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and to the point at once. It appears that a misunderstanding
is existing and has existed for some time between His Excellency
Governor Morton of Indiana and Colonel W. Q. Gresham of the
Fifty-third Regiment Indiana Volunteer Infantry.

This difficulty, which I understand to be of a strictly private
nature, has progressed to such an extent that His Excellency the
Governor has presented him, the Colonel, the choice of resigning
his commission or of submitting to a dishonorable dismissal from
the service. The Colonel desires, as does every patriot and soldier,
to continue in the service and in the positioh which he now fills
with so much ability, that he may the better discharge the duty
which he owes to his country; and he simply asks, as an act of
simple justice, that he may not be disgraced in the eyes of the
world on account of the difficulty, strictly private in its character,
of little if any importance, and with a gentleman in civil life.

It affords me great pleasure to be able to state, and upon the
honor of an officer and a gentleman, that the Colonel is an un-
doubtedly loyal man, an unflinching and devoted patriot, and an
officer of whose ability to correctly and properly discharge the
duties of his office there can be no doubt; and I do further
humbly request that he may at least have a fair trial before a
calamity so great shall befall him.

Believing that justice will be done him, I have the honor to
be, Sir,

Most respectfully your obedient servant,

William H. Morgan,

Col. 25th Regt. Ind. Vol.

Department of the Interior

Washington, D. C, February 28, 1863
Sir: — The enclosed papers were sent to me by the friends
of Colonel Walter Q. Gresham, of the Fifty-third Regiment of
Indiana Volunteers.

I have known the gentleman from his boyhood, and can, with
perfect sincerity, declare that I do not believe that there is in
the military service a more gallant officer, a better man, or a
truer gentleman.


I am perfectly cognizant of his efficient and successful labors
in raising portions of two regiments since the breaking out of this

I anxiously trust that if any attempt should be made to pro-
cure the summary dismissal of Colonel Gresham from the service,
the inclosed papers from his brother officers may receive the
consideration they justly merit.

I am, Sir, very respectfully.

Your obedient servant,

W. T. Otto,
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Asst. Secretary.

Secretary of War.

Headquarters, Post Natchez, Miss.,

November i, 1863

General: — I have been admonished by some of my friends
that an appointment as brigadier-general is not always confirmed
by the Senate. I once explained to you the nature of a difficulty
I had with a few of the politicians of Indiana who may think that
now is the time to strike me. If such opposition should be made,
I could easily silence it by agreeing to certain things which I think
involve my self-respect and manhood, and which I cannot do.
I have no fears of trouble from the Senators from Indiana, for
they will both vote f r me, but Governor Morton might work
against me if he thinks he can do so secretly.

You know I never sought promotion, and General Grant, and
I don't know who else, presented my name without my knowledge,
which I confess is gratifying to me.

If politicians had forced me on the army as brigadier-general
I would have no right to think hard if the Senate should refuse
to pass me, but inasmuch as I was promoted on the recommenda-
tion of my commanding officers, unsolicited on my part, I think
it would be hard to be rejected and disgraced. I would infinitely
prefer being killed in action.

I have always felt free to approach you for advice, and I there-
fore drop you this note. Your brother, Hon. John Sherman, I
know has as much, if not more, influence than any other man in
the Senate, and I should like very much to have him understand


my case. If you think it necessary to drop him a note on the
subject you will place me under renewed obligations by doing so.

I shall always feel grateful to you, for I feel that I am indebted
to you for my promotion.

I am commanding the Third Brigade, Fourth Division, Seven-
teenth Army Corps. I also have charge of the Post, but I would
very much prefer being with you in the field.

I am, General,

Very truly your friend,

W. Q. Gresham,

Major-Gene RAL W. T. Sherman, Brig.-Genl.

Commanding Twenty -fifth Army Corps.

Headquarters Dept. Army of the Tennessee,

Bridgeport, November 18, 1863
Hon. John Sherman,
Washington, D. C.

Dear Brother: — W. Q. Gresham has been properly appointed
a brigadier-general of the army by the President. He writes me
from Natchez saying that it is possible certain Indiana influences
may be brought to bear against his confirmation.

I know he has earned this appointment and should be con-
firmed. He was lieutenant-colonel of an Indiana regiment that
joined me on Muldroughs Hill in Kentucky, and early attracted
my attention. I subsequently found him in Mississippi com-
manding another regiment, and had General Grant's promise
to transfer him to my corps in order that I could advance
him, but General Ord, in whose corps he was, would not spare him,
and promised me he would urge his promotion, which he did,
and Gresham is now a brigadier-general, and only fears some old
political combinations may stand between him and confirmation.
I ask you to make a note of his name. I pledge you my word
he is a fine gentleman and bids fair to be an elegant soldier. You
know I judge of men on the field, and there is where Gresham is
and has been. He too is of that modest school that strives to
deserv^e advancement by work and not heralding his heroism in
the journals of the day. I send this letter through him, and
anything he adds to it, I indorse.

Affectionately, etc., W. T. Sherman,



'T^HE following is the letter in full, of Richard Olney,
-*- which is alluded to in Chapter XLVII on the
Hawaiian affair.


Department of Justice

Washington, D. C, October 9, 1893
Hon. Walter Q. Gresham,
Secretary of State.

My dear Judge: — The Hawaii business strikes me as not
only important, but as one that may require great delicacy in the

There is no question, it seems to me, that a great wrong was
done under the auspices of United States Minister Stevens when
the regular constitutional government of the queen was supplanted
and the present, so-called, provisional government installed in
its stead.

There is no question either, I think, of the good sense, the
statesmanship, and the sound morality of your proposition that
this great wrong should be rectified, and that to rectify it the
status quo at the time of its perpetration must as far as possible
be restored.

The queen's government was overthrown by an exhibition of
force. If it can be reinstated by a like exhibition of force without
actual resort to it, there is not, it seems to me, any real ground for
hesitation. Whether the exhibition of force in each case be or be
not a technical act of war, the undoing of the original wrong by
the same means by which it was consummated would hardly be
criticized in any quarter and would probably be universally com-
mended as an act of substantial justice. It would be the short
and ready way out of the complication if the Stevens government
were a thing of a few hours' or even a few days' existence.

But the present situation is not so simple. The queen has
been in our hands, and the Stevens government has been in
authority with our acquiescence for many months. All parties



have been awaiting the action of the United States. In the
interim the Stevens government has had complete possession of
the country and all its resources, and may have acquired such
control of them and such ascendenc}^ over the inhabitants that
it can be displaced only by actual force and after more or less
loss of life and destruction of property.

In any event, and whether the Stevens government will be
fought for or not, it has in this interval been receiving the revenues
of the country, collecting the taxes, administering justice, and
enforcing the laws, and generally exercising all the functions of
a legitimate government.

This being the situation, let the worst be assumed; namely,
that as a matter of fact, the Stevens government cannot be ousted
except by the application of superior military force. To that
course there are, it seems to me, various formidable objections.
One is, that a resort to military force would be clearly an act of
war, however righteous the cause, and would be beyond the
President's constitutional power. Another is, that to hand over
to the queen's government a country more or less devastated
and a people more or less diminished in ntmiber and alienated in
feeling by a contest of arms, would produce a result that would
be but a poor substitute for that peaceful control over an unin-
jured territory and undecimated population which the queen's
government enjoyed at the time of United States Minister Stevens'
lawless intervention in its affairs.

Still another, and to my mind, an insuperable, objection, is
this: The Stevens government will not be fought for unless its
adherents are sure of a strong backing not merely in warlike force,
but in the intelligent public sentiment both of Hawaii and of
this country. If such sentiment has grown up and now exists
in Hawaii — and we know to how large an extent it prevails in
this country — the administration in undertaking to reinstate the
queen's government by force of arms would be open to the reproach
of sacrificing the interests of the country and its people to the
interests of the queen's government and her dynasty. It would
not be sufficient to urge that the queen's government had been
unlawfully deposed by the United States, and that they were
merely endeavoring to right that wrong. The answer would be
that the queen and her government were not the only and first


things to be considered; that the paramount objects of our care
should be the people of Hawaii and their interests; that we have
no right to redeem the original wrong by the commission of
another still greater wrong, to wit, the imposition on Hawaii of
a government not wanted by its people ; and that if through their
experience of the Stevens government, or otherwise, the people
of Hawaii are now sincerely opposed to any restoration of the
queen's government, the United States would have no right to
insist upon such restoration, but must find some other means of
compensating the queen and all others immediately injured by
the unlawful setting up of the Stevens government.

The above suggestions are not made because serious resistance
by arms to anything the United States may do in Hawaii is to be
reasonably anticipated. It is wholly unlikely. At the same time
it is the unexpected that proverbially happens in politics, and in
shaping its present polic\% the administration ought, so far as it
can, to take into consideration every contingency, however remote.
Let it now be assumed that any contest of arms by the Stevens
government is out of the question — the administration in deter-
mining its course upon that theory can not, I think, properly
lose sight of certain considerations of vital importance. The
Stevens government is the lawful government of the country,
and has been and is recognized as such by the United States and
by foreign nations. However legitimate in its origin, it has since
governed by the consent of all parties. It follows that its acts,
unless shown to be mala fide, ought to be recognized as legal to
all intents and purposes. It follows that all the officers of that
government, from the highest to the lowest, ought to be exempt
from any loss or punishment or from any fear of loss or punish-
ment in consequence of their official actions. In my judgment,
the honor of the United States is hardly less concerned in securing
justice and fair play for the Stevens government and its members
and adherents, than in the restoring to power of the queen's
constitutional government. It must ever be remembered that
the Stevens government is our government; that it was set up
by our minister by the aid of our naval and military forces and
was accorded the protection of our flag; and that whatever be
the views of this administration, its predecessor practically sanc-
tioned everything Minister Stevens took upon himself to do.


Under such circumstances, to permit the men who were Stevens
instrtiments in this setting up and carrying on of the Stevens
government, and who undoubtedly acted in good faith and in
the sincere belief that Stevens correctly represented his govern-
ment — to permit these men to be hung or banished, or despoiled
of their estates, or otherwise punished for their connection with
the Stevens government, or to leave them exposed to the risks
of any such consequences, would, it seems to me, be grossly unjust
and unfair, and would deservedly bring the government of the
United States into great discredit both at home and abroad.

The practical conclusions I arrive at from the foregoing are
these :

1. All the resources of diplomacy should be exhausted to
restore the status quo in Hawaii by peaceful methods and without

2. If, as a last resort, force is found to be necessary — by
force I mean an act or course of acts amounting to war — the
matter must be submitted to Congress for its action.

3. In addition to providing for the security of the queen's
person pending efforts to reinstate the Queen's government, and
as a condition of making such efforts, the United States should
require of the queen and any other legal representatives of her
government full power and authority to negotiate and bring
about the restoration of her government on such reasonable
terms and conditions as the United States may approve and find
to be practicable.

Among such terms and conditions must be, I think, full pardon
and amnesty for all connected with the Stevens government who
might otherwise be liable to be visited with the pains and penalties
attending the crime of treason.

4. The negotiations above recommended would, I have no
doubt, have a successful issue. It would be understood that the
power of the United States was behind them, while there would
be and need be no statement nor intimation of the necessity for
the intervention of Congress, if it were found necessary to reen-
force the negotiations by the use of the war power. The negoti-
ations being in the hands of the United States, and it being known
that it would insist upon fair dealing not merely for the queen's
government but for all others concerned .^thejchief motive for


standing out on the part of the adherents of the Stevens govern-
ment would be taken away. While in doubt as to the policy
of the restored queen's government toward them, they would
naturally be disinclined to consent to any change in the existing
status. That doubt being dispelled and all apprehension of severe
or vindictive measures toward them being removed, it is to be
anticipated, I think, that they would readily follow the course
recommended by the United States.

I trust you will not regard this as an unnecessary intrusion
upon your time or an uncalled-for meddling with affairs especially
in your care. Neither charge me in your thoughts with imagining
that there is anything especially valuable in it or anything that
would not occur to yourself. I write because of my general interest
in the subject and because an expression of opinion from each
member of the cabinet seemed to be invited last Friday. Wish-
ing I had something better to offer, I am

Very truly yours,

(Signed) Richard Olney.


Abel, Luther W., 291, 686

Abolition, Robert Dale Owen's letter
on, 200-6

Abolitionism, Gresham quoted on, 200

Abolitionist Hand Book, quoted, 108

Abolitionist, term defined, 80

Abolitionist view of slavery, Wendell
Phillips', 36

Abolitionists, 74, 140

Abolitionists, did not fight, 48; legal
policy of, after Compromise of 1850,
53; in campaign of 1855, 63; the Dred
Scott case, 93-4, 103, 106, 109; help
finance anti-slavery immigrants to
Kansas, 94; "staked" John Brown
raid, 94-5; attack on judges in the
Grace case, 102; dominate New Eng-
land opinion, 102; arraigned by South
Carolina convention, 126; prevented
adjustment, 134; uncompromising at-
titude of, responsible for war, 824-5

Abromet, A., 476

Adams, — , 189

Adams County, Miss., 274

Adams, Gen. Wirt (C. S. A.), 248, 269-
70, 274-81

Adams, John, 107, 247

Ade, George, 8ii

Alabama, Confederate cruiser, 786

Alabama delegates leave convention,
i860, 112

Alabama, ratifies 13th Amendment, 327

Alabama, 4Sth regiment (C. S. A.), 308

Alaska seal fisheries in Bering Sea con-
troversy, 717, et seq.

Alaskan Commercial Corporation, 720

Aldrich, Charles H., 651-3

Aldrich, Senator, 595, 706, 707, 770, 773

Alexander & Green, 629, 631

Alger, Gen. Russell A., 567, 574, 589,
590, 632-3

Alice Dean, Stmr., 231, 232

Allen, Cyrus, 141

Allen, John M. ("Private John"), 185,
434, 491, 659

Allen, Judge Joshua R., 506, 616, 617,
670. 713

Allen, Mrs., loi

Allerton, Samuel W., 594, 676-7

Alliance. Stmr., 786-7

Allison, William B., 567, 587, 590

Alphonso XIII, King of Spain, 693
Altgeld, Governor John P., 417
Alton, 111., 231

Amendments to Constitution, see Con-
stitution of U. S.
American Law Review, the, 560
American Non-Conformist, the, 627
American party, ^ee " Know- Nothing"

American Sugar Refining Co., 651-3
Amnesty proclamation, Lincoln's, 1863,

320; President Johnson's, 1865, 324
Amsterdam Road, the, 230, 233, 234
Amy, Stmr., 779-80
Anderson, Gen. Robert, 155, 156
"Anderson Rifles," the (Home Guards),

140, 150-1, 242
Andrews, Harriet Carleton, 700
Angell, President (of University of

Mich.), 655
Angle case, the, 530-49, 627, 692
Angle, H. C, 530-49
Angle, Sarah R. (Mrs. H. C), 530-49
Annexation, Hawaiian treaty of, 769
Anson, Governor (of No. Carolina), 591
Antigua, the Grace case in, loi
Anti-Nebraska campaign of 1855, 59;

majorities in Indiana, 60; Gresham on

county ticket, 62
Anti-slavery men in Kansas, driven

from polls, 64
Anti-slavery propaganda and legislation

in Indiana, 1815-6, 24
Anti-Trust Act, Sherman's, see Sherman

Act of 1890
Arkansas delegates leave convention of

i860, 113
Arkansas, nth Infantry (C. S. A.), 277,

Arkansas, 17th Infantry (C. S. A.), 277,

Arlington Cemetery, Washington, 708,

Arlington Hotel, Washington, 688, 694,

756, 792, 812
Armstrong, Captain Jack, 84
Army Corps: Fifteenth, 309; Sixteenth,

307, 309; Seventeenth, 186, 241, 285,

294. 297. 306, 307, 309, 311
Army of the Cumberland, 300, 465, 467
Army of the Potomac, 195, 465, 467




Army of the Tennessee, 175, 186, 196,
294, 296. 297, 300, 301, 307, 462-4,

Army of the Tennessee, Society of the,
324, 462-71, 655, 658

Arnold, Capt. Isaac, 384, 390, 393

Arterhouse, General, 297

Arthur, Chester A., 49, 266-7, 3io, 435-
6; appoints Gresham Postmaster-
General, 489, 490, 494; candidate for
renomination, 495; characterized,
496; supports Grant, 496; nominated
for vice-president, 496; plan for re-
ducing Treasury surplus, 497-8; 499;
grasp of financial questions, 500;
differences with Senator Piatt, 501 ;
502, 504, 506, 562, 563, 564, 567, 578,
581, 594, 718, 719. 720, 741, 756

Arthur, P. M., 410, 411, 413-5

Askren, "Aunt Nancy" (aunt of Walter
Q. Gresham), 46

Askren, David A. (uncle of Walter Q.
Gresham), 46, 48

Atkins, — , 556, 557

Atlanta campaign, the, 294-312

Atterbury, Charles I., 551

Auger, General, 468

Aydelotte, Edward, 229

Ayres, L. S., 476

Babbitt, Col. George S., 150, 242-3,
250, 269, 282, 286, 293, 294-5, 306-7,
311, 314, 319

Babcock, Henry, 449

Babcock, Miss, 449

Babcock, Orville, 438

Bacon, Matthew, 2

Baker, Col. Conrad, 69-70, 316, 343,
344. 345. 385-6, 390-2

Baker, John H., 685
> Bailey, Leon O., 607, 611, 612

Bainsy, — , 403

Baldwin, "Lucky," 90

Ballots at Republican National Con-
vention, 1888, in detail, 592; fourth
and fifth ballots in detail, 597

Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, employees
open great strike of 1877, 380-1;

Baltimore, election fraud cases in, 1878,

473. 483-4
Bancroft, George, 329, 435
Bankruptcy act repealed, 1879, 489
Bankruptcy acts and procedure, 358-9
Barbed Wire Trust, 639
Bardstown, Ky., 67
Barnes, A. S., 535, 536
Barnes, Charles J., 535. 536, 539, 540

Barnwell, Senator, 123

Bartlett, Rev. William A., 491, 493

Bateman, Arthur E., 613

Bates House, Indianapolis, 350, 467

Bates's division, 309

Bayard, James A., 113, 117

Bayard, Thomas P., 668, 675, 696, 699-

700, 704, 721, 722, 725, 734, 735, 737,

759. 778, 779. 782, 794, 795. 796. 798
Bayard, Mrs. Thomas F., 699
Beal, William G., 413
Bears, — , 556, 557

Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T., 7, 134, 181
Beauvoir, Miss., Jefferson Davis's last

home, 117
"Beaux Pres," Natchez, 276, 278
Beck, Samuel, 476
Beecher, C. K., 403
Beers, Captain, 299
Belknap, Col. William W., 306, 308,

310, 438, 456, 457
Bell, Charles, 80-90
Bell, David J., 79-80, 81, 83, 89, 90
Bell, Horace, 79-9 1 , 1 42-4, 168-9, 1 70, 1 83
Bell, John, 57, 80, 83, 84, 86, 94, 106,

118, 120, 127
Bell, Mrs. David J., 79-80, 90
Benham, Rear-Admiral, 779-80
Bennett, James Gordon, 569
Benton, John, 280-1
Bering Sea arbitration, 684, 685, 687,

TIT et seq.
Bering Sea award, 706, 730-7
Bering Sea controversy, 717 e< seq.
Bernhamer case, 616
Beveridge, Albert J., 580, 588, 594, 620
Beveridge, Governor (of Indiana), 468
Bicknell, Judge George A., 75, 341-2
Bidwell, John, 675
Bigelow, — , 451
Big Springs, Ky., 88
Bill, Charles E., 369-70
Bill, Trustee, vs. Louisville, New Albany

& Chicago Railroad, 369-70
Billings, Judge, 492-3
Bingham, — , 143, 144
Bingham, Gen. Harry, 468, 575
Bingham, George W., 449
Bingham, Gordon B., 441-5. 449. 450
Bingham, John A., 329, 331-2
Bingham, John H., 441-5
Binghaman, Col. J. S., 276
Binney, Horace, 27
Bippus, George J., 631
Bismarck, Prince, 800-1
Bissell, William S., 493, 684, 692, 693
Black, Gen. John C. 769
Blackford, Judge Samuel, 658



Blackstone, Sir William, 37

Blaine-Conkling quarrel, 497

Blaine, Emmons, 566

Blaine, James G., pronounces aboli-
tionist criticism of Webster unjust,
58; his estimate of Douglas, 116, 117;
136. 329. 340, 457. 459. 493. 494;
candidate for presidential nomina-
tion, 495; 499, 500; nomination for
President, 501; 502, 503; defeat in
election 1884, 561; again urged for
President, 1886, 561; denunciation of
Cleveland's tariff message, 1887, 564,
566-7; declines to be presidential
candidate again, 567-8; position on
Chinese exclusion, 570-71; ambition
to be Secretary of State, 571-2; 574,
577. 578, 581. 582, 586, 589, 593, 595,
596, 598, 599, 600; appointed Secre-
tary of State by Harrison, 609; re-
signs, 662; 666, 680, 720; Bering Sea
controversy, 722, 723-4, 725, 729,
731. 732; policy toward Hawaii. 738,
741. 743. 773; 782, 784

Blaine, Mrs. James G., 501

Blaine, Walker, 566

Blair, Gen. Frank P., 104, 296, 299, 300,
306, 307-310, 327. 344. 462, 464

Blair, Montgomery, 104, 106

Blair, Representative (of N. H.), 769

Bland, Richard, 708

Blatchford, Justice Samuel, 435-6, 490,
510, 815

Blatchford, Mrs. Samuel, 490

"Blocks of Five" case, the, 486, 604-
18, 739

"Blocks of Five" letter, the, 473, 478,
486, 601, 604-8

Blodgett, Col. Wells, 554, 555, 791

Blodgett, Judge Henry W., 351, 442,
525, 526, 529, 645, 646, 647. 725, 791

" Bloody Monday "in Louisville, 1855.61

Blount, James H., 741, 744-6, 750-1,
753. 756, 757. 808

Boies, Horace, 664, 667, 684

Bonavides, Francisco, 357-8, 805-6

Bontura, Joe, 280

Bookwalter, Charles A., 580

Boone, Daniel, 15, 18

Boone, Elvira, first white child born in
Southern Indiana, 18

Boone family in Indiana, 18

Boone, George, iS

Boone, Hiram, 19

Boone, Isaiah, 18

Boone, Squire, 18

"Border ruffians," 64

Border States, question of secession of,

114, 121-128, 139
Boston & Albany Railroad, 524-5
Boston, U. S. S. 744, 750, 751. 754
Bosworth, B. U., 590
Boutelle, Representative (of Maine),

571. 769
Bowen, S. T., 476
Bowie, Capt. Allen T., 207, 249, 274-6.

278, 279
Bowles, Colonel, 26, 230
Boyd case, the, 445, 446
Boyd, Judge S.S., 249
Boynton, Gen. Henry V., 438

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