23d, our King, with his Sifter Queen Mary, went in maliiuine Habits to fee the F'. ■ <^ n
at Ardres, Francis likewile going to the Englijb Queen. On the 24th, alter many Complements, Embraces, and rich Prefents, they took le^v^ 1
another. Herbert, p. 37. See Halt, who fecms to have been an eye-witncls, fol. 73, £3V.

(1) This Sum was to be paid till the Marriage was folemnized, per verba dt pratfenti, between the Dauphin and the Princefs Mary ; and then, every
year afterwards to King Henry during his life. See Rymer, Tom. XIII. p. 719, 720.

(2) In this Letter the Doge i_omplimcnJs him in the llrongelt Terms, and ililes him all along Dctmnatio vejlra Reverendjffimfl, and in one place, fWrf.
uftans ejus pan altera. But it feems the Univeruty ol Oxford was wont to outdo the Doge, and not frruple to bellow abfolutely on the Cardinal the
Title of MajeJIy, as appears from feveral Letters to him from that Univcrfity. But it leems that Appellation was not then appropriated to Kings. See
Figflel, p. 178.

(3) At Aix, the fame day that Solyman was crowned at Conftantmoplt ; and it is obfervable, that as Charles was the Xlih from AUcrtus, in whole time
the Houfe vt the Ottomans began, fo Solyman was the Xlth Prince of his Race.

(4) Rapsn by miftake calls him Earl of Anan : wheieas at this time the Earl of Arran was James Hamilton. S$e above, p. 735. Note (5).

(5) This year the Earl of Kildare was difchavged from the Office of Deputy, or Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, which was conferred on Thomas HttvarJ
Earl of Surrey, and Loid Admiral. He went over to his Government in the beginning of April, with about a thoufand Men, and remained there two
years, in which time li« had many Eng,agemeGts with the Natives, and reduced the Eatl of Defmmd to realon. Hall, fol. 70, Stow, p. 50S,



b-



744-



The HISTORY of ENGLAND.



Vol. I.



1521. be almofl equally concerned, to prevent the too great ad-
vancement of the Houfe of Aujhia. In a word, he ima-
gined to have reafon to expert that the Pope, with whom
he was in Treaty for the Conquer!: of Naples, inftead of
helping to incrcafe the Emperor's power, would ufe his
utmoft endeavours to humble a Neighbour, who could
not but be a tenor to him. All this was ftrengthened
with Francis's Alliances with the Venetians and Switzers,
who joining with the Pope and the King of England,
would of courfe render him fupeiior to his Enemy, whofe
Kingdoms remote from each other, were lefs capable of
giving mutual affiftance. Thus Francis, flattered by thefe
appearances, formed extraordinary projects fuitable to his
Ambition and Age, being then but twenty feven years
old.
Of ClmlaV As for Charles V, he had not yet done any thing to
give a very advantageous Idea of him. His youth had
been fpent under the Guardianihip of the Emperor Max-
imilian his Grandfather, or of Margaret of Aujhia his
Aunt, and fince he had affirmed the Adminiitration of
the Low-Countries, his Governor Cbievres did all in the
name of the Prince. His firft proceedings, after the death
of King Ferdinand, begot no great opinion of him, for
he had fcarce fet foot in Spain, before the Country was all
in commotion. His advancement to the Empire was
owing, perhaps, to the little efteem the World had for
him. However, he was then the moft potent Prince in
Europe. Befides the imperial Dignity, he poffeffed all
Spain, the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, the Low-Coun-
tries, the Archduchy of Aujlria, and many other Provinces
and Lordfhips in Germany. So, with his own Forces
alone, he was able to withftand Francis I, affifted by
all his Allies. Henry VIII was the only Sovereign that
had at firft embarrafled him, by reafon of his Union
with France. But he had artfully drawn that Thorn out
of his fide, by means of Cardinal JVolJcy. With this he
began, as I may fay, to difcover his Ability, which till
then had been as it were concealed. After that, he dili-
gently applied himfelf to gain the Pope, and fucceeded to
his wifh. Thus at the time I am now (peaking of, he
was become very formidable not only by his Forces, but
alfo by the proofs he had given of his Capacity. As foon
as he was raifed to the Empire, he rightly judged he fhould
find in Francis I, an Enemy that would fpare nothing to
make him feel the effect of his envy. For that reafon
he thought early of means to fcreen himfelf from his at-
tempts, not only by ajuft defence, but even by attacking
him firft. He had two plaulible reafons: One was, that
the Crown of France withheld from him the Duchy of
Burgundy, fince the death of his Great G randfather Charles
the laft Duke of Burgundy. The other concerned the
Duchy of Milan, whereof Francis ought to have received
the Inveftiture from the Emperor, fince it was a Fief of
the Empire, and yet he had never vouchfafed to ask it.
He believed moreover to have caufe of complaint for
Francis's extorting from him the Treaty of Noyon as was
before related.

In vain therefore do the Hiftorians of both fides ftrive
to caft the blame of the Rupture upon one or other of
the two Monarchs. It is certain, both thought at the
fame time of making War, and took meafures beforehand
to execute their defigns, though each privately endeavour-
ed to engage his Rival in fomething that fhould make
him be deemed the AggrefTor. So, as the beginning of
a Rupture is not to be judged of by the firft Act of Ho-
ftility, but rather by the Caufe, one can hardly be mi-
ftaken in affirming Charles V and Francis I, to be equally
Authors of a War which fet all Europe in a flame. Charles
was not above one and twenty years of Age, but of a
very different Character from that of his Enemy. Francis
was too much addicted to his Pleafures, whereas Charles
was too intent upon his affairs, having been ufed to it
from his youth. Francis was of a free and open Tem-
per, but Charles was much more referved. He ma-
turely thought of what he had to fay or do, and readily
made ufe of artifice and evafion to accomplifh his ends,
framing his conduct by that of Maximilian and Ferdinand
his Grandfathers.
of Leo x. Leo X had reafon to be fatisfied with his lot, could he
Gukcurd. have refolved to live in quiet. He was abfolute mafter of
the whole Ecclefiaftical State, to which he had lately
added all la Romagna, Modena, Reggio, and the Duchy
of Urbino. His own, the Church's, and all Italy's grand
Intereft, was therefore to endeavour by all forts of means
to keep the Ballance even between the Emperor and King
of France, and to manage fo, that neither of thefe two
Monarchs fhould become too powerful in Italy. This was
very practicable, fince his Dominions being fituated be-
tween thofe belonging to thefe two Princes in Italy, they



neceffarily wanted him, in order to invade Naples or 152'.,.
Milan. Thus, by keeping a ftrict Neutrality, he would
have probably freed Italy from a War, and preferved
the papal Power in its full Luftre. But he was of too
active a Spirit to remain in Peace. As he had a great
opinion of his addrefs, he ventured to engage in all forts
of affairs, how difficult foever they appeared, becaufe, let
what would be the event, he hoped to get clear by fome
artifice. Befides, he had this in common with all the
Popes his Predeceflbrs, that the refpeft for his Cha-
racter removed his fear of being reduced to extremities,
in cafe his undertakings were not crowned with fuccefs.
As to the reft, he was entirely addidted to his Pleafures,
fpending moft of his time with Muficians and Buffoons,
and in fome ftill lefs innocent Diverfions. This, added
to his liberal Temper, threw him into fuch exceffive ex-
pences, that he was poor amidft his vaft incomes, and al-
ways contriving means to procure Money. Hence his
extraordinary Zeal to form a League againft the Turks,
becaufe it afforded him a pretence to levy Tenths upon the
Clergy, and fell his Indulgences to the great fcandal of all
Chrijlcndom ( 1 ).

Had this Pope been of a more narrow genius, he would
have doubtlefs maintained the Tranquillity of Italy.
But as he found himfelf capable of forming and execu-
ting great defigns, he had a mind to render his Pontifi-
cate illuftrious by fome fignal adtions. Unfortunately for
him and his Succeffors, he refolved to drive the Frcticb,
Spaniards and Germans out of Italy, a project which may
well be deemed extravagant. To accomplifh it, he was
neceffarily to make ufe of the one to ruin the others,
and by thus cauling the Ballance to incline all to one
fide he could not but give Mafters to himfelf and all
Italy, which he would have avoided by ftanding Neuter.
But what chiefly engaged him in this project, was his Gukciard,
defire to feize the Duchy of Ferrara, and recover Parma
and Placentia, which he could not hope to effect, whilft
the French were poflefled of the Duchy of Milan. On
the other hand, he was fomething unealy with refpect to
Florence. He could not help fearing that Francis would
think of reftoring the Florentines to their ancient Liberty.
He refolved therefore to begin with the French ; but took
care not to difcover his defigns. On the contrary, he
continued private Negotiations with the King of France as
well as with the Emperor, and put both equally in hopes
of his Friendfhip. Mean while, as his intent was always
to remain in this medium, he ordered fix thoufand Men
to be levied in Switzerland, and fent for them into the
Ecclefiaftical State, having demanded a Paflage through
the Milanefe, under colour of providing for the defence of
his Towns.

Henry VIII was then more advantagioufly fituated than of Henry
any King of England had ever been before him. He VIi1-
was at Peace with all Europe except Scotland, which
would have been glad to be left in quiet. Though he
had now confumed all the Money found in the King
his Father's Coffeis, he was however allured of being
always fupplied, fince he was in a good underftanding
with his Parliament, and had the art of managing the
two Houfes with a very fingular addrefs. Thus being
able to raife numerous Forces, and at liberty to turn
them which way he pleafed, it was doubtlefs in his Power
to render himfelf Umpire of Europe. For that rea-
fon Charles and Francis with equal ardor courted his
Friendfhip, being fenlible, he could invincibly obftruct
their defigns, and caufe the Ballance to lean to the fide
he fhould pleafe to efpoufe. It was his intereft to keep
always in this Situation, till obliged to interpofe in their
differences, to hinder the one from rifing to the prejudice
of the other. And indeed this was his aim and intention.
But unfortunately for him, his weaknefs for his Prime
Minifter the Cardinal was beyond all imagination. This
Favorite had fuch an afcendant over him, that he inclin-
ed him which way he pleafed, always under the fpecious
colour of carrying his Glory to a greater height, though
in reality he had only his own Interefts in view. We
have already feen fenfible proofs of his great influence
over his Mafter, in what palled during and after the
late War with France. He had perfuaded him to deliver
to the Emperor Maximilian the City of Terouenne, which
might have been of great Service to him, and to keep
Tournay, which was of little or no advantage. After-
wards, when he was in poffeffion of the Bilhoprick of
Tournay, he had artfully perfuaded him that the keeping
of that place would be an everlafting Monument of his
Glory. But when he faw, he was like to lofe the Bi-
fhoprick, and had ample amends offered him, he found
other reafons to convince him that he ought to part with
a place which was of no benefit to him. We (hall fee



(1) This is the Pope of «hom Bimbo his Secretary repot ts this Saying: It ij; ban long art J wilt teai brw btntficialtbii Fatlt rfjtfus CbriJI fat ban t: us
and our tndwjpiTi. X

prefentlv



Book XV.



20. HENRY VIII.



745



t.$ll.



Francis I.
invades Na>
varre.
Du Bellay.
Mezerai.



Lefparre
becomes
Mafler of
that King-



tie entert
Spain.



Guicciard.
Herbert.



/i beaten,
m\;d taken
Prtfoner,



Frsnci *y?Vi
mf Ruhert
.1 la Mark
mgcunji the
Emperor.
fetllay.
Guicciard.
I>. Daniel.



The Emft-
rsr tall I up-
on tbr King

of Enptand
to aid him
a^atri/}
franee*
Herbert



prefently that he led him alfo to make a very falfe ftep
in efpoufing the Emperor's part againft Frame, whereas
his true intereft was to keep the ballance even between
thefe two Potentates. All thiv was clone for the fake of
Cardinal IVolfcy, who having the ambition to afpire to
the Popedom, thought to fucceed by the Emperor's means.
The Penfion procured him by Charles upon the Bifhop-
rick of Palencia in Cajiile, and the Administration of the
See of Badajos, at a time when he had not yet received
any publick Service from him, are incontestable proofs
that the Cardinal had ingaged with him, as being Sure
of governing his Mafter as he pleated. Thele things
afforded no very advantagious Idea of Henry's penetra-
tion.

Such were the Characters, Intcrcfts, and Defigns of
the four principal Sovereigns concerned in the new War
I am going to fpeak of. The King of Scotland was yet
too young to be reckoned among the Directors of the
affairs of Europe. The Venetians fought only to live in
Peace, being, as I may dy, exhausted by the former
War. However they could not avoid entering into this
alfo. As for the Switzers, they were finished with their
Penfions from France, and generally inclined to obferve
the Articles of their Alliance witli that Crown. But
they were not entirely fecured from the fecret practices
continued by the Pope's and the Emperor's Agents with
fome of their Magistrates, to try to perfwade them not to
take part with France.

Francis I, having formed a defign to make War upon
the Emperor , without incurring the blame of the rup-
ture, refolved to begin with what could not be imputed
to him as a premeditated defign to quarrel. ]Sy the
Treaty of Noyon, Charles was bound to refign Navarre
to Henry d' Albret within four months, in default where-
of, Francis was free to affift Henry to recover his King-
dom. The affairs of Spain being extremely imbroiled
fince the Emperor quitted that Country, Francis believ-
ed it a fair opportunity to invade Navarre. He was the
more inclined to this undertaking, as the two Regents
of Spain had been forced to draw Troops from Pampc-
lona and other Places of that Kingdom, to reinforce the
Army which was to act againft the fore- mentioned
League. He lent therefore into Navarre, in the begin-
ning of March, an Army under the command of Lef-
parre of the Houfe of Foix, elder Brother of Lautrec and
Lefcun. This General finding the Kingdom without
Troops and almoft deferted, became mafter of it in the
fpace of a fortnight. Had he flopped there, perhaps Na-
varre would have been ftill at this day annexed in deed,
as it is in name only, to the Crown of France, fince the
Spaniards were unable to expel Henry d' Albret, from
whom the Kings of France of the Houfe of Bourbon are
defcended. But the defire of acquiring fame, or procuring
the King's advantage, carried Lefparre to enter the
Province of Guipufcoa, and befiege Logrogno. TItc Re-
gents of Spain had no thoughts of recovering Navarre.
But when they faw the French invading Spain it felf,
they affembled their Forces to flop their Progrefs. The
Male-contents themfelves lately vanquished, accepting a
General Pardon , led all their Troops to the Regents.
Lefparre feeing an Army, much Stronger than his, com-
ing againft him, would have retired ; but was fo clofely
purfued that he was forced to come to a Battle, wherein
he was defeated and taken Prifoner. The lofs of this
Battle occafioned the lofs of Navarre, which the Spani-
ards recovered in lefs time than the French had conquered
it. Thus the King of France had the mortification to
lofe his Army to no purpofe , and flagrantly difcover
to the Emperor how he Stood affected towards him.

The fame time that he invaded Navarre, he raifed
Charles an Enemy from another Quarter ; namely Ro-
bert de la Mark Prince of Sedan and Sovereign of Bouil-
lon, who believing to have caufe to complain of the Em-
peror, for a denial of jultice to the voung Princes of Chi-
may (i), whofe Guardian he was, implored the King of
France's Protection. Very probably, Francis had ottered
it before it was defired. However, Robert de la Mark,
feeing himfclf Supported bv the King, was fo bold as to
lend a defiance to the Emperor, who was then at the
Diet of li'orms. Shortly alter , the Earl of Fleuranges,
eldeft Son of la Mark, put himfelf at the head of four
or five thoufand Men (:) levied in France, and befieg-
cd Fit i ton a Place in Luxemburg belonging to the Em-
peror.

Then it was that Charles, who had with reluctance a-

■ greed to the League of London, thought proper however

to make life of it in fummoning the King of England to

altift him, as obliged by the Treaty, fince it was evi-



1521.



Henry fendr
an Apiaatfk*

dot 1 .

1
1

Mtzcrai.



Who caufr:
la Mark to
lay tf.-jfn
bit Arms.
March 22.



Leo X pint
ivitb France
Jar the Con-
fo'JI <f
Naples.
Guiccisrfi
Mezerai.



dent, the Kin'j; of France had raifed him this Enemy.
Henry, prepofTefTed bv the Cardinal, waS glad of a pretence
to cart the bLmc of the Rupture upon the French King.
Meanwhile, to proceed according to the Articles ol the
League, he fent an Ambaffador to require him to forbc-r
all -Hostility againft the Emperor, not only in Luxemburg
but alfo in Navarre. Francis replied, he Was 1- Au-
thor of the War between Robert de la Mark and U Em
peror, and all he could do was to forbid his Subjects CO
fefVe or affifl la Mark. As to Navarre, it would i.ave
been needlef. to anfwer, fince it wa, now out of hi:, pow-
er to re-enter it. He performed his promile with regard
to the War of Luxemburg^ ami Tleurangti if -banded his
Army. Francis took care not openly to Support the Duke
of Bouillon, for fear of affording Henry, who had ofieied
his mediation, a pretence to declare for the Emperor.
1 Shall purfue this affair, when I have fpoken of thofc
of Italy, which are of no lefs importance.

In the beginning of this, or perhaps before the end of
the l.ilt ycai, Leo X concluded with the French Ambaf-
Sador refiding at Rome, a Treaty whereby he joined in a
League with Francis for the ConqueSt of Naples. The
Treaty ran, that all that part of the Kingdom of Naples.
lying between the Ecclcfiaftical State and Gariglian Should
remain to the Pope : And the reft Should be for Henry
the King's Second Son ; but during his Minority, the
Kingdom Should be governed by the Pope's Legate, who
Should refidc at the City of Naples. Whatever the Pope's
intention was in making this Treaty, it may be almoft
affirmed, he acted with infincerity, becaufe it muft have
been very difadvantagious to him for the fame Prince to
hold Milan and Naples. He was too politick, and too
much ufed to by ways, to be thought to proceed fairly on
this occalion. What may molt probably be conjectured
is, that his intention was to deal by Francis I, as Fer-
dinand King of Arragon had done bv Lewis XII, when
he made much the fame partition with that Prince. At
lead Francis, who had frequently experienced what the
Pope was capable of, could never believe he really inten-
ded to affiSt him in that ConqueSt. Wherefore he delayed
the ratification of the Treaty, to gain lime to confider
ferioufly of the affair.

Leo X finding the time for ratifying the Treaty was
expired, fufpected the King of projecting with the Em-
peror fome agreement prejudicial to the Holy See. Thofc
that deal not fincerely, are ready to think others like
themfelves. However, the King of France's affected de-
lays afforded the Pope a motive or pretence to conclude
another Treaty with the Emperor, to drive the French
out of the Milanefe, and reftore the S/orza's. As he con-
tinued at once Secret Negotiations with the Emperor and
the King of France, it would be fomething difficult to
know his real defign, if there was not a notable diffe-
rence between the two Treaties juft mentioned. That
with the French Ambaffador concerned a chimerical pro-
ject, the execution whereof was almoft impracticable in
the prefent juncture of affairs, and befides, really contra-
ry to his true intereft ; whereas the other was to his ad-
vantage, and agreeable to the projects he had formed. So,
probably, the firft was made only to procure better
Terms from the Emperor. Befides, he had been ever
wont to have, as they fay, two Strings to his Bow, which
he confidered as the grand Myftery of Politicks. His
Treaty with the Emperor was no lefs advantagious, than
that he would have made with the King of France. The
chief Articles were thefe.



That the Pope and Emperor Should join their Forces Annie of
to expel the French out oS this Milanefe, and reftore Fran- ' l ' Tr '"j'l
cefco Sftnza. That Prince was then at Trent, having c"^c«oi.
retired thither, a little before his Brother Maximilian was
difpoSlefled of his Dominions.

That Parma and Placentia Should be reftored to the
Church.

That the Inhabitants of the Milcu.-f, Should provide
themfelves with Salt only at Cervia, a Town in the Ec-
clefiaftical State.

That the Emperor Should aid the Pope to conquer Fer-
rara.

That the fum the Emperor gave the Pope for the Kjng
dom of Naples Should be augmented.

That the Emperor Should protect the Family of Me-
dici.

That he Should grant to the Cardinal de Aledici a Pen-
fion of ten thoufand Ducats, upon the Archbifhoprick of
Toledo.

That Alexander de Medici, natural Son to Lorenzi
late Duke of Urbino, Should have in the Kingdom of



V- —

off the Ha-

tifnan.'.

of II.



Ikt Pope

leagues

intb the

Emperor.

Mczerai.

Guicciard.



ft) A Lord named tT-Aimm'ei had (e : zpd the Town cf Hfcrgt in iirdtmtl belonging to tbofe Prince?; and d~A.-v-.ci was fjpported by th- E.tt-
penr. P. Daniel, Tom. VII. p. 43..

(1) Three thou'anJ Foot, and u<ur hundred Herfe. J'-id,



No. j8. V o i. I.



9 C



Nctpliii



?4-6



tb» H 1 S T R T of E N G L A N D.



Online LibraryM. (Paul) Rapin de ThoyrasThe history of England : written in French (Volume 1) → online text (page 314 of 360)