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ing to China, — and supported the demand by the
despatch of a large Chinese army to Southern Formosa.
The two hostile armies stood facing each other on the
Island, and for a while war seemed to be inevitable. But
through the friendly mediation of the British Minister,
a settlement was finally effected. The action of Japan
was justified; Japan pledged to withdraw; China agreed
to pay an indemnity of half a million taels. After this
settlement the Liuchiu Prince still sent tribute missions
to the Peking Court, against which the Japanese Min-
ister entered vigorous protests. In 1879 General U. S.
Grant, while on his tour around the world, advised that
the Liuchiu Islands be partitioned between China and
Japan. In 1881, however, the Liuchiu Islands were
definitely recognized as being under the suzerainty of
Japan. Thus, by a clever maneuver of diplomacy, Japan
successfully asserted her claim of sovereignty over the
Liuchiu Islands ; and thus, through sheer ignorance and
incompetency, China lost her claim of suzerainty. Com-
menting on this, H. B. Morse said :

"More significant even than this readiness to pay was
the facile abandonment of the Liuchiu Islands, which
had paid tributes for five centuries — a prelude to the
successive lopping off of all the tributary dependencies,
one after the other — Annam, Korea, Burma; and, more
or less completed, Manchuria, Mongolia and Tibet." 25

The next Chinese dependency to bear the brunt of
Western aggression was Hi, a part of the great north-
western territory of China. In 1866 a series of rebel-
lions broke out in Hi and Kashgaria. Out of the tur-
moil emerged the Conquerer Yakub Beg, who established
his rule over Kashgar and Yarkand. Simultaneously
the Dungani Tribe rose and conquered the eastern part
of the northwestern territory, overran the Chinese


province of Kansu and menaced Shensi and Hupeh.
In 1867, Tso Tsung-tang, a veteran general of the
Taiping rebellion, was commissioned to pacify the re-
gion. He first drove back the Dungani Tribe from
Hupeh and Shensi, and then he advanced to Kansu
where he took Suchow after a continuous seige of three
years. During this time he made his troops grow crops
and thus fed his own army. Having captured Suchow,
he advanced straight on and conquered city after city.
By 1878, he had the entire territory pacified and brought
under the control of the Chinese Government.

Prior to this, and taking advantage of the rebellions,
Russia in 1871 moved troops into Kuldja and occupied
Hi, promising to restore the territory to China as soon
as China should be able to assume the functions of a
territorial sovereign. So when Tso Tsung-tang had
successfully pacified the rebellions, the Chinese Govern-
ment demanded the restoration of Hi. In 1879, Chung-
chow was sent to Russia, and there he negotiated the
treaty of Livadia, signed on September 15, 1879. The
western and richer part of Hi was to be ceded to
Russia. The strategic passes of Tienshan were to be
also surrendered to Russia. Five million roubles were,
in addition, to be paid for the restoration of the rest of
Hi. 26 "Such conditions might be imposed after defeat
in war, but never granted as the result of negotiations." 2T
Chungchow was condemned to death and his life was
saved only through the gracious interposition of Queen

The next year, 1880, Marquis Tseng, the son of the
illustrious General Tseng Kuo-fan of the Taiping re-
bellion, was sent to Russia to open the negotiation again
for the restoration of Hi. lie succeeded in signing, on
February 24, 1881, the Treaty of St. Petersburg,-" with
a protocol-" and supplementary regulations for inland
trade.' 1 " The Chinese authority in Hi was reestablished
(Article 1) 31 but the western part of Hi was ceded to


Russia. 32 The Takkas Valley and all the passes between
Hi ami Kashgaria and the parts of Eastern Turkestan,
ceded to Russia by Chungchow, were all regained, Rus-
sia still, however, retaining the western part of Hi, for-
merly ceded to them by Chungchow. 8 ' The Russians
were to have the right to trade in Mongolia and Hi free
from payment of duties, 34 but the Russian caravans were
to stop at the frontier of China proper, whereas Chung-
chow had allowed them to march as far inland as Han-
kow. 35 An increased indemnity, however, of nine million
roubles was to be paid. Thus, the western parts of Hi
were lost to Russia, and the eastern and greater part
thereof was rescued from the grasp of Russia only by
the diplomatic genius of Marquis Tseng, and martial
zeal of General Tso Tsung-tang.

The third dependency that was to pass out of the
control of China was Annam. Annam was conquered
by China and became a vassal during the Han Dynasty.
In 1407 it was again conquered by Emperor Yunglo
of the Ming Dynasty, and this time it was annexed to
China. As an integral part of the Empire, it was ad-
ministered in the Chinese manner. It was divided into
fifteen fus, forty-one chows, and two hundred and eighty
hsiens. 36 But twenty years later it reverted to the old
condition of a vassal state. Ever since then, there had
been no evidence in existence that it had failed to re-
ceive the investiture of its King from China or send a
mission of tribute once in four years. 37

During China's second war with Great Britain and
her French ally, Annam began to break away from
China. In 1858, France and Spain, because of succes-
sive murders of their missionaries, sent an expedition
to Annam. The war that ensued continued for three
years and a half, and terminated with the Treaty of
Saigon, June 5, 1862. Spain was to receive a part of
the indemnity of four million dollars; and France


to obtain the cession of Saigon, three provinces of
Cochin-China and the Island of Pulo Condor.

The next step in the alienation of Annam from China
was the Treaty of Alliance between France and Annam
concluded on March 15, 1874. France recognized the
complete independence of Annam and pledged to pro-
tect the integrity of the same. Thus, by this pretext,
France supplanted China as overlord, and Annam
changed her allegiance.

The last step in the control of Annam was the estab-
lishment of the French protectorate by the Treaty of
June 6, 1884. Annam recognized and accepted the pro-
tectorate of France. France controlled the relations of
all foreign Powers, including China, with the Annamese
Government. 3S Cochin-China was to be enlarged. Ton-
kin was to be administered by French residents. Annam
was still to be under the Annamese except the customs
and public works. The Red River was to be guarded
by French military posts.

Having thus clinched her protectorate over Annam,
France saw that the only obstacle standing in the way
of the complete consummation of absorption was China.
In 1881, China protested through Marquis Tseng at
Paris against the French recognition of the complete
independence of Annam and asserted her claim of
suzerainty. She also reenforced her protest by the
despatch of Imperial troops who cooperated in the Red
River Basin with the Black Flags, the remnants of the
Taiping rebels, who had been guarding the Red River
ever since 1873. In order to remove this obstacle, France
at last resorted to war. On March 15, 1883, a war
credit of 5,500,000 francs was voted and an expedition
was thereafter senl to the Kci] River. Several engage-
ments took place, and while the Chinese made a stub-
born stand, the French were at last successful in cap-
turing the important centers of the Red River, Hanoi,

Bontag and Bacninh.


At this juncture, and in order to avoid further blood-
shed, the convention of Tientsin was entered upon, .May
11, 1884, between Li Hung-chang representing China and
Commandant Fournier representing France. 89 France
engaged to respect and protect the Chinese frontiers
bordering on Tonkin (Article 1). China was to with-
draw her garrisons from Tonkin and to respect the
treaties between France and Annam (Article 2). France
was to renounce her demand for indemnity (Article 3),
but in return was to receive the privilege of frontier
trade between Annam and China (Article 3).

An unfortunate misunderstanding, however, soon oc-
curred, which brought on the war between France and
China. Li Hung-chang and Commandant Fournier had
arranged that the Chinese Imperial garrisons should
withdraw from the Kwangsi border within twenty days,
that is, by June 6, and from the Yunnan frontier within
forty days, that is, by June 26, but the French advanced
to Langson before the lapse of the time allowed for
evacuation and were severely repulsed at P.acle by the
Chinese garrisons who had not yet received instruction
for withdrawal.

Thereupon the French demanded an indemnity of
250,000,000 francs but later reduced the amount to
80,000,000 francs. In July Admiral Courbet sailed with
his fleet into Foochow Harbor with the cordial welcome
of the Chinese authorities, but on August 23, and with-
out previous warning, attacked a Chinese fleet lying in
the same harbor, and practically annihilated it. The
Chinese Government thereupon declared war. On sea
France was victorious, but on land China stood her
ground. On March 28, 1885, the Chinese recaptured

On June 9, 1885, the treaty of peace was signed, vir-
tually reaffirming the convention of Tientsin of May 11,
1884.*° The French engaged to respect the Chinese
southern boundary between China and Tonkin (Arti-


cle 1). China agreed to respect the treaties between
Annam and France (Article 2). The privilege of fron-
tier trade between Tonkin and China was granted
Article 5). Trade regulations between Tonkin and
Yunnan, Kwangsi, and Kwangtung were to be made by
a joint commission (Article 6). China was to ask
France for assistance, both in personnel and material,
in the construction of railways between Tonkin and
Yunnan, but this was not to be construed as to give
exclusive right in favor of France (Article 7).* 1

Closely following the alienation of Annam came the
loss of Burma, a vassal state conquered by the Mongols
during the reign of Kublai Khan in 1284 A.D., 42 and
which sent missions of tribute once every ten years. As
early as 1862, Great Britain seized lower Burma just
at the time when France seized Cochin-China. In 1886,
one year after the French occupancy of Annam and the
subsequent recognition by China of the transfer of
suzerainty, Great Britain completed her seizure of Up-
per Burma and won the recognition by China of the
British rule over the whole of Burma by the convention
signed on July 24, 1886. 43 Burma was still allowed to
send her decennial tribute mission to Peking, Article
l). 44 China recognized British authority and rule in
Burma : "China agrees that, in all matters whatever ap-
pertaining to the authority and rule which England is
now exercising in Burma, England shall be free to do
whatever she deems fit and proper." Article 2). 45

In 1890 the British protectorate over Sikkim was rec-
ognized by the convention of March 17, 1890. 48 The
boundary between Tibet and Sikkim was defined (Ar-
ticle 1 ). The British protectorate over Sikkim was recog-
nized by China (Article 2) : "It is admitted that the Brit-
ish Government, whose protectorate over the Sikkim State
is hereby recognized, has direct and exclusive control over
the internal administration and foreign relations of that


state, and except through and with the permission of
the British Government, neither the ruler of the Slate
nor any of its officers shall have official relations of any
kind, formal or informal, with any other country." 47

The last group of dependencies to be severed from
the control of China were the Pascadores, For-
mosa and Korea. Korea was a vassal state of China
for many centuries. In 1637 she was conquered by the
Manchus. Ever since then, for more than two cen-
turies the relation of Korea as a vassal state to China
had never been questioned. In 1876, however, Japan
made her first move which led to her subsequent control
of that land. She covenanted with Korea on February
26 of that year, recognizing the full independence of
Korea, thus ignoring the suzerainty of China. 48 Arti-
cle 1 read: "Chosen (Korea) being an independent
state, enjoys the same sovereign rights as does Japan." 49
On December 4, 1884, a violent riot broke out. The
Chinese Resident General Yuan Shih-kai, who later be-
came President of China, led his Chinese troops and
proceeded to protect the Imperial Palace of the Korean
Emperor, but upon his arrival he found the palace oc-
cupied by Japanese troops. Thereupon, Yuan Shih-kai
attacked the Japanese guards. A general commotion
ensued, amidst which the Japanese fought their way out
from Seoul to Chemulpo, where they boarded a Japa-
nese steamer.

To settle this incident, the convention of Tientsin
was signed on April 18, 1885, 50 by Li Ilung-chang rep-
resenting China and by Ito representing Japan. Both
agreed to withdraw their troops from Korea within four
months. The Korean King was to be asked to employ
military instructors of a third Power to drill a sufficient
force for the preservation of order and peace. "In
case of any disturbance of a grave nature occurring in
Korea which necessitates the respective countries or


either of them to send the troops to Korea, it is hereby
understood that they shall give, each to the other, pre-
vious notice in writing of their intention so to do, and
that after the matter is settled they shall withdraw their
troops and not further station them there." 51

In March, 1894, another riot broke out in Korea led
by the Tonghaks, — a Korean political party with the
platforms of reform and expulsion of all foreigners.
"Down with the Japanese and all foreigners," was one
of their watchwords. 52 During the same month another
event occurred which aggravated the situation. One of
the leaders of the riot of December, 1884, by the name
of Kin Ok-Kim, who was in refuge in Japan, was de-
coyed to Shanghai in March, 1894, and there treacher-
ously murdered by a Korean. At the request of the
Korean King, both the murdered man and the murderer
were conveyed to Korea, where the former was desig-
nated as a rebel and his dead body decapitated and
quartered, while the murderer was set free as a national

The Korean King appealed to the Peking Court for
protection and help in the face of the Tonghak rebellion
and the general excitement over the murder of Kin
Ok-Kim. To this appeal the Chinese Government re-
sponded by the despatch of troops to Korea. In com-
pliance with the Treaty of Tientsin, April 18, 1884,
notice was given to Japan, but this did not satisfy Japan.
She charged China with breach of faith for not giving
notice before the despatch of troops, though she herself
sent even a larger body of soldiers. Meanwhile, the
Tonghaks had been put down by Korean soldiers. Thus,
although the cause of the trouble was already eliminated,
the two hostile armies stood face to face in Korea
watching each other.

China suggested a simultaneous withdrawal of troops
and a mutual refrainnunt from any interference in the
internal administration of Korea, to which Japan ob-


jected. As a counter move, she suggested that China
should cooperate with her in the reform of the internal
administration of Korea, from which China dissented.
Meanwhile an event occurred which led to the declara-
tion of war on both sides. A British steamer by the
name of Kozvslicng transported Chinese troops to Korea
under the convoy of Chinese cruisers and flying a British
flag. It was stopped at Prince Jerome Gulf by a Japa-
nese squadron. Upon examination of the papers, the
Japanese signaled "follow me," which the Chinese troops
on board the ship refused to obey. The Naniwa then
hoisted the red flag and opened fire. The Kozl'sIiciuj
was sunk in less than half an hour, and most of the
Chinese soldiers on board were drowned. 'War was
thereupon declared by both countries.

Let us endeavor to find the real motives of Japan
which brought about this war. China had already con-
sented to withdraw ; the Tonghaks had been suppressed ;
and yet Japan still refused to be satisfied. She insisted
that China should cooperate with her in the reforma-
tion of Korea, when it was an open question as to the
legal and ethical rights of Japan in enforcing reforms
on another country. The real motives, as we find, how-
ever, appeared to be that Japan wished to incite a war
with China at that juncture, so that she could achieve
her own position of equality. For up to this time she
had been making desperate endeavors to secure the
abrogation of extraterritoriality and tariff restraint
from the Treaty Powers, and so far she had only suc-
ceeded in gaining the consent of Great Britain on June
16, 1884. She needed a demonstration of her military
prowess so that she could convince the rest of the
Powers that she was entitled to a complete recovery
of her judicial and tariff autonomy. Added to this was
the motive that the integrity of Korea was necessary
for the safety of Japan. In fighting lor the independ-
ence of Korea, Japan was fighting for her own inde-


pendence and integrity. This was verified by the testi-
mony of a Japanese diplomatic representative in Europe:

"This, at least, I can tell you for certain, we neither
can nor will Leave Korea again until our aim has been
obtained in one way or another. We are fighting in
Korea for our own future — I might also say for our
independence. Once let Korea fall into the hands of a
European power, and our independence will be threat-
ened." "

The victories of Japan both on land and sea are known
to the world. The war was finally concluded by the
Treaty of Shimonoseki, signed on April 17, 1895. 54 The
independence of Korea was fully recognized by China
(Article 1). The Liaotung peninsula, Formosa and the
Pascadores were to be ceded to Japan (Article 2). An
indemnity of 200,000,000 Kuping taels was to be paid
(Article 4). All previous treaties between China and
Japan were to be terminated and new treaties, based on
"the treaties, conventions and the regulations now sub-
sisting between China and the European powers," were
to be concluded (Article 6). 57 The most favored nation
treatment was to be accorded to Japan and her subjects
(Article 6). Shashih, Chung-King, Soochow, and Hang-
chow were to be opened to trade (Article 6). M

Hardly had the treaty of Shimonoseki been made
than the Three-Power intervention occurred. Russia,
Germany and France each presented identical notes,
mutatis mutandis, to the Japanese Government advising
the latter not to occupy the Liaotung Peninsula in per-
petuity. Consequently the convention was signed on
November 8, ' For the retrocession of Liaotung,

in return for which China paid an additional indemnity
of 30,000,000 Kuping tael>.
A year later, iii pursuance of Article 6 of the Treaty

of Shimon. hi providing for the annulment of all pre-
vious treaties between ( hina and Japan and for the


conclusion of new treaties, a treaty of commerce and
navigation was signed on July 21, 1896, virtually plac-
ing [apan on a par with the other treaty Powers. Con-
sular jurisdiction for the Japanese subjects was provided
(Articles 20, 21, 22). 00 The most favored nation treat-
ment was accorded to Japan and her subjects "in all
privileges, immunities and advantages that may have
have been or may hereafter be granted by his majesty
the Emperor of China to the government or subjects
of any other nation" (Article 25). 01 A subsequent
protocal was signed at Peking on October 19, 1896, re-
specting the Japanese settlements in the newly opened
ports and also other matters. 02

This concludes the second period of the diplomatic
history of China. In recapitulation, it may be said that
it witnessed two general tendencies or forces at work.
First, it witnessed the further opening of China which
was a continuation of that of the first period. Addi-
tional' treaty ports were opened to trade ; more commer-
cial treaties were concluded ; and other Western states
arrived to enter into treaty relations with China. As a
reaction against this unwelcome intercourse and aggres-
sion, hostile feeling was engendered among the Chinese
which manifested itself in spasmodic murders of mis-
sionaries and finally culminated in the Boxer Uprising,
which we shall discuss in the next chapter. Second,
this period witnessed the initial onslaught of Western
aggression resulting in the loss, on the part of China,
of a large number of her dependencies. It witnessed
the loss of the western part of Hi to Russia, of Annam
and Tonkin to France, of Burma and Sikkim to Great
Britain, and of the Liuchiu Islands, the Pascadores, For-
mosa and Korea to Japan. The attack on the integrity
of China did not, however, occur until the next period
when we shall note the general scramble for leases and



1. Hertslet's China Treaties, Vol. 1, pp. 331-350.

2. Ibid., pp. 249-258.

3. Ibid., pp. 407-414.

4. [bid., pp. 512-522.

5. Ibid., pp. S22-S27.

6. Ibid., pp. 223-234. The Belgians were granted the privilege
of trade by an Imperial letter dated July 25, 1845, which, how-
ever, did not assume a treaty form.

7. Ibid., pp. 354-361.

8. Ibid., pp. 215-223.

9. State papers, Vol. 62, pp. 321-329.

10. Hertslet, op. cit., pp. 415-420. With a special agreement
of the same date respecting Chinese immigrants in Peru
(Hertslet, Vol. I, pp. 420-422).

11. Ibid., pp. 234-240.

12. Ibid., pp. 423-434.

13. Ibid., pp. 434 ; 435.

14. Ibid., pp. 435-436. A treaty of friendship, commerce and
navigation was signed between Portugal and China on Aug.
13, 1862, but it was not ratified because of the dispute over the
sovereignty of Macao — state papers, Vol. 55, pp. 790-800; Herts-
let, ibid., p. 422.

15. For a full account see H. B. Morse, The International
Relations of the Chinese Empire, Vol. II, pp. 239-261.

16. Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 257-258.

17. Hertslet, No. 12, pp. 73-80.

18. Ibid., p. 77.

19. Also see No. 14, pp. 84-88; Hertslet, No. 16, pp. 90-91;
No. 18, pp. 94-96.

20. Morse, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 189.

21. Hertslet, No. 96, pp. 554-557.

22. Ibid., p. 556, Art. 5.

23. II. id., pp. 556-557, Arts. 6 and 7; also see No. 97, pp. 558-
560, Hertslet, p. 561, Art. 2; p. 562, Art. 4; No. 99, pp. 563-565;
p. 563, Art 1.

25. Morse, p. cit., VoL II, p. 275.

2',. [bid., Vol. II, p. 332.

27. Ibid., VoL II, p. 332.

28. State papers, Vol. 72, pp. 1143-1150; Hertslet No. 85, PP.
483 I

29. State papers, Vol. 72, pp. 1150-1151.

30. State papers, Vol. 72, pp. 1151-1157.

31. Slate papers, Vol. 72, p. 1144; Hertslet, p. 483, Art. 1.

32. State papers, Vol. 72. p. 1144; Hertslet, p. 484, Art. 1.

33. Morse, op. cit, Vol. 2, p. 3,

34. Hertslet, p. 488, Art. 12.

35. Morse, op. cit., VoL 2, p. 338.


36. Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 341.

37. Ibid., Vol. 2, pp. 341-342.

38. [bid., Vol. 2, p. 351.

39. Hertslet, No. 44, pp. 293-294.

40. Hertslet, No. 46, pp. 296-300.

41. Slate papers, Vol. 76, p. 246, et. seq.

42. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edition, Vol. 4, p. 843.

43. Hertslet, No. 15, pp. 88-90.

44. The Burmese sent her usual mission of tribute in 1895, but
after that year the tribute missions stopped.

45. The boundary between Burmah and China was later deter-
mined by a subsequent convention of March 1, 1894 (Hertslet,
No. 20, pp. 99-109). Kulong was given to Great Britain and
Kokang to China (Art. 3). Munglem and Kiang Hung were
ceded to China, for which China pledged not to alienate them
without the previous consent of Great Britain. This convention
of 1894 was modified bv a subsequent agreement of Feb. 4,
1897 (Hertslet, No. 22, pp. 113-119), bj which China, in con-
sideration of the consent of the British Government "to waive
its objections to the alienation by China, by the Convention with
France of June 20, 1895, of the territory forming a portion of
Kiang Huny" (Hertslet, Vol. 1. p, 113), was to compensate
Great Britain by territorial cessions including the State of
Kokang and perpetual leases of certain tracts south of the
Namwan River. The non-cession of Munglem and Kiang Hung
without the previous consent of Great Britain was reiterated.

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