M. (Paul) Rapin de Thoyras.

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TVoad, the Romans gave them the Name of Pitts, to di-
ftinguifh them from thole that, after their Submiffion to
the Roman Power, had left off that Cuftom. This Opi-
nion is not groundlefs, fince it is certain, many Britons,
unwilling to fubmit to the Roman Yoke, retir'd n'orthward,
as the Conquerors advane'd in the Ifland. But as the Ro-
mans fubdued the Seventeen Britijh Nations, not all at
once, but by degree*, it may be ask'd why they gave the
Name of Pitts to Thofe only that fled beyond the Tine,
and not to the other Nations before they were conquer'd, to
diftinguifh them alfo from fuch as had fubmitted. The
Scots further reply, that the Argument alledg'd by the Eng-
lijh is more fpecious than iblid, being entirely built upon the
Conformity of the Name Pitts with the Latin Word
Pitti : That many Britons, it is true, retir'd among the
Inhabitants of the North, but to prove Thefe to be the
fame with them that were afterwards call'd Pitts, it muft
be fhown how they came to be a feparate Body, and a di-
ftindl People from the other northern Nations, as it is certain
the Pitts were for feveral Ages, with Laws and Cuftoms
different from Thofe of the Britons and Scots:. That feeing
nothing like this can be fhown, it is more natural to think
thefe fugitive Britons retiring among the Pitts were incor-
porated with them. This Opinion, to which I confefs I
am inclin'd, may be farther confirmed, by confidering that
the Scots, not being conquered 'till the Reign of Severus, and
remaining but a very little time under the Dominion of the
Romans, called their Neighbours Pehiti. Now if this
Name be the fame with that of the Pitts from the Latin
word Pitti, how can it be conceiv'd that the northern Peo-
ple, whether Scots or others, fhould give their Neighbours
a Roman Name ? But if it be a different Name, it muft
then be owned, the Pitts were not Britons, nor receiv'd
their Name from the Cuftom of painting their Bodies.
Buchanan, who takes the Name of the Pitts to be Roman,
confeffes however his Ignorance of the Name they gave
themfelves. But on the other Hand, he pretends they
came from certain Gaulijh Colonies fettled in Thrace
where they painted their Bodies as well as in Britain. The
Pitts, continues he, fpoke the fame Language as the Bri-
tons and Scots, fince we don't find in Hiftory that thefe
three Nations had occafion for Interpreters to trade to°-ether.
I own this does not feem to me to be a fatisfadtory Reafon
it being very poffible thefe Nations might fpeak different
Languages, and yet Hiftorians make no mention of Inter-
preters (2). Buchanan however concludes from hence they
were originally Celts. Verjlegan, an Englijh Author, fays
the Name of the Pitts comes from a Word in their own
Language, fignifying Warrior. I don't think it neceffary
to examine any farther the Origin of a Nation that has now
been entirely extinct without the leaft Remains almoft Nine
Hundred Years.

This is all I could find worth notice concerning the Pitts
and Scots, who are to make fo confiderable a Figure in the
following Hiftory. It is time now to return to the Bri-
tons, and lhow in what manner they were fubdued by the
Romans.



(0 B.fhop Lloyd fays they were call'd Ktlledti, or in old Scotch, Kyldtei, from Cylli, a Cell, and Tee or Dee a Houfc, that is, a Houfe tf Cells. But aft-r
wards when it was uliul to rind out Latin Derivations for thole Words of which Men did not know the Original, Kyldees or Kyllede, came to be call'd Cu 'J ■
or Cohdei, that is, tVorJhiffen cj God. Either way it appears they were Monks. Now the firft Monk, among the Seen were St. AWV, Difcinles who
died in 401. Confequently the Culdett were not of fo antient a Date as pretended by Selden and the Satilh Hiftorians. They are not mentioned bv
Meae or Ncnmus. '

(z) Bcde hys, in his time God was fcrved in five feveral Languages in Britain, namely, An?l»um, Britanum, Sntmm, PiBmm, IcLati'mnim 1 1 c 1
•Huntmgd. p. 299. ' '




THE




THE



HISTORY of ENGLAND.



BOOK I.

From the firft Invafton of Britain by the Romans under J u L i u s C^sar, to the Calling
in of the Saxons. Containing the Space of about Five Hundred Tears.




H E Romans were become Matters of
almoft all Europe, of the belt Part of
Africa, and of the richeft Countries
of Afia, before they undertook the
Conqueft of Great-Britain. While
fo many Kingdoms were by thefe
Conquerors continually added to their
Empire, Great-Britain preferv'd her
Liberty : but it was owing rather to
her Situation than Strength. She was confider'd as a fepa-
rate World by herfelf, to which the Inhabitants of the Con-
tinent feem'd to have no Pretenfions, or at leaft, knew
nothing there capable of exciting their Defires. Befides,
the Wars with the Gauls kept the Romans fo long employ-
ed, that they had not leifure or opportunity to think of the
Britons. Julius Cafar was the firft that form'd the Pro-
ject of that Conqueft, during his Government of Gaul,
where he caus'd the Roman Arms to triumph. His fre-
quent Victories over the Gauls had extremely increas'd his
Fame, and procur'd great Advantages to the Common-
wealth. But he was not himfelf fatisfied with the Repu-
_ , r tation he had lately acquir'd in Gaul. His Thirft of Glory
the Defign to and Defire of enlarging the Bounds of the Empire, infpired
confer Bri- him with the Defign to extend his Conquefts, and bring
the Britons under the Dominion of the Romans. Some ac-
cufe him of being influene'd by a more ignoble Motive, and
of aiming in this Enterprize at the enriching himfelf with
the Spoils he hoped to find in the Ifland (i). But this Im-
putation cannot be faid to be well-grounded. However this
be, Great-Britain, tho' little known in thofe days, had
charms fufficient to raife the Ambition of that renowned
Warrior. His Pretence for invading the Britons was their
aflifting the Enemies of the Commonwealth : a Pretence
frequently us'd by the Romans to carry their Conquefts into
the moft remote Countries. Upon this Ground he made
two Expeditions into the Ifland, the Particulars whereof are
thus related in his Commentaries.



Sueton.
Mela.



Co: far, tho' he had fpent part of the Summer in making Account of
an Irruption into Germany, refolv'd to employ the reft in the *»'» firft Ei-
Execution of his Defign upon Britain. He was very fenfi- f^!". n "*"
ble however, the Seafon was too far advane'd to expect: to Ant. chr.
make any great Progrefs. Neverthelefs, he confider'd it Si-
would be nofmall advantage if he could take a View of the?*." Com '
Ifland, almoft wholly unknown to all but the Merchants '
that traded on the Coafts. And thefe Merchants themfelves
were fo little acquainted with what Ceefar wanted to know,
that fending for fome of them, he could learn neither the
Extent of the Ifland, nor whether it was well-peopled or
not. Much lefs could they give him any Information con-
cerning the Ports and Havens, and whether there were any
fit to receive Ships of Burthen. This Uncertainty made
him refolve to fend Volufenus to view the Coafts as far as
was poffible without danger, whilft his Troops were march-
ing to the Place of Imbarkation (2).

The Britons, receiving Intelligence by the Merchants of
Cafar's Defign, endeavour to divert him from his purpofe, r c „j J^r.
by fending Ambaffadors with Offers of Obedience to t\±faion.
Romans, and the Delivery of Hoftages. Cafar gives the
Ambaffadors a very civil Reception, but exhorting them to
perfift in their Resolution, difmiffes them without Anfwer,
or at leaft without telling them pofitively what he intended
to do. With them however he fends Comius (whom he
had a few days before made King of the Attr elates) (3)
with Inftruclions to perfuade the Britons to make an Alli-
ance with the Romans, and acquaint him with his Defisrn
to come over into their Ifland. They were by no means
pleas'd with the News, for they expected what they had
done would have indue'd the Roman General to alter his Re-
futation. So, whether Comius fpoke to them too haughtily,
or they had a mind to let the Romans fee they did not fear
them, they committed the Ambaflador to Prifon, loading
him with Irons.

Mean while Volufenus having coafted along the fouthern^. c. jr.
Parts of the Ifland without landing, returns and gives an C«&r<



(1) Britanniam pethTc fpemargaritarum, quarum amplitudinem conferentem, interdum iua manu exegifle pondus. Sueton. in J. Caef. c. 47. Rapin.

(2) Suetonius fay3 nothing of C. Volufenus being fent to make Difcoveries, but rather intimates, that Cafar undertook to do this in perfon. AVjwt in Bri.

Vit. Jul. C*l. c. 58. But according to Co-Jar's own Account



laiks zvitt
e Le£itr<Si



tanmam tranjiienit, nifi ante per fe portus t& navigationettl QC accejfum ad infulqnt txplorajfett
Suetontut was miitaken.

(3) Inhabitants of 'he Country about Arret,



Account



: .



The HISTORY of ENGLAND,



Vol. U



Account of the Difcoyeries he had made. Whereupon,
every thing being ready to begin die Expedition, Cafar im-
bark'd two Legions on board eighty Tranfports, leaving
orders for the Horfe to follow with all fpeed in eighteen
more that could not yet join the Fleet, and were expected
every moment : but his Orders were not timely enough ex-
ecuted. At his Arrival on the Coafts of Britain, he fees
the Hills and Cliffs that ran out into the Sea, cover'd
with Troops that could ealily with their Darts prevent
his landing ( i ). Upon which he determines to look out
for fome other place, where he may land his Army with
lefs danger. However, he lies by 'till Three in the After-
noon (2), expecting fome Ships that were not yet come
up. Upon their joining the Fleet, he makes a Signal for
the principal Officers, and giving them his laft Inftruclions
concerning their landing, makes fail and comes to an An-
chor about two Leagues farther, near a plain and open
Shore (3). The Bfitons perceiving his Intent, fend their
Chariots and Horfe that way, whilft the reft of their
Army advance to fupport them. The main difficulty in
>:, tmii landing proceeded from the Largenefs of the Veffels which
"" hinder'd them from coming near enough to the Shore ; fo
"""""■>■ that the Roman Soldiers faw themfclves under a Neceffity
of leaping into the Sea arm'd as they were, in order to at-
tack their Enemies who flood ready to receive them on
dry Ground. Cafar perceiving his Soldiers did not exert
their ufual Bravery on this occalion, orders fome Gallies to
get as near the Shore as poffible, and fet upon the Enemy
in the Flank. This Precaution had the defircd Effect.
For the Slings, Engines, and Arrows were fo well em-
ploy'd from thefe Gallies, that the Courage of the Britons
bei-an to abate. But the Romans ftill demurr'd upon
throwing thcmfelves into the Water, and it may be would
hardly have done it at all, had not the Standard-Bearer of
the Tenth Legion fhown them the way, by leaping in
firft with his Colours in his Hand, crying out aloud, Follow
me, Fellow-Soldiers, unlefs you will betray the Roman Eagle
into the Hands of the Enemy. For my part I am refolvd to
difeharge my Duty to Caefar and the Commonwealth. Upon
thefe Words, he leaps into the Sea and advances with his
Eagle towards the Barbarians. Emulation and Shame
t aufing the Soldiers to forget the Danger, they couragioully
follow him and begin the Fight. But their Refolution
was not able to compel the Britons to give ground : Nay,
it was to be fear'd that the Romans conflrain'd thus to
fight in the Water without keeping their Ranks, would in
the End have been repuls'd, had not Cafar caus'd fome
armed Boats to ply about with Recruits, which made the
TO, Britons Enemy fall back a little. The Romans improving this Ad-
<rr, routed, vantage advance with all poffible Expedition, and getting
firm footing, prefs the Britons fo vigoroufly, that at length
they put them to rout. They durft not however purfue
them, becaufe the Horfe were not yet come. Which
Cafar fays, was the only thing that hinder'd the Victory
from being compleat (4).
,,. ., ,-, The Britons, aftonifh'd at the Roman Valour, and fearing
p . .. J ' r a more obftinate Refiftance would but expofe them to
greater Mifchiefs, fet Comius at liberty, and fend him back
to Cafar, throwing the Blame of his ill Treatment on the
Fury of the Populace. At the fame time Ambaffadors are
Cafar grants difpatch'd to fue for Peace and offer Hoftages. Cafar very
tteir Rejucft. readily pardons them, on condition they fend him a certain
Number of Hoftages. Part of them were immediately deli-
ver'd with a Promife of fending the reft.
lie Romans P eace being ^ us concluded four Days after landing, the
fuftain a Briti/h Troops were difmifs'd, and fome of their chief
F%ZJJ* hy Men came to Cafar to manage the Concerns of their Na-
tion. Mean while, the Ships that were tranfporting the
Roman Horfe putting to Sea meet with a violent Storm,
which forces them back again into the Ports of Gaul. The
fame Storm falls likewile upon Cesfar's Fleet lying in the
Road, fome whereof are d*fh'd in pieces, others lofe their
Anchors, Cables and Rigging. And what added to the



w St'.rrr.,



Misfortune, the fame night the Tide of Flood rofe fo high,
(as is ufual at the full of the Moon, a tiling then unknown
to the Romans) that the Gallies, having been drawn afhore
were fill'd with Water. This Accident threw the Romans
into great Confternation, for they had not brought with
them wherewithal to repair their fhatter'd Vellels, nor any
quantity of Provifions, Cafar having all along intended to
winter in Gaul.

The Britons that were with Cafar foon perceiv'd his The Britons)
want of Provifions, Ships and Cavalry. Befides, it was b L eak ''-''
eafy to guefs, by the fmall extent of their Camp, that the '"'■ y '
Number of the Romans was not confiderable. Having
made thefe Obfervations, they fteal away by degrees, and
reprefent to their Countrymen, " what a favourable Op-
" portunity offer'd to free themfelves from Servitude :
" How the Romans were few in Number, without Pro-
" vifions and Horfe : How they had juft loft their Ships,
" and with them all hopes of retiring." Upon this the
Britons refolve to ufs all poffible means to cut off the Ro-
mans Provifions, and amufe them 'till Winter come on.
Cafar gueffing their Intentions by what had happen'd to
him, took all imaginable Care to lay in as great a Stock of
Provifions as he could, and put them under a ftrong Guard
within the Camp. Then fending to Gaul for part of what CxhrrcpaSrt
he had occafion for to refit his Fleet, he made ufe of the t:i Flc "'
Timber and Iron of the broken Veflels to repair the reft.
The Soldiers labour'd with fo uncommon a Diligence,
(as their Safety was at ftake) that in a few days the Fleet
was in condition to fail, twelve Ships only having been
loft.

Mean while, the feventh Legion being fent out to forage, Tbefci/aat
News was brought to Cafar, that a Cloud of Duft was feen f a ^jhat
to rife from that quarter. He fufpecSted immediately what Eritons,
was the nutter; and taking with hina two Cohorts (5) that
guarded the Camp, ordered the reft of the Forces to follow
with all expedition. When he came to the Place, he
found the Legion furrounded by the Enemy, and over-
power'd with Numbers. As the Harveft was brought in
every where elfe, the Britons did not queftion but the Ro-
mans would come and forage there, fo lay in a Readinefs to
fall upon them. It was very eafy to put Soldiers in Difor- who attain
der that had quitted their Arms, and were difpers'd up and J°*" -•**•*»<
down to gather the Corn. They kill'd fome at the firft s '
Onfet; and to prevent the reft from efcaping, began to fur-
round them with their Chariots. Cafar came very feafo-
nably to the Relief of the Legions, and fav'd them from be-
ing all taken or flain. Having brought them off, he flood
fome time in order of Battle in fight of the Enemy, but at
length retreated to his Camp, not deeming it proper to en-
gage, unlefs compell'd to it.

The Britons, flufh'd with this Succefs, drew together a Ttt Britont
greater Body of Troops, with a Refolution to attack the """* ' be
Roman Camp. Tho' Cafar had but thirty (6) Horfe in £°™ n
all, he drew up his Men, that the Enemy might not think
he was afraid of them. They attack'd him as he forefaw.
But inftead of forcing the Camp, they were vigoroufly re-
puls'd and purfu'd for feveral Miles. The Britons were fo Tieyfutjin
difheartned at their Lofs, that they fent the fame Day ""*«**»
Ambafladors to Cafar to fue for Peace. The Pofture of
Cafar's Affairs would not 'Lifer him to improve his Victo-
ry, becaufe he had no Horfe to oppofe to thofe of the
Enemy. This Confideration indue'd him to conclude a
Treaty with them, whereby they were bound to deliver a
greater Number of Hoftages, and fend them to Gaul,
where he intended to go as foon as poffible. Tho' the
Paffage was not long, the Fear of expofing his Fleet to Ca?far «•
another Storm, if he ftay'd 'till the Equinox, made him'*"""
haften his Departure (7). The Britons neglecting to fend
their Hofiages, he puts his Troops into Winter Quarters,
and forms the Defign of a more important Expedition in
the following Spring. Mean while, the Senate being in-
form'd of Cafar's Exploits in Britain, a Proceffwn of
twenty Days is decreed to him, though the Advantages



(1) This ajrres fo exaftly with the Cliffs of Dover towards the South-foreland, that all Men of Judgment believe this to be the Place.

(2) Rapin t bv mifrake, fiys, Four. Sec Cafar's Comment.

(3) Such is the Shore at the M uth of the River that goes up to Rhbborougb, call'd in Latin, Rbutvpia, R:tupa, or Pirtu: Ruupcnjis. Dr. Call
r .,- it Ritupa, which fuits belt vwth the modern Name.

Rutupinaque littora fervent,

Unda Caledonios fallit turbata Briunncs. Lucan. lib. vi.
Ri • ! rough or Portus Ritupenjs is plac'd in the 2d Iter of Antonme's Itinerary at twelve Miles diftancc from Dsirsr.c^tr. or Canterbury, Twelve Rcmat art
about nine computed Miles. •

(,+ ; The Time of Cafar's landing in Britain is thus known. His firll Expedition was, as he fays himfelf, In the Consulate of femp l/tMi Civffla, that

1 .ling to Dr. Hail. 7, in the v't.ir of Borne 699. But Auguflus died in the Year 767, that is, Sixty-eight Years alter Carfar'i Dele* nt. Upon News of

Augujlus's Death, there was a Mutiny in the Patmonian Army, 'which was quieted by Drafts, by help of an Eclipfe of the Moon. No* from this Ecliple it in
certain that Augujltis died in the 14th Year of Chrift, cenleqiicntly Cafar's firft Defccnr, which was Sixty-eight Years before, n.uft be in the 55th Year cur-
1 re the ChriftianiEra. And as the Year, lo imv the very Day and Hour when he landed, very probably, be- fix'd. For Co-far having tr.ention'd the
4th D..y alter his landing, fays, the Night aiter it was full Mxn. Now, the Summer being far fpent, this full Moon rr.uft have been in July or Augufl.
But 1 he full Moon 01 'juli was in the beginning oi the Mi nth, and of the two full Moons that Year in Augufl, that en the ill Day was at Noon, where-
fore it mull be the other a litUlafter'Midnightof the 30th. Hence it is plain, Cafar landed four Days before, en the 26th of Augtjt, about five in the After-
noon. Sec Lowborpe's Abridgtn. Phil. Tranf. Vol. III. p. 412.

(5I It was the Oiflom of the Romans to place whole Cohorts before the Gates of their Camp. Hence cur Engltjb Phrale, Ccurt, or Cohort -.,'
Guard. A C hort was the 10th Part of a Legion, about Six hundred Men. The firft or chief Cohorts arc laid to contain lcmctimcs above a Thcu-
fand M- n. Brady, p. 8.

(6) Brady conje'cluxes, after Hotebman, that 30 is put by miftalce for 300. /. e.

(7) Tlw Equinox, which now talis upon the nth of September, mull in Cafar's Time have bc'n on the a;th of that Month. (This Difference it

.■ Minutes more than it really is.; ' So that probably Cafar left the illand about the 20th of September, about
D-)s alter his landing, aadashefays, a little before the Equinex.

he



Book I.



^'BRITONS ^ROMANS.



ii



He lands

•without Op
ttftim.



he had gain'd were of little Conlequence to the Common-
wealth (i).
B. C. 54. Ctzfar, according to his Cuftom, went and paffed part

Ca-fir'^ ft- of the Winter in Italy, leaving Orders with his Officers to
had ExptA- re p ;l ; r trie ol^ and build fome more new Ships. When he
c«mm. 1. v. had received Advice that his Orders were executed, he
came to Portus Itius (2), where he found fix Hundred
Ships (3), and twenty-eight Gallies, on board of which he
put live Legions, and two Thoufand Horfe. He conducts
this numerous Fleet to a Place on the Britijh-Q02.il,
mark'd by him the Summer before, and lands his Forces
without Oppolition. For the Britons, as he was told after-
wards, at the fight of fo mighty an Armament, thought fit
to retire into the Country behind fome Hills. Cezfar, ac-
cording to the Raman Cuftom, fortifies his Camp, and
leaving a Guard, fets out in the Night in queft of the
Enemy. Having marched about twelve Miles, he fees
them ported on the other fide of a River (4) to oppofe his
Paflage. As refolute as they feemed at firft, they could not
withltand the furious Charge of the Roman Horfe, but
were forc'd at length to quit their Poft. They retir'd a
little farther into a Wood, the Avenues whereof were
bloek'd up with huge Trees laid a-crofs one another, and
The Britons which feemed to be fortified in fome former War. Tho'
art wvJlcJ. it appeared very difficult to force thefe Intrenchments, the
feventh Legion however performed that Service, and oblig-
ed the Britons to betake themfelves to flight. But Night

C5 CD

coming on, and the Country unknown, Ceefar forbids all

Purfuit.
71? Raman Next Day, he divides his Army into three Bodies,
Ships in which march at fome diftance from each other in purfuit
jhatttrtd by r ^ Enemv. During the march, he received the me-

a Stonn. J °, '

lancholy News that his \ leet was almoft entirely deftroyed
by a violent Storm, moft of the Ships being dafh'd in
pieces or driven alhore. As this Accident might be at-
tended with ill Confequences, he refolved to haften back
to the Sea-fide. Here he finds forty of his Ships deftroyed,
and the reft fo damag'd, that they were hardly repairable.

C*far repairs However, Neceflity compelling him to go about it without

the Flea, J f s f time, he fets all the Carpenters in the Fleet and
Army to work, fending for others at the fame time from
Gaul. To prevent the like Misfortune again, as foon as
the Ships are refitted, he employs his Soldiers, Night and
Day, to draw them by Strength of Arms into the inidft of
the Camp. This Work, notwithftanding the difficulty of
it, was finifhed in ten Days (5). Mean while, he writes to
Labienus his Lieutenant in Gaul, to build more Ships and
fend them over when ready. Then leaving a fufficient
Force to guard the Camp, he refumes the Defign inter-
rupted by the Misfortune befallen his Fleet.

He had not march'd far, before he was informed that the
Enemies Forces were much increas'd, under the Conduit
of Cajftbelanus King of the Trinobantes, whofe Kingdom

"tZht'bt'ko- l a y beyond the Thames, about eighty Miles from the Sea
(6). This Prince had hitherto wag'd continual Wars with
his Neighbours ; but upon the Romans Approach, they had
concluded a Peace with him, and chofen him Commander
in Chief. Whilft the Roman Army was on the march,
they found themfelves attacked on a fudden by the Britijh
Horfe and Chariots. But this attack, tho' vigorous, was
repuls'd with great lofs on their Side. Neverthelefs, they
were not difheartned. Some Days after, whilft the Ro-
mans were employed about their Intrenchments, a Body
of their Troops that lay conceal'd in the neighbouring
mslavc Woods, fell furioufly upon thofe that guarded the Camp,

the Adman- and put them into great Diforder. Cetfar feeing this,

"&• immediately fends two Cohorts to their Affiftance, who,

furpriz'd at the Britijli manner of fighting, are routed at



and dratvs
the Ships
within the

Camp.



Callibcljnus
General of
the Britilh
-Forces, at-



He is re-

puL'J.

Another
Sktrmijh,
•where the



the firft Charge. Qia'ntus Laberius Durui a 'I nbune was
flain in the Action. As this Battle was fought in fight of
the Camp, Cajar faw plainly the great Difadvantage the
Romans, encumber'd with their heavy Armour, lay under,
againft fwift and light-arm'd Enemies that engag'd in final!
Parties only, with a Body of Referve in their Rear, frolrt
whence they were continually recruited. The Roman
Horfe were no lefs embarafs'd than the Foot. As the
Britons frequently counterfeited a Retreat, the Horfemen



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