Mingchien Joshua Bau.

The foreign relations of China: a history and a survey online

. (page 39 of 39)
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of this principle in many important instances. The treaty
Powers can impose any tariff they please on Chinese ex-
ports and imports, and yet China cannot levy any tariff
as she pleases, but must act in accordance with the tariff
conventions fixed by the treaty Powers. Foreign Powers
can lease China's strategic bases ami fortify them for
the strengthening of their positions in the Far East : yet
China cannot acquire similar strategic points on the ter-
ritories of these Tower-. The nationals of the treaty
Powers can enjoy extraterritorial rights in China, that
is to say, they arc clothed with the privilege of exemption


from the operation of local courts; yet Chinese citizens
cannot enjoy such privileges, but must submit to the
jurisdiction of foreign lands where they go. Foreign
Powers can carve out spheres of interest in China and
claim the privilege of exclusive exploitation within their
respective spheres; yet China cannot delimit similar
spheres of interest and make the same claims of pri-
ority in other lands. In short, many of the important
arrangements in the treaties of China are wholly unilat-
eral : they apply to China only, but not to foreign Powers
as well. Such a situation should be remedied hereafter
by a strict insistence upon the application of the principle
of reciprocity. That is to say, whatever applies to China
should be applied to the foreign Powers as well, unless
other forms of compensation or return can be substituted.
In other words, whatever arrangements may be entered
into hereafter should be applied to both or all contracting
parties, and so become bilateral or reciprocal.

The Chinese Government seems lately to have adopted
the principles of equality and reciprocity as the basis of
the treaty relations that are to be entered into hereafter,
either with non-treaty states or otherwise. In the provi-
sions submitted by the Chinese Peace Delegation at Paris
for insertion in the preliminaries of peace with Germany,
it was stipulated that

"German engages to adopt the principles of equality and
reciprocity as the basis of a new treaty of commerce and
general relations to be concluded with China. . . ." 8

Although this stipulation for insertion was not incorpo-
rated in the Treaty of Peace with Germany, it indicates
that in any treaty of commerce and general relations
which China enters into with Germany or any other states
in the future, will be based on the principles of equality
and reciprocity.



1. New York Times, Tunc 29, 1919, p. 1 ; New York Times,
June 30, 3:1.

2. Copy furnished by the Department of State, Washington,
D. C. ; and also by the Chinese Foreign Office, Peking (Chinese

3. T. F. Millard, China's Case at the Peace Conference, Mil-
lard's Review, Supp., July 17, 1920, pp. 4-5.



The fourth policy for China should be the policy of
world welfare. By this we mean that China should adopt
a policy that will promote, and contribute to, the wel-
fare of the world. It is not sufficient for China to pre-
serve herself, or to recover her impaired rights, or to
follow the Golden Rule ; she should also become one of
the leaders of the world and devote herself to the serv-
ice and welfare of humanity.

The first task in connection with the policy of world
welfare is the maintenance of the peace of the Far East
and the preservation and protection of neighboring states
with respect to their territorial integrity and political inde-
pendence, — Korea, Philippine Islands, Siam, Burma,
India and the Southern Pacific Islands. With those ter-
ritories already under the control of other Powers, we
shall not interfere. With those territories, however,
which are yet independent, or which are to achieve their
independence in future, we should stand as protector and
elder brother. Call this what you will, — the "Asiatic"
Monroe Doctrine, or the doctrine of the Middle King-
dom, — it is the duty of China to care for the integrity
and security of these smaller neighbors.

This task should be assumed by China, because these
smaller neighbors are necessary buttresses of China's
safety. Any interference with their territorial integrity
or political independence affects vitally and keenly the
safety and welfare of China. It was the annexation of
Korea that made possible Japan's continental expansion,
her fall having exposed China to the menace of Japan.



Hence the independence of Korea is indispensable to the
safety of China as well as of Japan. Likewise, it was
the seizure of Annam and Tonkin that exposed China's
southwestern frontier to the aggressive designs of France.
Therefore, for the sake of self-preservation, if not for
any other reason, China should assume the responsi-
bility of the protection and preservation of these smaller

Again, this task must be undertaken by China, because
a strong and independent China is indispensable to the
political independence and territorial integrity of her
smaller neighbors. Just as her own safety depends upon
the security of these neighbors, so theirs depends upon
the security of China. For China occupies the center of
political gravity in the Far East, and the other surround-
ing states need the stabilizing influence of a strong, stable,
independent and protective China. Should she fall, it
would undoubtedly disturb the equilibrium and probably
entail the fall of her neighbors. Hence she owes a duty
to these neighbors to become, and remain, strong and
independent in order to fulfill the obligation of stabiliz-
ing the political equilibrium of the Far East and of afford-
ing necessary assistance and protection to her smaller

Moreover, China is the mother of Far Eastern civili-
zation. She developed her own indigenous civilization
and then spread it northward to Mongolia, eastward to
Korea and Japan and Formosa, southward to Annam,
Tonkin, Cochin-China, Siam and Burma, and westward
to Tibet and Sinkiang. There is, therefore, a community
of interest or a family of States in the Far East, which
is distinct from those in other pruts of the world. In
tliis Far-Easteni family, China being the mother of their
civilization and the center of political gravity, should
undertake the solemn obligation to preserve and proteel
the integrity and liberty of the members of this -teat


Next to the maintenance of the "Asiatic" Monroe
Doctrine, or the Doctrine of the Middle Kingdom, China's
task in respect to the policy of world welfare is to pro-
mote world peace. The Chinese, as a race, are destined
to fulfill the mission of promoting world peace. Rea-
sonable, peace-loving, devoid of racial prejudice, regard-
ing "all men within the four seas as brothers," they are
peculiarly fitted for the unique destiny of promoting
world peace. And to fulfill this mission and destiny,
she must strive to maintain the reign of justice and
righteousness among the nations. For no peace can en-
dure that is not founded on justice and righteousness.
In other words, to maintain world peace, it is necessary
first to maintain the reign of international justice and
righteousness, which is the foundation of peace. And to
do so, the most effective way is to maintain the sanctity
of the principles of international law. If all nations
would observe these principles, there would be no injus-
tice and unrighteousness, and hence, no war. China en-
tered the World War on the ostensible ground of main-
taining the sanctity of international law, and this policy,
so nobly inaugurated, should remain a cardinal prin-
ciple of her foreign policy. To this effect China's decla-
ration of war on German and Austria-Hungary, August
14, 1917, reads in part: *

"What we have desired is peace; what we have re-
spected is international law; what we have to protect are
the lives and property of our own people. As we orig-
inally had no oilier grave causes of enmity against Ger-
many, if the German Government had manifested repent-
ance for the deplorable consequences resulting from its
method of warfare, it might have been expected to modify
this policy in view of the common indignation of the
whole world. That was what we have eagerly desired,
and it was the reason why we have felt reluctant to treat
Germany as a common enemy. Nevertheless, during the
five months following the severance of diplomatic rela-


tions, the submarine attacks have continued exactly as
before. It is not Germany alone, but Austria-Hungary
as well, which has adopted and pursued this policy with-
out abatement. Not only has international law been
thereby violated, but also our people are suffering injuries
and losses. The most sincere hope on our part of bring-
ing about a better state is now shattered."

Apart from maintaining the sanctity of international
law, to uphold the reign of justice and righteousness and
thus to promote world peace, China should actively par-
ticipate in all the activities and functions of the League
of Nations. No matter whether the League, as it now
stands, will work well or not, it is her duty as well
as her privilege to share in all the obligations of the
League, and if its present organization proves inadequate
and defective, she should suggest amendments for its im-
provement. With the establishment of the Permanent
Court of International Justice, she should exemplify her
spirit of reasonableness and fairness by submitting as
many cases of dispute as are feasible and proper, to the
end that nations may more and more resort to the court
of justice rather than to the arbitrament of the sword.
Whenever and wherever the sanctions of the League
should be employed to compel the obedience of the re-
calcitrant, China should, as far as possible and appro-
priate, share therein. 2

In addition to the promotion of world peace, sin- should
strive to contribute to the world civilization. As she IS
so richly endowed with natural resources, she sin mid de-
velop and use them for satisfying the needs, not only
of her \\n people, but also of other peoples through com-
merce and exchange. As she is credited with the inven-
tion of printing, the compass, gunpowder, etc., so, when
she has mastered the Western sciences, she should make
other discoveries and inventions, and thus contribute to


the progress, comfort and happiness of mankind. As
she has developed and trained the intellect of her people
through competitive examinations for civil service, so
should she apply Chinese scholarship to the study of mod-
ern sciences and arts, to the end that she may not be
merely a nation receiving learning from others, but also
one radiating light and truth. Inasmuch as her people,
as a race, are noted for the excellence of their domestic
virtues, such as filial piety, respect for age, courtesy,
moral earnestness, etc., she should spread the influence of
these virtues as far as they are needed.

Finally, in pursuing this policy of world welfare China
should not entertain a spirit of world domination, but
should humble herself and take the lowly path of serv-
ice. She should not commit the same error that Germany
did in attempting to seek world domination, which only
plunged Germany into the depths of humiliation. She
should rather aim to impart as much benefit to the world
as possible in the way of service. For the day will come
when it is not the nation that dominates others that shall
be great, but the nation that can render to mankind the
greatest service.


1. The Shantung Question, submitted by China to the Paris
Peace Conference, 1919. published by the Chinese National Wel-
fare Society in America. March, 1920, China's Declaration of
War against the Central Powers, pp. 64-65.

2. Having now been honored with a seat at the Supreme
Council, China should demonstrate her spirit of conciliation and
exercise her talent of peace-making. — Regarding China's election
to the Supreme Council of the League, see New York Times,
Dec. 16, 1920, 1 : 2.


We have so far outlined the principles of China's for-
eign policy toward the Powers in general, — preservation,
recovery, the Golden Rule, and world welfare. As Japan
occupies a special position in the foreign relations of
China, we shall now endeavor to formulate a policy
applicable to Japan.

To begin with, all of the foregoing principles are
applicable to Japan. With respect to preservation, China
should resist any territorial aggression or political de-
signs of Japan. With reference to recovery, China should
regain all the rights of sovereignty now being held by
Japan. As regards the Golden Rule, China should treat
Japan as herself, or do unto her neighbor as she would
have Japan do to her. Relating to world welfare, China
should maintain a strong and stable government so that
Japan may find collateral protection therefrom, and
should cooperate with Japan in maintaining an Asiatic
Monroe Doctrine, or the Doctrine of the Middle Kingdom,

But the application of these four principles is not suffi-
cient. Inasmuch as Japan maintains five policies, China
should be prepared to meet them one by one. With re-
spect to Japan's policy of economic exploitation, China
should cooperate with her in so far as her needs are real.
The solution of Japan's problem of population lying in
industrialization and commercial expansion, China should
attempt to facilitate this transformation of Japan ^ far
as possible. As Japan's need of raw* materials, coking
coal, iron and steel, is genuine, and especially as China
herself is bountifully endowed therewith, she should
be generous and sympathetic and supply Japan with what



she truly needs. At the same time, however, China
should not permit Japan to monopolize her iron mines
or any important industry. She should not permit Japan
to carry on economic exploitation in China for the sole
benefit of herself and to the exclusion or injury of China
and other Powers.

With regard to Japan's policy of territorial extension
in the direction of Manchuria and Mongolia, China can-
not but resist it. For the conquest and annexation of
Manchuria and Mongolia will inevitably lead Japan to
attempt China's subjugation. Manchuria and Mongolia
are the historic roads of invasion into China. Any nation
controlling or possessing these two regions has in her
hand the key to the conquest of China. Hence the pres-
ervation of Manchuria and Mongolia must be secured at
any cost. Yet, inasmuch as Japan has rendered a service,
as a by-product of the Russo-Japanese War, in preserv-
ing Manchuria from the grasp of Russia, she should be
permitted to retain whatever economic privileges she now
holds in Manchuria and to carry on any economic activi-
ties therein that are not inconsistent with the sovereignty
of China and welfare of the Chinese. Further, her people
should be permitted to settle in Manchuria, provided
they do so under Chinese jurisdiction, which, of course,
means that China should not close the door of Man-
churia to Japanese immigration.

With reference to Japan's policy of paramount influ-
ence, it is not necessary for China to resist it. Still,
it is essential that China should hold Japan to the rules
of fair play. She should require Japan to observe the
principle of equal opportunity of trade, to respect China's
sovereignty, and to fulfill the special duties inherent in
the special rights, if any, as claimed by Japan. The ob-
servance by Japan of these principles of fair-play will
obviate any danger arising from this policy. Incidentally,
as a matter of reciprocity, China can claim similar special
interests or rights in Japan, and establish corresponding


positions of paramount influence, provided she observes
the same rules.

As regards Japan's policy of political control, there is
no alternative, consistent with honor, open to China than
to resist such a policy. Not only has Japan's record in
Korea been such as to send terror and warning into the
heart of every Chinese, but the success of Japan in carry-
ing out this policy will mean the passing of Chinese inde-
pendence, which ought never to be tolerated. On the
other hand, however, it is essential that China should
remove the primary cause of this policy of Japan, that
is, the inefficiency and, to some extent, the corruption
of the Chinese Government and the seemingly impending
peril of the international control of China's finance, by
the inauguration of a strong and efficient government, free
and immune from any foreign control.

As to Japan's policy of an Asiatic Monroe Doctrine,
it is essential for China to maintain an attitude of judi-
cious discernment. As it stands, the doctrine may be
regarded as hollow and ineffective. It is, therefore, un-
necessary for China to be concerned about it. If, how-
ever, Japan means to establish a genuine Asiatic Monroe
Doctrine, the same as that maintained by the United
States for the Western Hemisphere, it is but fitting and
proper that China should extend her cooperation and
jointly institute the doctrine of Pan-Asiaism in the Orient
— especially in view of the fact that China herself should
maintain such a doctrine in the Far East.

ides meeting these five policies of Japan. China
should adopl a fundamental attitude of reconciliation and
friendliness. China and Japan are so closely interwoven
in interest and destiny that China cannot injure Japan
without injuring herself, and vice versa, and that China

cannot have an unfriendly and antagonistic Japan at her

side without weakening her own position in the world,
and vice v< ■•: a. Furth( r, in her attempt to solve her own

population problem and the Chinese Question, Japan was


wrong in ways, but not necessarily wrong in ends or
motives. She desires to preserve, and not to destroy,
China. Moreover, should she change her policy, she
would possess the possibility of becoming a potential
friend, if not the best friend, of China. With the aban-
donment of the policy of territorial expansion and po-
litical control, and with a firm determination to bend her
efforts toward commercial expansion and the maintenance
of a true Asiatic Monroe Doctrine, she would be a most
valuable friend of China. For while no other nation
would fight merely for the welfare and existence of China,
Japan's safety and destiny being so inseparably related
to China's, she is ready to make common cause with
China in any struggle for the preservation of race and
for the maintenance of justice and righteousness. Hence
it is but a part of statesmanship, as well as of right and
justice, that China should entertain a conciliatory and
friendly attitude toward Japan, and that, as soon as the
present differences should have been amicably settled,
China should enter into a genuine relation of cordial
friendship with Japan.




DS740 b3^ 1921

. Mingchien Joshua, 1894-

rhe forei ,n relations of


ii iiiii


001 424 650


3 1210 02001 7479

Online LibraryMingchien Joshua BauThe foreign relations of China: a history and a survey → online text (page 39 of 39)