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circulation of cardinal legates without liis permission,



236 Age of Hildebrand,

Uieir entrance into royal and episcopal palaces, and
their fleecing of the churches. He declared that he
would demand no homage of the Italian bishops if
they, on their part, would renounce the fiefs which
they held of the empire. If they chose to Hsten to
the Pope when he asked what they had to do with
the Emperor, they must submit to the Emperor's
commands, else what had they to do with the estates
of the empire ? He would not require that imperial
ambassadors should be lodged in episcopal palaces
when those palaces were situated on episcopal ground.
If they stood on the lands of the empire they were
imperial and not episcopal palaces. As to the admis-
sion of his envoys to Rome, if he is really Emperor
and not such merely in appearance, Rome cannot
withdraw itself from his authority. He received very
graciously a deputation of the Romans who expressed
their regret for the attack at the time of his corona-
tion ; and he Intimated that if he could not make
terms with the Pope, he might do so with the senate
and people of Rome.

This manly and sensible attitude of the Emperor
seemed to render peace impossible, and Hadrian,
dreading another imperial invasion, departed to
Tusculum. Frederick's ambassadors in the meantime
were exercising imperial rights on papal territory,
which called out a sharp letter from the Pope, hold-
ing up to the Emperor his lack of piety towards
" his father and mother — St. Peter and the Roman
Church." The Emperor's reply was characteristic:
" Frederick, by the grace of God Emperor of the
Romans, desires Hadrian, the highest bishop oi the



Sharp Words to the Pope. 237

Catholic Church, to confine himself to all that Jesus
began both to do and to teach." He went on to sa\-
that before Constantine the church had no worldh-
possessions, and that what she now has she owes to
the gifts of the princes. For this reason he places
his own name before the Pope's. Why should he
not demand homage from those who are gods by
adoption and hold their feudal property as such, since
the Founder of the secular and spiritual power, who
asks nothing of human sovereigns, but gives all to
all, and pays tithe to the Emperor for himself and St.
Peter, gives to the Pope the command : " Learn of
me; for I am meek and lowly in heart"? Either
bishops should renounce their worldly possessions,
or, if they hold them, should render to God what is
God's and to Caesar what is Caesar's. The churches
and cities are closed to the cardinal legates because
they are not preachers, but plunderers ; not mediators,
but robbers ; not maintainers of the empire, but in-
satiable money-makers. He cannot but return the
Pope such an answer when he sees how the beast of
pride has crept into the chair of St. Peter.

In this critical state of affairs the Papacy again
obtained allies in Sicily, and in the Lombard cities,
Milan, Brescia, and Piacenza, who sent commissioners
to the Pope and urged him to pronounce the ban
against the Emperor; promising to enter into no
treaty with him without the Pope's permission. Be-
fore Hadrian could carry out this request, he died at
Anagni in September, 11 59.

The next day the cardinals began to busy them-
selves about the choice of a successor, and after three



238 Age of Hildebrand.

days reached a divided result. The division was be-
tween the papal and the imperial candidate. By the
majority Roland of Siena was chosen — the leader of
papal politics against the Emperor. He had long
served in Bologna as professor of canon law, was
brought to Rome by Eugenius, and was finally made
chancellor of the Roman Church. He was chosen as
Alexander HI. Two cardinals, secretly supported
by imperial deputies, had, from the first, fixed upon
Cardinal Octavian, an imperialist. The electors of
Roland were in the act of investing him with the
papal mantle, when Octavian tore it from his shoul-
ders. A senator sprang up and recovered it. Octav-
ian, in anticipation of some such proceeding, had
brought a mantle with him, and now called for it and
had it placed upon himself, which was done in such
haste that it was reversed ; and in his confusion he
fastened the lower end about his neck. At this point
the doors of the church were opened, and the imper-
ial troops thronged in with drawn swords, and carried
forth Octavian in state. Alexander, with his follow-
ers, fled to a fortress near St. Peter's, called the ** mu-
nitio ecclesiae Sancti Petri," where they remained for
nine days, besieged by Octavian, who, in the mean-
time, assumed the name of Victor IV.

The party of Octavian claimed that the cardinals
had agreed not to proceed to the election without
unanimous consent, but that, in a secret synod at
Anagni during Hadrian's life, the anti-imperialist
cardinals had sworn to select one of their own party.
This conspiracy was organized by the money of
William of Sicily. The Octavians acknowledged



Octaviafi Enthroned. 239

that they were in the minority, but asserted that
Roland's election had been forced in violation of the
compact. In the representations addressed by them
to different parties, much stress was laid on the
understanding with William of Sicily. Roland, after
remaining in the Trastevere until the 1 7th of Septem-
ber, was set free by one of the Frangipani and some
other nobles hostile to Octavian, and was installed as
Alexander III. three days after.

Octavian was obliged to leave Rome after a vain
attempt to obtain recognition, and one of Alexander's
first official acts was the usual excommunication of
his rival. But Octavian had found three bishops
who declared their readiness to inaugurate him, and
he was accordingly enthroned at Farfa on the 4th of
October as Victor IV.

Alexander's commissioners« to Frederick met with
a very cool reception, and the Emperor sent a letter
addressed *' to the Chancellor Roland and the other
cardinals who chose him as Pope." He announced
that, in order to avoid the threatened schism, he had
called a general council at Pavia for the 13th of Jan-
uary, at which the bishops of his empire, with others
from England, France, Hungary, and Dacia, would
appear; and he summoned Alexander to be present
and submit to the decision of this assembly. Victor
soon after appeared at the Emperor's court, and tried
to induce him to come at once to the assistance of
the church. He declared that he had been elected
by the bishops, the cardinal presbyters, and the
Roman clergy, and according to the wish of the
people. He em.pha^ized Alexander's compact with



240 Age of Hildebrand.

William of Sicily, and denounced him and his party
as liars, heretics, and schismatics. A circular letter
from the Bishop of Tusculum, about the same time,
ascribed the division in the electoral college to the
league of Hadrian with William, and declared that the
papal party had sworn at Anagni to procure the Em-
peror's excommunication, and, in case of the Pope's
death, to choose one of their own number. The affair
is a very dark one, but William of Sicily was evidently
somewhere near the bottom of it. Gerhoch of Reich-
ersperg, a stiff, conservative churchman, allied with
the reform-party, declared that the two cardinals on
Victor's side confessed that they themselves had been
parties to the conspiracy, in the hope of escaping pun-
ishment by their confession, and that they pronounced
Alexander's election invalid because it had been ef-
fected by a conspiracy of twelve bribed cardinals.

Alexander was naturally indignant at the letter
** to the Chancellor Roland," and in his answer de-
nounced the Emperor's proposal to call a council
without his consent, and his summons to the Pope to
appear thereat. The Pope was subject to no tribunal
and would not appear. The breach between Alex-
ander and Frederick was thus confirmed. Alexander
must now work the harder for recognition in other
countries. He wrote to the French Queen, Con-
stantia; he sent cardinals to France and England to
work for his recognition ; he addressed himself to the
Lombard bishops ; his legate went to Milan, and with
the sanction of the archbishop published the excom-
munication of " Octavian the antipope and Frederick
the Emperor " ; and a few days later the ban was



Octavian Acknowledged at Pavia. 241

proclaimed against the consuls of all the cities in
league with Frederick. Clugny was against him, and
the abbot Hugo had already acknowledged Victor.
On the other hand, the Carthusians and Cistercians
were actively enlisted in his cause. Victor, on his
part, issued an encyclical setting forth the depraved
condition of the Roman see ; declaring that those who
had recourse to the tribunal of Roland escaped as
from a prison, naked and plundered ; that ecclesias-
tical offices were sold like cattle, and that the clergy
was the scoflf of the world because of its robbery and
simony.

The Emperor opened the council at Pavia on the
nth of February, 1160. Prelates of both parties
were present, with commissioners from the kings of
England, Denmark, and France, and numerous ab-
bots and provosts. Alexander refused to appear,
but Victor came with testimonials of his election from
the canons of St. Peter and many Roman clergy. A
letter was laid before the assembly from the Chapter
of St. Peter, in which the proceedings of the election
were detailed from the Octavian point of view. Ac-
cording to this, the delay of the election was owing
to an intrigue of the Rolandists. The main points
urged were that Roland, by his own admission, had
never been invested with the papal mantle ; that the
election of Octavian had been initiated by the whole
clergy and people of Rome ; and that Roland had
appeared after the election without the papal insignia.^

The council acknowledged Octavian, and issued
an encyclical to all western Christendom, relating its

1 The entire contents of the document are given by Langen, p. 451.



242 Age of Hildebrand.

decisions and their grounds, and declaring that Ro-
land had circulated falsehoods concerning the elec-
tion proceedings. Victor IV. was now called in to
be enthroned. The Emperor himself led his horse.
Between the Emperor and the Patriarch of Aquileia
the Pope advanced to the altar, where the Emperor
and the princes kissed his feet and presented gifts.
The usual excommunication of the other Pope fol-
lowed, and Victor summoned William of Sicily and
the Milanese to answer for the injury inflicted on the
empire and the church. Frederick, in a letter to the
Archbishop of Salzburg, related the transactions of
the council, and again emphasized the conspiracy of
Roland and his cardinals with William, Milan, Brescia,
and Piacenza. This emphasis was due in part to the
fact that letters of Alexander to the insurgent Lom-
bard cities had been intercepted and were in the Em-
peror's hands.

The decisions of Pavia gave Alexander the oppor-
tunity for pronouncing the ban upon Frederick and
the release of his subjects from their allegiance. He
actively prosecuted his efforts for recognition by
other powers, even the Byzantine Emperor. The
English and French bishops decided in his favor.
The two kings, Henry H. and Louis VH., refused to
commit themselves, and pronounced the decision of
the bishops to be contrary to their will. The great
council at Toulouse in the autumn of i 160, at which
both those monarchs were present, with representa-
tives of the German Emperor and of both popes,
took up the question again. Frederick consented to
its being reopened because the decisions of Pavia



Alexander Acknowledged at Toulouse. 24^



had met with Httle approbation, and it was most de-
sirable to secure the approval of Henry and Louis.
The council decided for Alexander on the ground
that his investiture with the papal mantle had been
prevented by force, and that Octavian had preceded
him only for that reason, and, further, that his in-
stallation had been regular, which was not the case
with Octavian's.

Many thought that it would be best to await the
death of one of the popes, and to let the church be
governed in the meantime by the bishops. Henry
was won over to this opinion, and was induced to
change his mind only by a disgraceful intrigue of
Alexander's legates. His son of seven years was
already betrothed to the infant daughter of Louis.
Li order to put the English King at once in posses-
sion of certain strongholds in France, the legates
issued a dispensation for the immediate conclusion of
the marriage. The feeling of Louis, who, on the
question of acknowledgment, sided with Henry with-
out knowing his motive, and who had accordingly
endeavored to persuade the Byzantine Emperor to
acknowledge Alexander, was that of one doubly be-
trayed. He immediately banished the papal legates
from the country. Thus, while the danger to the
Papacy was temporarily arrested by the Council of
Toulouse, Alexander's victory was converted into a
partial defeat.

The Council of Toulouse was followed by similar
assemblies in Spain, Ireland, and Norway. Alex-
ander sent the Scotch Bishop of Moray as his leg-
ate to Scotland, comur'srioned to consecrate the new



244 -^^^ of Hildebrand,

Bishop of St. Andrews, and, in contradiction of his
predecessors, recognized Scotland's independence of
the Archbishop of York. By this means he hoped
to win the adherence of Scotland. He succeeded
in effecting an outward reconciliation with Louis of
France, so that the expelled legates were present
at the coronation of the new Queen, Alice; and he
sought to bind the King of England more closely to
himself by the canonization of Edward the Confessor.
The German Emperor and Victor sought to reverse
the decision at Toulouse by a new general council,
which was opened at Cremona in May, 1161, and
was continued at Neulodi in June. The Emperor
and Victor were present, with a large number of prel-
ates, five metropolitans, five Roman senators, and
commissioners from England, France, Poland, and
Bohemia. Victor's recognition was reaffirmed, and
excommunication was pronounced upon the Emper-
or's Lombard enemies. Alexander, meanwhile, had
determined to go to Rome. He had subjected
Latium with the aid of the Sicilians ; his interest was
growing in Rome through the absence of the anti-
pope ; the newly elected senators had declared for
him; and so, by the influence of the Frangipani, he
was able to enter the city on the i6th of June. But
the Emperor's forces were approaching, and in less
than a fortnight he was compelled to retire, and for
the next ten months was itinerating in Italy, until in
April, 1 162, he found refuge in France, the old-time
resort of papal fugitives. On his arrival at Montpel-
lier he asked the protection of the French King, and
was received by the church dignitaries with respect.



Frederick Terrifies Italy. 245

Frederick, meanwhile, was carrying matters with a
high hand in Lombardy. The walls of Milan were
destroyed and its citizens dispersed. Italy trembled
at its fall. Rome, in its terror, acknowledged Victor,
and Frederick withdrew by way of Turin to Bur-
gundy, leaving behind him a desolated country.




CHAPTER XXIII.

THOMAS A BECKET — PASCHAL HI. — ALEXANDER,
BECKET, AND HENRY H.

N February, 1163, Alexander came to
reside in Paris. He prevailed upon
Louis to hold a great synod at Tours, in
which Henry of England agreed to par-
ticipate on condition that the rights of
his crown should not be impaired, and that no innov-
ations should be introduced into England. The
Pope assented to these conditions, though they
pointed very distinctly to the restoration of the old
EngUsh church-right, against which Anselm of Can-
terbury had so long fought and which was soon to
be again assailed.

The council, composed mostly of French prelates
and clergy, was opened on the 19th of May. The
first place next to the Pope was occupied by Thomas
a Becket, the successor of Theobald in the see of
Canterbury.

Under the patronage of Henry, Becket had been
advanced to the chancellorship of England, and had
been made Provost of Beverley, Dean of Hastings,
and Constable of the Tower, besides being put in
possession of certain large baronies which had es-

246



Thomas d Becket. 247

cheated to the crown. He maintained a luxurious
state which no EngHsh subject had ever before dis-
played. He was the intimate friend and companion
of his sovereign. His retinue was large, his house
was a place of education for the sons of the proudest
nobles, and the greatest barons and the King himself
delighted to be received at his table. His leisure
was employed in field-sports, and he rendered import-
ant military service to the King in his French cam-
paigns. As he had never interfered with the King's
policy in ecclesiastical matters, Henry was surprised
by his new attitude immediately upon his appoint-
ment to the see of Canterbury. Not only did he
personally assume the character of sanctity and prac-
tise the severest austerities, while he maintained the
splendor of his former estate, but he appeared as the
representative of the Gregorian ecclesiasticism. This
was the man who now came to Tours at the head of
all the English bishops, and who, by the Pope's com-
mand, was escorted into the city by the whole con-
course of cardinals.

The opening speech of the Bishop of Lisieux was
aimed directly at Frederick, and the ban was pro-
nounced upon Victor and his defenders, among whom
was the Abbot of Clugny. Sundry canons were
adopted, against the Albigenses, against simony,
against the teaching of natural philosophy and secu-
lar jurisprudence by monks, against the validity of
consecrations by Victor and other schismatics, and
against the holding of church property by laymen.
Becket introduced a proposal for the canonization of
Anselm of Canterbury — a proposal which Henry did



248 Age of Hildebrand,

not approve, and which was ingeniously evaded by
Alexander. He did not wish to offend the English
King by approving it, while he had the strongest
reasons for not offending Becket and his party. He
accordingly refused the canonization at the synod,
but empowered Becket to investigate through a synod
the miracles ascribed to Anselm, and to decide the
matter of canonization as he might see fit.

The Pope endeavored to annoy Frederick in every
way. Hearing that the Emperor was about to under-
take an expedition to Hungary, he took measures for
the obstruction of his passage. Ambassadors came
to him from Manuel, the Emperor of Constantinople,
who had been won over by the French King, to pay
homage and to solicit alliance ; and their negotiations
with the Pope and Louis, while they promised little,
helped to keep up courage for the fight with Fred-
erick. The Pope urged Louis to advise the King of
Sicily, through the Byzantine ambassadors, to arm
against Frederick and his allies, since they had de-
signs on his territory. To Becket, who had sent a
special messenger to communicate his sufferings and
fears in the contest with Henry, he replied that he
would have to bear his troubles as a penance for his
conduct as Chancellor of England, but assured him of
the protection of the papal chair so far as should be
consistent with justice and reason. The Pope evi-
dently saw the wisdom of being on his guard with a
man whose imperious and headstrong temper was
likely to involve him in difficulties at a point where
his relations with Frederick called for extreme caution.

Henry requested Alexander to name Roger of



" Constitutions of Clarendon^ 249

York as papal legate for England — a proposal very
annoying to Becket, but urged by Henry because
Becket would thus be rendered harmless, and the
supreme authority of the English church would be in
the hands of Roger, who was in sympathy with him-
self. The Pope was afraid of estranging Henry and
unwilling to abandon Becket; but he finally made
Roger legate, promising Becket that the see of Can-
terbury should never be subject to any authority but
his own.

In January, 1164, the famous ''Constitutions of
Clarendon " were adopted, the tendency of which
was to subject ecclesiastical appointment and conduct
to the authority of the crown. The revenues of va-
cant archbishoprics, bishoprics, and abbeys were to
come into the King's hands. Electors for their occu-
pants were to be summoned by the King, and the
elections were to take place in his presence. The
prelate elect was to do homage to the sovereign for
life, limb, and worldly honors, excepting his order.
Archbishops, bishops, and all beneficiaries were to
be regarded as barons of the realm, and to be subject
to the burdens attaching to that rank, and were to
assist other barons at all trials except capital cases.
No one was to quit the realm without the royal per-
mission. The royal courts were to decide whether
the offences of the clergy were cases for civil or
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and a verdict of '* guilty "
removed the offender from ecclesiastical protection.
Disputes concerning presentations or rights of pres-
entation to benefices were to be decided in the royal
courts, and the King's consent was necessary to the



250 Age of Hilde brand.

appointment to a benefice. Appeals to Rome were
limited by the provision that no appeal could be
taken from the archbishop's court under the royal
supervision without the King's consent. The King's
tenants-in-chief and officers of his household were
exempt from excommunication, and their lands from
interdict, until information had been laid before the
King.

Becket took the oath, with the lay barons and
bishops, to maintain these Constitutions ; but when
they were finally drawn up and presented to him, he
refused his subscription and immediately wrote to
the Pope for absolution from his oath, which was
granted. Alexander, when asked by the King to
confirm the articles, told Becket to concede what was
consistent with the honor of the clerical estate, at the
same time admonishing him to yield to the King
wherever he could do so without detriment to his
clerical rights. But he soon began to take a decided
attitude against the Clarendon articles, and forbade
the English bishops to surrender any portion of
church freedom or to take a new oath. If they had
already given improper promises, they were not to
fulfil them. Becket, meanwhile, was inflicting pen-
ance on himself for his oath to sustain the articles,
and was refraining from mass, until the Pope com-
manded him to resume his clerical duties and told
him that if he felt oppressed in his conscience he
might confess to a priest.

On the 20th of April, 1164, Victor died at Lucca,
and the imperial party, without waiting for an ex-
pression from the Emperor, elected Guido of Cremera



Beck el Condemned. 251

as Paschal III. The Emperor yielded a grudging
confirmation, and Paschal found himself opposed by
some of the German bishops of the Victorine faction
who did not care to prolong the schism, and also by
Clugny and the episcopate of Burgundy, both of which
had supported Victor.

Becket was cited in October before a council of the
realm at Northampton, on a charge of withholding
justice from a royal ofBcer who claimed an estate
from the see of Canterbury. The council pronounced
him guilty of perjury and treason, and declared all
his property confiscate. His appeal to the Pope, and
his prohibition of his suffragans from sitting in judg-
ment in a secular council — two direct violations of the
Clarendon articles — led some of the bishops to ask
the King to exempt them from concurring in the sen-
tence, they promising to unite in a request to the
Pope to depose Becket A deputation led by Roger
of York and Gilbert of London accordingly waited
upon the Pope, complained of Becket as a disturber
of the peace, and submitted for his confirmation the
sentence pronounced at Northampton. Alexander
was much embarrassed. He promised to send legates
to England to investigate the case, but did not bind
himself not to confer personally with Becket. Becket,
who had taken refuge In Flanders, came In person to
the Pope, and laid before him the articles of Claren-
don. Alexander at first blamed him for betraying
his oflfice by recognizing these articles.^ Becket con-

1 Froude justly observes that the story that the Pope and cardinals
had never seen the " Constitutions " is incredible. (" Life and Times
of Thomas a Becket.")



252 Age of Hi Ide brand.

fessed, declaring that he had been placed in the see
of Canterbury by secular power, and had accepted



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