Maurice G. (Maurice Garland) Fulton.

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progress." 1 But instinctive patriotism is not eager to learn from
other nations, for the very simple reason that it thinks they have
nothing superior to teach. To the instinctive patriotism noth-
ing in foreign nations is worthy of emulation or adoption. He
speaks without the slightest reverence of "Japs," and "Chinks,"
and "Dagoes;" of "Wild Irishmen," "rat-eating Frenchmen,"
and "flat-headed Dutchmen." Such a "patriot" may be a gentle-
man so far as his more intimate personal relationships are con-
cerned, but as a representative of nationality he is often a
braggart, a bully, or a fool. His patriotism is irrational and
irresponsible, and consequently a danger to his country.

In spite of the dangers of instinctive patriotism, however,
it must be recognized that, like other instincts again, it may
serve at tunes a very useful purpose. Indeed, hi the absence
of social intelligence, it has been absolutely essential to the
preservation of social groups. When the life of a nation, for
instance, is endangered, its citizens must rise instantly to its
defense. There is no time for serious reflection. To deliberate
is to be lost. Hence the disposition to spring to arms is an
element of national survival; for it leads the citizens to act in
concert, and so more effectively. Without instinctive patriotism,
no group in a hostile environment could have survived. On
the whole, those groups in which it was highest developed are
the ones which have persisted. Instinctive patriotism, then,
has unquestionably been an element in social survival, as well
as an element in social danger and destruction. But however
serviceable this form of patriotism may have been in the past,
or however necessary in a critical national exigency, it is not
the kind of patriotism which is needed today. It involves govern-
ments in needless strife, and it renders the citizens easily suscept-
ible to the pernicious influences of kings, diplomats, and un-

iBasis of S trial Rtlationships (New York, igoa), p. 60. [Howerth's note.]


scrupulous politicians. Hence, it should be supplanted as
rapidly as possible by intelligent patriotism.

Intelligent patriotism implies a particular kind of knowledge,
a knowledge of national and social relationships, and of the
principles of industrial and political well-being. In the endeavor
to develop it in the schools, for instance, we may safely rely
upon the existence of patriotic feeling and devote attention
exclusively to promoting the right kind of intelligence. Salut-
ing the flag, the singing of patriotic songs, Fourth of July celebra-
tions as heretofore conducted, to say nothing of most of the
patriotic appeals from pulpit and rostrum, are directed merely
to developing instinctive patriotism. The really needed and
difficult thing, however, is to inform the instinct so that it will
operate, even under trying circumstances, to the real advantage
and safety of the nation. Education should be directed not to the
development of patriotic feeling, but to imparting the kind of
knowledge by which that feeling is restrained and directed.

The difference between instinctive patriotism and intelligent
patriotism, as I have tried to present it, is not, of course, abso-
lute. Feeling is necessary to action, and the two can not be
separated. But the difference between impulsive action and
national action is obvious, and so, I think, must be the distinc-
tion I have drawn between instinctive patriotism and intelligent
patriotism. Instinctive patriotism is not be to supplanted by
intelligent patriotism; it is, rather, to be transformed into it by

With the distinction of the two kinds of patriotism now before
us it will be interesting to compare some of the patriotic mani-
festations in modern political discussion. Instinctive patriotism,
with a superficial knowledge of science, justifies war on the
ground of the law of the survival of the fittest. Intelligent patri-
otism analyzes the idea of the fittest, finds that it has no ethical
signification, and strives to promote all activities calculated
to fit our nation to survive. Instinctive patriotism prates in
language which to delicate ears sounds almost blasphemous, of
the unpremeditated occurrences in our national life as disclosing
the will of Providence. Intelligent patriotism recognizes that


safe and permanent progress is the result of human forethought,
that the blunders of a nation are no less deplorable and blame-
worthy than those of an individual, and that unconsidered or
ill-considered action on the part of man or nation is quite as
likely to disclose the will of the devil as the will of the Lord.
Instinctive patriotism melodramatically declares that the flag
of our country whenever or wherever, and no matter under what
circumstances, it is erected, shall never he hauled down. In-
telligent patriotism insists that whenever and wherever the
flag is raised in injustice, or as a symbol of oppression and
tyranny, the sooner it is hauled down the better; for the intelli-
gent patriot is likely to have a feeling that unless it is lowered
by our own hands, the God of Justice will somehow tear it
down and make it a mockery and a mournful memory in the
minds of men. Instinctive patriotism defiantly proclaims,
"My country, right or wrong." Intelligent patriotism says,
"My country, when she is right, and when she is wrong, my life
to set her right." Instinctive patriotism, nonplused by the
arguments of the peace advocates, tries to persuade itself that
such advocates are uneducated sentimentalists and molly-
coddles. Intelligent patriotism quietly continues to organize its
peace leagues, associations, and federations, schools, tribunals,
and unions, confident that proper intelligence will make war

The difference between the two kinds of patriotism is shown
in nothing more clearly than the character of the two national
ideals now inculcated. Instinctive patriotism has much to say
about our becoming a "world power," the inevitableness of war,
and of our rightful influence in the council of nations. Intelligent
patriotism knows we have long been a world power, that war is
neither inevitable nor necessary, and is not so much interested in
our rightful influence as that our influence be exercised in the
rightful way. The instinctive patriotic ideal is militant; the
intelligent, scientific and industrial.

Is it necessary to inquire which is the higher form of patriot-
ism? Which is the [nobler national aspiration, which evinces
the loftier patriotism, supremacy in war and the arts of de-


struction, with hundreds of millions of our wealth locked up in
ships, forts, and arsenals, and thousands of men withdrawn from
the peaceful pursuits to man these instruments of death, and
become a burden on the back of labor, or supremacy in industry,
in trade, in science, in art, in literature, and in education, with
health, wealth, and happiness for all our people; and, because
we have charity for all and malice 'toward none, enjoying the
good- will and friendship of all the world? For which should we
strive as a nation, to evoke the fear of the weaker nations by
the strength of our armaments (and their hatred also, for hate
is the child of fear), or to deserve and compel their respect and
admiration by fair dealing, justice, modesty, moderation, cour-
tesy, and charity, and by our sincerity in upholding the principles
of liberty, equality, and fraternity?

Instinctive patriotism is thrilled by glowing descriptions of
America as mighty in battle, or as Mistress of the Seas with
hundreds of battleships, those grim leviathans of the deep,
plowing the waves of every sea and proudly tossing from
their iron manes the ocean foam; or resting unwelcome, it
may be, because unbidden, guests in the ports of foreign lands;
each bearing witness that in this nation of ours, conceived in
liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created
equal, there is a disposition to forsake the principles of the
fathers in a lust for power, and to follow in the wake of Babylon
and Nineveh, Greece, Rome and Spain, the nations whose
bloody history reveals to him who will but read that the nation
that relies upon force must finally become the victim of force.
For it is written, "They that take the sword shall perish by the

Intelligent patriotism, on the other hand, is inspired by the
ideal of America as a republic supremely powerful by the force
of an enlightened public opinion, and supremely glorious on
account of her successful pursuit of the arts of peace, and because
of her acknowledged leadership in all that liberates and lifts.
The prophet of old declared that there shall come a time when
swords shall be beaten into plowshares and spears into pruning-
hooks, and men shall learn war no more; and that the earth shall


be full of knowledge as the waters cover the sea. When these
prophecies are to be fulfilled no one can know

"Ah, when shall all men's good be each man's rule,

And universal peace lie like a shaft of light across mankind;
Or like a lane of beams athwart the sea
Thru all the circle of the golden year?"

But these prophecies imply a period of continuous peace and
general education involving the diffusion of patriotic knowl-
edge. Who can estimate what this will mean to the advance-
ment of the people? It is not given unto men to foretell what
this nation is to become; it doth not yet appear what we shall
be; but of this we may be sure, that with continuous peace,
universal education, and intelligent patriotism, eye hath not
seen, nor ear heard, neither has it entered into the imagination
of man to conceive the glorious possibilities of the American


[Franklin Knight Lane (1864 ) was born in Canada, but in early

childhood removed to California. He studied at the University of California,
engaged in newspaper work, studying law later and entering into practice in
San Francisco. For eight years he was a member of the Interstate Commerce
Commission at Washington. This position he relinquished in 1913 to become
secretary of the interior. In his speeches and writings he is always forcible
and inspiring. The brief address here given, delivered before the employees
of the Department of the Interior on Flag Day, 1914, deserves a place among
the classics of patriotism. With imagination and insight, with grace and
charm, it interprets what the American flag ought to mean to all who live
under it.]

This morning, as I passed into the Land Office, The Flag
dropped me a most cordial salutation, and from its rippling
folds I heard it say: "Good morning, Mr. Flag Maker."

"I beg your pardon, Old Glory," I said, "aren't you mis-
taken? I am not the President of the United States, nor a


member of Congress, nor even a general in the army. I am only
a Government clerk."

"I greet you again, Mr. Flag Maker," replied the gay voice,
"I know you well. You are the man who worked in the swelter
of yesterday straightening out the tangle of that farmer's
homestead in Idaho, or perhaps you found the mistake in that
Indian contract in Oklahoma, or helped to clear that patent
for the hopeful inventor in New York, or pushed the opening
of that new ditch in Colorado, or made that mine in Illinois
more safe, or brought relief to the old soldier in Wyoming.
No matter; whichever one of these beneficent individuals you
may happen to be, I give you greeting, Mr. Flag Maker."

I was about to pass on, when The Flag stopped me with
these words:

"Yesterday the President spoke a word that made happier
the future of ten milhon peons in Mexico; but that act looms
no larger on the flag than the struggle which the boy in Georgia
is making to win the Corn Club prize this summer.

"Yesterday the Congress spoke a word which will open the
door of Alaska; but a mother in Michigan worked from sun-
rise until far into the night to give her boy an education. She,
too, is making the flag.

"Yesterday we made a new law to prevent financial panics,
and yesterday, maybe, a school-teacher in Ohio taught his first
letters to a boy who will one day write a song that will give
cheer to the millions of our race. We are all making the flag."

"But," I said impatiently, "these people were only work-

Then came a great shout from The Flag: "The work that
we do is the making of the flag. I am not the flag; not at all.
I am but its shadow.

"I am whatever you make me, nothing more.

"I am your belief in yourself, your dream of what a People
may become.

"I live a changing life, a life of moods and passions, of heart-
breaks and tired muscles.

"Sometimes I am strong with pride, when men do an honest


work, fitting the rails together truly. Sometimes I droop, for
then purpose has gone from me, and cynically I play the coward.
Sometimes I am loud, garish, and full of that ego that blasts

"But always I am all that you hope to be and have the
courage to try for.

"I am song and fear, struggle and panic, and ennobling

"I am the day's work of the weakest man and the largest
dream of the most daring.

"I am the Constitution and the courts, statutes and the
statute makers, soldier and dreadnaught, drayman and street
sweep, cook, counselor, and clerk.

"I am the battle of yesterday and the mistake of tomorrow.

"I am the mystery of the men who do without knowing why.

"I am the clutch of an idea and the reasoned purpose of

"I am no more than what you believe me to be, and I am
all that you believe I can be.

"I am what you make me, nothing more.

"I swing before your eyes as a bright gleam of color, a symbol
of yourself, the pictured suggestion of that big thing which
makes this nation. My stars and my stripes are your dream
and your labors. They are bright with cheer, brilliant with
courage, firm with faith, because you have made them so out
of your hearts. For you are the makers of the flag, and it is
weU that you glory in the making."




[Henry Cabot Lodge (1850 ) was born in Boston, Massachusetts.

He was graduated from Harvard and was for a time lecturer in history in
that institution. For three years he was editor of the North American
Review. Since 1886 he has served continuously in Washington as either
representative or senator from Massachusetts. In spite of the exactions of
public life, he has found time to write several brilliant volumes on historical
and biographical subjects, the most notable perhaps being his Life of Wash-

Assuming at the outset that in the United States all men,
young and old, who think at all realize the importance of good
citizenship, the first step toward its attainment or its diffusion
is to define it accurately; and then, knowing what it is, we shall
be able intelligently to consider the best methods of creating it
and spreading it abroad. In this case the point of discussion and
determination lies hi the first word of the title. There is no
difficulty in the second. The accident of birth or the certificate
of a court will make a man a citizen of the republic, entitled to
take part in the government and to have the protection of that
government wherever he may be. The qualifying adjective
applied to citizenship is the important thing here; for, while the
mere word "citizen" settles at once a man's legal status, both
under domestic and international law, and implies certain rights
on his part, and certain responsibilities on the part of his govern-
ment toward him, we must go much further if we would define
his duties to the state upon the performance of which depends
his right to be called either good or worthy. Merely to live with-
out actually breaking the laws does not constitute good citizen-
ship, except in the narrow sense of contrast to those who openly
or covertly violate the laws which they have helped to make.
The word "good," as applied to citizenship, means something
more positive and affirmative than mere passive obedience to
statutes, if it has any meaning at all. The good citizen, if he

^rom A Frontier Town and Other Essays. (Copyright, 1906, Charles Scribner's
Sons.) Reprinted by permission.


would deserve the title, must be one who performs his duties to
the state, and who, in due proportion, serves his country. It is
when we undertake to define those duties and determine what the
due proportion of service is that we approach the serious diffi-
culty of the subject; and yet the duties and the service to the
country must be defined, for in them lies all good citizenship,
and failure to render them carries a man beyond the pale. A
man may not be a bad citizen he may pay his taxes and commit
no statutory offences but, if he gives no service to his country,
nor any help to the community in which he lives, he cannot
properly be called a good citizen.

Assuming, then, that good citizenship necessarily implies
service of some sort to the state, the country, or the public, it
must be understood, of course, that such service may vary
widely in amount or in degree. The man and woman who have
a family of children, educate them, bring them up honorably
and well, teaching them to love their country, are good citizens,
and deserve well of the republic. The man who, in order to care
for his family and give his children a fair start in life, labors
honestly and diligently at his trade, profession, or business, and
who casts his vote conscientiously at all elections adds to the
strength as well as to the material prosperity of the country,
and thus fulfils some of the primary and most important duties
of good citizenship. Indeed, it may be said, in passing, that he
who labors in any way, who has any intellectual interest, who
employs his leisure for any public end, even the man who works
purely for selfish objects, has one valuable element of good
citizenship to his credit in the mere fact of his industry; for there
is nobody so detrimental in a country like ours as the mere
idler, the mere seeker for self-amusement, who passes his time
in constant uncertainty as to how he shall get rid of the next
day or the next hour of that brief life which, however short
in some cases, is, from every point of view, too long for him. . . .

Good citizenship demands, therefore, something active; hi
order to be attained, the man must be useful to his country and to
his fellowmen, and on this usefulness all else depends. For-
tunately, it is possible to be useful in many ways. "Hold your


life, your time, your money," said Lowell, "always ready at the
hint of your country." To him it was given to make the last great
sacrifice. In time of war, the usefulness of man is plain; he has
but the simple duty of offering his services to his country in the
field. But the service of war, if more glorious, more dangerous,
and larger in peril and sacrifice than any other, is also the most
obvious. When the country is involved in war, the first duty of a
citizen is clear he must fight for the flag; or if, because of age or
physical infirmity, he is unable to fight, he must support those
who do, and sustain, hi all ways possible, the nation's cause.
Good citizenship implies constant readiness to obey our country's

Less dangerous, less glorious, rarely demanding the last
sacrifice, the time of peace is no less insistent than the exceptional
time of war hi its demands for good citizenship. How shall a
man, hi time of peace, fulfil Lowell's requirement of being a
useful citizen? He may do it in many ways, for usefulness as a
citizen is not confined, by any means, to public office, although
it must, in some form or other, promote the general as distin-
guished from the individual good. A man may be a good citizen
in the ordinary sense by fulfilling the fundamental conditions of
honest labor, caring for his family, observing law, and expressing
his opinion upon governmental measures at the time of election.
But this does not make him a good citizen in the larger sense of
usefulness. To be a useful citizen, he must do something for
the public service which is over and above his work for himself
or his family. It may be performed this public service through
the medium of the man's profession or occupation, or wholly
apart and aside from it. This does not mean that the mere pro-
duction of a great work of art or literature which may be a joy
and benefaction to humanity necessarily involves the idea of
public service in the sense in which we are considering it here.
It may or it may not do so. Turner's art is a great possession for
the world to have, but his bequest to the National Gallery was a
public service. Regnault's portrait of Prim was a noble picture,
but the artist's death as a soldier hi defence of Paris was the
highest public service. The literature of the English language


would be much poorer if Edgar Allan Poe had not lived, his
verse, his prose, his art could ill be spared when the accounts of
the nineteenth century are made up, yet it would be impossible
to say that Poe was a useful citizen, highly as we may rate and
ought to rate his strange genius. On the other hand, Walt Whit-
man, who consecrated so much of his work as a poet to his
country, was eminently a useful citizen of high patriotism, for he
labored in the hospitals and among the soldiers to help his
country and his fellowmen without any thought of self or self-
interest, or even of his art. So, Ralph Waldo Emerson was a
great and useful citizen, as well as a great writer and poet, giving
freely of his tune and thought and fame to moulding opinion and
to the service of his country. The same may be said of Holmes
and of Longfellow, of Whittier and of Lowell, of Bancroft and
of Motley. In any event, their work would have taken high
place in the literature of the United States and of the English-
speaking people; in any event it would have brought pleasure to
mankind, and, in Dr. Johnson's phrase, would have helped us to
enjoy life or taught us to endure it. But over and above their
work, they were useful citizens in a high degree. Their art was
ever at the service of their country, of a great cause, and of their
fellowmen. They helped to direct and create public opinion, and
in the hour of stress they sustained the national cause with all the
great strength which their fame and talents gave them. With
Winthrop, their watchword was: "Our country, whether
bounded by the St. John's or the Sabine, or however otherwise
bounded or described, and, be the measurement more or less,
still our country."

The poet and the artist, the scholar and the man of letters
are, perhaps, as remote in their lives and pursuits from the
generally recognized paths of public service as any men in a
community, yet these few examples show not only what they
have done, but also what they can do, and how they have met
the responsibilities which their high intellectual gifts and large
influence imposed upon them. There are also professions which
involve in their pursuit public service of a very noble kind.
Clergymen and physicians give freely to the public, to their


country, and to the community in which they live, their time,
their money, then* skill, their influence, and their sympathy.
It is all done for others, without hope or thought of self-interest
or reward. It is all done so naturally, so much in the usual course
of their activities, that the world scarcely notes, and certainly
does not stop to realize, that the great surgeon exercising his
skill, which will command any sum from the rich, without money
and without price for the benefit of the poor in the hospitals,
or the clergyman laboring among the miseries of the city slums,
is doing public service of the highest kind, and is preeminently
the useful citizen who goes beyond the limits of personal or
family interest to work for the general good to promote the
public welfare in every possible way.

The man of business who devotes his surplus wealth to the
promotion of education or of art, or the alleviation of suffering, is
doing public service. So, too, among businessmen and lawyers
and journalists, among the men engaged in the most energetic
and active pursuits, we find those who are always ready to serve

Online LibraryMaurice G. (Maurice Garland) FultonNational ideals and problems; essays for college English → online text (page 21 of 39)