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THE WORLD'S
GREAT CLASSICS




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TIMOTHY DWIGHT, D.D. LLD.
RICHARD HENRYSTODDARD
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PAVLVAN DYKE.D.D.
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THE COLONIAL PRE5S

NEW-YORK MDCCCXCIX



, . .



MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO.

Photogravure from the marble bust in the Prado Gallery at Madrid.

This is the most pleasing of all extant likenesses of the great Roman orator. It
its Cicero when he was about sixty years of age and at the zenith of his.



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ORATIONS




MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO



TRANSLATED BY

CHARLES DUKE YONGE, A.B.



WITH A SPECIAL INTRODUCTION BY
CHARLES HERMANN OHLY, Ph.D




REVISED EDITION




THE
COLONIAL




CornuGKT, 1900,
Bv THE COLONIAL PRESS.



SPECIAL INTRODUCTION

IT is to the ancients we turn when we seek to find the founda-
tions on which the structure of modern civilization has
been reared. Our laws we trace to Rome. Athens is the
mother of art, both plastic and poetic. Both Greece and Rome
have taught us the science of government, nay, given us gov-
ernment itself. And eloquence, the fleeting utterance of the
tongue, we trace in its beginning and perfection, through the
channels of Rome, to Athens, its source and fountain-head.

Oratory was a living power in Athens and in Rome. It has
been a power with all civilized peoples. Its power has always
been in direct proportion to the eloquence it bore. For, in the
living speech lies that hidden charm by which the emotions are
kindled, that rouses to action, that imparts knowledge. " What
is there in the world," says Cicero, " more extraordinary than
eloquence, whether we consider the admiration of its hearers,
the reliance of those who stand in need of assistance, or the
good-will it procures from those whom it defends."

Eloquence, the quintessence of oratory, has ever been a safe
criterion of the intellectual and moral level of a people, its de-
cay an indication of torpor and of decay of the ideal. In Demos-
thenes culminated the eloquence of Greece; in Cicero that of
Rome. With their disappearance vanish the liberties of the
people and self-government is effaced. With the institution of
free government Roman oratory developed and grew during the
five hundred years that Rome was her own mistress. Before the
fall of the Republic, when liberty was about to make her last
struggle, it reached the summit of perfection. With the decline
of independence oratory declined in Rome as well as in Greece.
Eloquence ceased to be a weapon in public affairs and yielded its
gentle sway to force borne by appeal to arms. Rarely has ora-
tory flourished and unfolded its powers in times of peace and



SPECIAL INTRODUCTION

general prosperity. It needs a soil peculiar to itself, from which
to draw its vigor and an atmosphere of its own to expand and to
develop its supreme powers. I ' >ltncal ideals and the attainment
of high aims have ever been its foster-mother. Great issues, the
welfare of nations, oppression of the proud and generous reli-
gious fervor, each in turn has tended to urge the orator to impas-
sioned eloquence. Turn to the Irish Parliament and its cham-
pions for national independence; to the French Revolution and
nattainable ideals; to the great struggle in the United States
to free the slave from bondage. Never have the powers of elo-
quence had greater sway, never have they helped to shape
greater e\

Cicero is the embodiment of Roman eloquence. None is
greater than he save Demosthenes; none of the ancients nearer
to us than he. The more realistic a nation's conception of the
life of the ancients, especially in their literature, the nearer has
it attained to their standard of perfection. Witness the Latin
races, witness England and its intellectual offspring, America.
The prose style of all modern writers has been largely in-
fluenced by Latin prose, and, above all, by the model style of
Cicero.

Marcus Tullius Cicero was born on the third of January, about
the year 106 B.C. He was of noble birth and his family had
possessed equestrian rank from its first admission to the
freedom of Rome. At an early age he was brought to Rome.
Reared under the best tutors of his time and guided by a natural
tendency of his mind, he soon became a zealous student of
philosophy, jurisprudence and its twin sister, eloquence. He
grew into manhood under the shadow of the outrages of civil
war.

His defence of Roscius against the favorite of Sulla falls in
the year 81 B.C. Hortensius was his opponent. To triumph
over such a foe was a triumph indeed. A two-years' sojourn
abroad in Greece and Asia Minor did much to invigorate his
body and develop his mind. As quaestor in Sicily, then in his
thirtieth year, he acquired his first experience in the administra-
tion of government. In the Senate Cicero was at this time
looked upon as leader and champion. Public favor was be-
stowed on him without his 1 courting it by insidious arts. The ac-
cusation of Verres was delegated to him after he had been unani-



SPECIAL INTRODUCTION v

mously elected ccdilis cnrnlis in 69 B.C. During his praetorship
he assisted Pompey in securing the generalship in the war
against Mithridates. His election as consul, in 64 B.C., marks
the climax of his life. The defence of Rabirius and the prose-
cution of Catiline belong to this period.

But stronger arms than his aspired to rule. Cicero was pow-
erless against the combination of Crassus, Caesar and Pompey.
The entry of Publius Clodius into the triumvirate drove him into
exile. To Pompey's quarrel with Clodius he owed his recall.
The fate of Crassus had impressed him profoundly, and we miss
in Cicero henceforth that independence of character that marked
his earlier years. Discouraged from participating in public
affairs, he now entered upon a period of great literary activity.

The final struggle between Pompey and Caesar was drawing
near. Cicero's friendship and influence, still powerful, were
sought by both, and, while his heart inclined him to Pompey, his
reason favored Caesar. Nothing, however, could induce him to
abandon his seclusion, till, after the assassination of Caesar, he
proposed in the Senate a general pardon for all participants in
the struggle, and effected a superficial reconciliation between
the opposing factions. He joined Octavianus against Anto-
nius, and with all the power of his eloquence strove to thwart the
designs of Antonius to continue in the role of Caesar.

But Octavianus repaid him ill. In his new triumvirate with
Antonius and Lepidus all friends of liberty were doomed by pro-
scription. Cicero was the first victim demanded from Octa-
vianus by the implacable Antonius. On the seventh day of De-
cember in the year 43 B.C., he suffered death at the hands of
C. Popillius Laenas, whose life he had once saved. His head
and right hand were exposed to the populace, a spectacle that
brought tears to every eye in the gazing multitude, and exulta-
tion to the hearts of sycophants and the enemies of liberty.

It was the conception and the pursuit of ideal beauty that
produced all the masterpieces of Greek art. Cicero applied it to
eloquence. He tells us that he continually strove to attain an
ideal excellence not found in any living model nor taught in any
school ; and accords to his Grecian rival the great praise of all
but reaching a perfection which he had himself always longed
for but had never been able to attain. No writer has ever made
so close a scrutiny of himself and his art as he. In " De Oratore "



ri SPECIAL INTRODUCTION

he points to the variations of Thus, among others,

he gives reasons that aroused him to indignation :m<l vcln-m-
in I ngs again I \ rr-> ami < atiliiK. and those that in-

spired him t.) insinuating eloqm-mv in >|>eakiiig <m the Manilian
law. In Brutus IK- lias laid down all the results of ! rva-

tions. reflect inns and .hat a speaker should be, can

never be, yet must ever strive to be.

Cicero o\\rd his great perfection in eloquence more to himself
and his constant endeavors than to any other source. 1 1 is t rut-
he acknowledges more than once his indebtedness and gratitude
to Isocrates. Archias, the poet, is mentioned as one of his early
preceptors. But the genius of eloquence was born in him,
and, at an early age, following a natural inclination he resolved
to devote himself to oratory. He often saw and listened to the
orators of his day. Crassus, Antonius, Caesar, Sulpicius and
Cotta. In acquiring a profound knowledge of the law he owed
much to the two Scaevolas, the most eminent jurists of the day.
Again the arrival of Philo and other learned Greeks, in 89 B.C.,
was an event in the life of Cicero. Phaedrus had already initi-
ated him in the study of philosophy and the Stoic Diodolus in the
art of dialectics. Thus it was that, at the threshold of manhood
and at the very outset of his career, he had attained to a degree
of perfection which few have reached after a long and active
career. His sojourn in Greece, his intercourse there with the
foremost minds, especially his associations with Appolonius
Molon, whom he had known in Rome, offered an unusual op-
portunity for self-improvement. His early causes established
his fame as an orator. Cicero preferred to plead the case of
the defendant and only reluctantly arose as public accuser.
Content to conquer in triumphs won by talent, he often pleaded
causes without remuneration. The confidence and love of his
people, so nobly won, he retained almost uninterruptedly till his
death.

In bringing his style to an unparalleled degree of perfection
Cicero was guided by Isocrates, who had labored much to shape
the language of the Athenians to the purposes of the highest
eloquence. It is a long distance from the harsh and clumsy
style of the old Romans to the refined latinity of Cicero. Owing
to so many points of similarity with the Greeks by virtue of his
early training and the course of his studies in later life, Cicero



SPECIAL INTRODUCTION vii

has often been compared with Demosthenes. Quintilian tells us
that Demosthenes always seeks to attain victory at the point of
his weapon, while Cicero employs the weight of the weapon
itself for this purpose, each being perfect in his way. He tells
us that Demosthenes is concise while Cicero is flowing and re-
dundant. This is the keynote to the powers of each. Demos-
thenes, objective, realistic, concise, intensely earnest, linking
himself to his cause, only asking the good-will of his hearers;
Cicero subjective, redundant, vejbose, jesting at times, display-
ing flash and fire, and often sacrificing form to substance in
pleading. Cicero has been reproached for his inordinate
vanity, his glittering sophisms, his self-complacency, putting
himself always in the centre of all, shutting all else out from view.
But no assaults have been able to dethrone him from that lofty
positon which the mature judgment of the generations of twenty
centuries has assigned to him. And are we not ever drawn anew
to the man as well as to the orator by the surpassing elegance of
his style, the urbanity of his manner, his skill and erudition, his
knowledge of men and of affairs, and, above all, by his profound
sympathy with mankind? Future generations may well re-echo
the words of John Quincy Adams when he said, " Cicero is the
friend of the soul, whom we can never meet without a gleam of
pleasure, from whom we can never part without reluctance."






CONTENTS



PAGE



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 5

SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 21

THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 37

FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 55

ORATION IN DEFENCE OF Lucius MURENA 69

ORATION IN DEFENCE OF PUBLIUS SYLLA 115

SPEECH IN DEFENCE OF AULUS LICINIUS ARCHIAS 155

i

SPEECH IN DEFENCE OF THE PROPOSED MANILIAN LAW 171

SPEECH .IN DEFENCE OF TITUS ANNIUS MILO 201

SPEECH IN DEFENCE OF CAIUS RABIRIUS POSTUMUS 249

SPEECH IN BEHALF OF MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS 271

SPEECH IN DEFENCE OF QUINTUS LIGARIUS 285

SPEECH IN BEHALF OF KING DEIOTARUS 303

THE FIRST ORATION AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS 325

THE SECOND ORATION AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS 343

THE NINTH ORATION AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS 395

THE LAST ORATION AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS 405

THE PROSECUTION OF VERSES 425



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE



THE ARGUMENT

Lucius Catiline, a man of noble extraction, and who had already
been praetor, had been a competitor of Cicero's for the consulship;
the next year he again offered himself for the office, practising such
excessive and open bribery that Cicero published a new law against
it, with the additional penalty of ten years' exile; prohibiting like-
wise all shows of gladiators from being exhibited by a candidate
within two years of the time of his suing for any magistracy, unless
they were ordered by the will of a person deceased. Catiline, who
knew this law to be aimed chiefly at him, formed a design to murder
Cicero and some others of the chief men of the Senate, on the day
of election, which was fixed for the twentieth of October. But Cicero
had information of his plans, and laid them before the Senate, on
which the election was deferred, that they might have time to de-
liberate on an affair of so much importance. The day following, when
the Senate met, he charged Catiline with having entertained this de-
sign, and Catiline's behavior had been so violent, that the Senate
passed the decree to which they had occasionally recourse in times of
imminent danger from treason or sedition: " Let the consuls take
care that the republic suffers no harm." This decree invested the
consuls with absolute power, and suspended all the ordinary forms
of law, till the danger was over. On this Cicero doubled his guards,
introduced some additional troops into the city, and when the elec-
tions came on, he wore a breast-plate under his robe for his protec-
tion; by which precaution he prevented Catiline from executing his
design of murdering him and his competitors for the consulship, of
whom Decius Junius Silanus and Lucius Licinius Murena were elected.

Catiline was rendered desperate by this his second defeat, and re-
solved without farther delay to attempt the execution of all his schemes.
His greatest hopes lay in Sylla's veteran soldiers, whose cause he had
always espoused. They were scattered about in the different districts
and colonies of Italy; but he had actually enlisted a considerable body
of them in Etruria, and formed them into a little army under the com-
mand of Manlius, a centurion of considerable military experience, who
was only waiting for his orders. He was joined in his conspiracy by
several senators of profligate lives and desperate fortunes, of whom
the chiefs were Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Caius Cethegus, Publius
Autronius, Lucius Cassius Longinus, Marcus Porcius Lecca, Publius
Sylla, Servilius Sylla, Quintus Curius, Lucius Vargunteius, Quintus
Annius, and Lucius Bestia. These men resolved that a general insur-

3



4 CICERO

.<>n should be raised throughout all Italy; that Catiline should put
ill at the head <>f the troops in Ktruria; that Rome should be et
on fire in many places at once; and that a general massacre should
be made of all the Senate, and of all their enemies, of whom none
were to be spared but the sons of Pompey, who were to be kept as
hostages, and as a check upon their father, who was in command in
the East. Lcntulus was to be president of their councils, Cassius was
to manage the firing of the city, and Ccthegus the massacre. But. as
the vigilance of Cicero was the greatest obstacle to their success. Cati-
line desired to see him slain before he left Rome; and two knights,
parties to the conspiracy, undertook to visit him early on pretence of
business, and to kill him in his bed. The name of one of them was
Caius Cornelius.

Cicero, however, had information of all the designs of the conspira-
tors, as by the intrigues of a woman called Fulvia, the mistress of
Curius, he had gained him over, and received regularly from htm an
account of all their operations. He sent for some of the chief men of
the city, and informed them of the plot against himself, and even of
the names of the knights who were to come to his house, and of the
hour at which they were to come. When they did come they found
the house carefully guarded and all admission refused to them. He
was enabled also to disappoint an attempt made by Catiline to seize
on the town of Praeneste, which was a very strong fortress, and would
have been of great use to him. The meeting of the conspirators had
taken place on the evening of the sixth of November. On the eighth
Cicero summoned the Senate to meet in the temple of Jupiter in the
Capitol, a place which was only used for this purpose on occasions
of great danger. (There had been previously several debates on the
subject of Catiline's treasons and design of murdering Cicero, and a
public reward had actually been offered to the first discoverer of the
plot. But Catiline had nevertheless continued to dissemble; had
offered to give security for his behavior, and to deliver himself to the
custody of anyone whom the Senate chose to name, even to that of
Cicero himself.) Catiline had the boldness to attend this meeting,
and all the Senate, even his own most particular acquaintance, were
so astonished at his impudence that none of them would salute him;
the consular senators quitted that part of the house in which he sat,
and left the bench empty: and Cicero himself was so provoked at his
audacity, that, instead of entering on any formal business, he ad-
dressed himself directly to Catiline in the following invective.



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE

WHEN, O Catiline, do you mean to cease abusing our pa-
tience? How long is that madness of yours still to
mock us? When is there to be an end of that un-
bridled audacity of yours, swaggering about as it does now?
Do not the mighty guards placed on the Palatine Hill do not
the watches posted throughout the city does not the alarm of
the people, and the union of all good men does not the precau-
tion taken of assembling the Senate in this most defensible place
do not the looks and countenances of this venerable body here
present, have any effect upon you? Do you not feel that your
plans are detected? Do you not see that your conspiracy is
already arrested and rendered powerless by the knowledge which
everyone here possesses of it? What is there that you did last
night, what the night before where is it that you were who
was there that you summoned to meet you what design was
there which was adopted by you, with which you think that any-
one of us is unacquainted?

Shame on the age and on its principles ! The Senate is aware
of these things ; the consul sees them ; and yet this man lives.
Lives! ay, he comes even into the Senate. He takes a part in
the public deliberations ; he is watching and marking down
and checking off for slaughter every individual among us. And
we, gallant men that we are, think that we are doing our duty
to the republic if we keep out of the way of his frenzied attacks.

You ought, O Catiline, long ago to have been led to execu-
tion by command of the consul. That destruction which you
have been long plotting against us ought to have already fallen
on your own head.

What? Did not that most illustrious man, Publius Scipio, 1

'This was Scipio Nasica, who called duty and save the republic; but as he
on the consul Mucius Sca-vola to do his refused to put anyone to death without



6 CICERO

the Pontifi-x Maximus, in his capacity of a private citizen, put
to death Tiberius Gracchus, though but slightly undermining
the constitution? And shall we, who are the consuls, tolerate
Catiline, openly desirous to destroy the whole world with fire
and slaughter? Fur I pass over older instances, such as
how Caius Scrvilius Ahala with his own hand slew Spurius
Maelius when plotting a revolution in the state. There was
there was once such virtue in this republic, that brave men
would repress mischievous citizens with severer chastisement
than the most bitter enemy. For we have a resolution* of
the Senate, a formidable and authoritative dn MM you,

O Catiline; the wisdom of the republic is not at fault, nor the
dignity of this senatorial body. We, we alone I say it openly
we, the consuls, are wanting in our duty.

II. The senate once passed a decree that Lucius Opimius,
the consul, should take care that the republic suffered no injury.
Not one night elapsed. There was put to death, on some
mere suspicion of disaffection, Caius Gracchus, a man whose
family had borne the most unblemished reputation for many
generations. There were slain Marcus Fulvius, a man of con-
sular rank, and all his children. By a like decree of the Sen-
ate the safety of the republic was intrusted to Caius Marius*
and Lucius Valerius, the consuls. Did not the vengeance of
the republic, did not execution overtake Lucius Saturninus, a
tribune of the people, and Caius Servilius, the praetor, without
the delay of one single day? But we, for these twenty days,
have been allowing the edge of the Senate's authority to grow
blunt, as it were. For we are in possession of a similar de-
cree of the Senate, but we keep it locked up in its parchment
buried, I may say, in the sheath ; and according to this de-
cree you ought, O Catiline, to be put to death this instant.
You live and you live, not to lay aside, but to persist in your
audacity. *

I wish, O conscript fathers, to be merciful ; I wish not to
appear negligent amid such danger to the state ; but I do now

a trial. Scipio called on all the citizens empted the consuls from all obligation

to follow him, and stormed the Capitol, to attend to the ordinary forms of law,

which Gracchus had occupied with his and invested them with absolute power

party, and slew many of the partisans over the lives of all the citizens who

of Gracchus, and Gracchus himself. were intriguing against the republic.

1 This resolution was couched in the * This is the same incident that is the

form " Yideant Consults nequid res- subject of the preceding oration in de-

publica detriment! capiat;" and it ex- fence of Rabirius.






w J 'jjll pjiniing b

at Romt.

The artist has chosen the moment when the orator leaps
the assembled conscript fathers, and ..

the assembly the whole plot of the
las been for weeks secretly unravelling. The effect
rophe is electrical. The Senators hint: on the wot
tested conspirator cowers under the lash of the spe.i

v dramatic, as, indeed, it represents one of the most drat



FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 7

accuse myself of remissness and culpable inactivity. A camp
is pitched in Italy, at the entrance of Etruria, in hostility to
the republic ; the number of the enemy increases every day ;
and yet the general of that camp, the leader of those enemies,
we see within the walls ay, and even in the Senate plan-
ning every day some internal injury to the republic. If, O
Catiline, I should now order you to be arrested, to be put to
death, I should, I suppose, have to fear lest all good men should
say that I had acted tardily, rather than that anyone should
affirm that I acted cruelly. But yet this, which ought to
have been done long since, I have good reason for not doing
as yet; I will put you to death, then, when there shall be not
one person possible to be found so wicked, so abandoned, so like
yourself, as not to allow that it has been rightly done. As long
as one person exists who can dare to defend you, you shall live;
but you shall live as you do now, surrounded by my many and
trusted guards, so that you shall not be able to stir one finger
against the republic : many eyes and ears shall still observe and
watch you, as they have hitherto done, though you shall not per-
ceive them.

For what is there, O Catiline, that you can still expect, if night
is not able to veil your nefarious meetings in darkness, and if
private houses cannot conceal the voice of your conspiracy
within their walls if everything is seen and displayed ? Change
your mind : trust me : forget the slaughter and conflagration you
are meditating. You are hemmed in on all sides; all your plans
are clearer than the day to us; let me remind you of them. Do
you recollect that on the twenty-first of October I said in the
Senate, that on a certain day, which was to be the twenty-seventh
of October, C. Manlius, the satellite and servant of your audacity,



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