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disappointed. The population of Russia was not ready
for a revolution at that time, and had but little sympathy
or understanding for the youthful socialists.

The Will of the People, the famous fighting organiza-
tion of the revolutionary terrorists, survived the assassi-
nation of Alexander II only a few years.

In the meanwhile, modern industrial conditions rapidly


developed in Russia, and with them developed a new social
power, the class of factory workers.

Thus was prepared in Russia the soil for a socialist
movement after the pattern of Western Europe, and the
soil rapidly produced a plentiful harvest. Already in the
days of revolutionary terrorism a small group of Russian
socialists, headed by George Plekhanoff, Paul Axelrod and
Vera Sassulich, had based their hopes for the future of
Russian socialism in the nascent class of industrial workers,
and their propaganda kept pace with the growth and spread
of that class. In the early nineties of the last century,
official Russia, greatly to its surprise and dismay, found
itself confronted in all industrial centers by a well-organized
and radical labor movement, which refused to yield to
persecution or to be side tracked by governmental ruses.
The organized labor movement gave a new impetus to the
political socialist movement. The Social Democratic
Party, originally organized by Russian political exiles in
Switzerland, soon had a number of local committees in
various parts of Russia, and was reenforced by the organiza-
tions of the Jewish, Polish, Lettish and Armenian social
democrats. At the beginning of the present century, the
Social Democratic Party, secret and persecuted as it .was,
had developed into a power of no mean proportions, and
during the most agitated days of the overt outbreak of the
Russian revolution, towards the end of 1905 and the be-
ginning of 1906, it was this party that led the movement.

With the revival of the socialist movement in Russia,
revolutionary terrorism, the natural child of unbridled
autocracy, gradually reappeared. This movement was at
first represented by a number of scattered groups, but in
1 90 1 the large majority of them combined their forces and


created the party of Socialist Revolutionists, which is re-
sponsible for the numerous political assassinations preced-
ing and accompanying the present war between the govern-
ment and the people of Russia. It is impossible at this
time to estimate the number of Russian subjects enlisted in
the ranks of socialism of one shade or another, but the fact
that the second Duma, elected on a restricted suffrage and
under government surveillance, had about one hundred
socialist members (social democrats, socialist revolutionists
and representatives of the Group of Toil), is eloquent
testimony to the immense spread and power of socialism
in Russia.


The socialist movement in Austria is closely linked with
that of Germany, so much so that in their earlier stages
the two movements are hardly differentiated. In the
famous convention of Eisenach, held in 1868, the Austrian
socialists were represented as well as their German com-
rades. But notwithstanding the common beginnings and
intellectual identity of socialism in the two countries, the
movement in Austria soon fell behind that of Germany.
There were many reasons for this phenomenon, chief
among them being the industrial backwardness of Austria,
and the difficulty of carrying on a systematic and uniform
propaganda of socialism among the many heterogeneous
nationalities constituting the Austrian Empire.

The beginnings of the socialist movement in Austria
appear in 1867, when the Imperial Council granted a partial
right of assembly and association to the people of Austria.
Two years later the movement was strong enough to force


the government to revoke its ban against socialist propa-
ganda by a most remarkable and unexpected demonstra-
tion on the streets of Vienna (December 13, 1869). The
succeeding period (1870-1888) is principally noteworthy
for the dissensions within the movement. The prac-
tical disfranchisement of the working class and the
brutal government persecution had bred among the more
radical workingmen a spirit of embittered pessimism which
made them unusually susceptible to the propaganda of
anarchism, then in its prime all over Europe, and the main
work of Austrian social democracy during that period was
to combat the anarchist movement. The turning point
of the socialist movement in Austria may be considered the
Hainsfeld Congress (1888), which marked the final victory
of social democracy over anarchism in the Austrian labor
movement, and created a unified and well-organized party
which has since been making rapid and steady progress.
In the parliamentary elections of 1907, for the first time
held on the basis of universal suffrage, the Social Demo-
cratic Party polled over 1,000,000 votes, electing no less
than 87 deputies to the Reichsrat.


Notwithstanding the fact that England is the most in-
dustrial country of Europe, its socialist movement was
rather tardy in appearing and in its growth.

The organized socialist movement of England may be
dated from the formation of the Democratic Federation in
1881. The Federation, called into life by H. M. Hynd-
man, Herbert Burrows and a few other well-known social-
ists, was originally not of outspoken socialist views, but


became so in 1883, when it was reorganized under the name
of Social Democratic Federation, The Federation has
ever since continued a somewhat uneventful existence, and
is to-day the orthodox representative of Marxian socialism
in England.

In 1893 another political party of socialism was founded,
principally through the efforts of Keir Hardie. The or-
ganization assumed the name of Independent Labor Party,
adopted a somewhat broader platform than that of the
Social Democratic Federation, and laid more stress on the
political side of the movement. But contrary to the
expectations of its founders, it did not acquire a much
larger following among the working classes of England
than the older organization.

Besides these two parties, the socialist movement of
England is also represented by the well-known Fabian
Society, founded in 1883, principally for the purpose of
educational propaganda along socialist lines. The society
has published a number of popular tracts on the main
aspects of theoretical socialism and has achieved consider-
able success in the field of municipal reform. The out-
spoken socialist organizations in England are not a factor
of great importance in the political life of the country,
but it would be a mistake to measure the strength of the
socialist movement in England only by its organized

The socialist sentiment in England largely expresses
itself in the radical or "new" trade unions. These trade
unions together with the Independent Labor Party and
the Fabian Society constitute the Labor Party, which has
32 representatives in the House of Commons. The Labor
Party has recently adopted a very radical declaration of


principles, and it is the masses behind that party which
to-day must be considered as the main factor making for
socialism in England.



The socialist movement in Italy antedates the Interna-
tional. When the latter split between the adherents of
Karl Marx and Michael Bakounin, the socialists of Italy,
like those of almost all southern and economically back-
ward countries, sided with Bakounin.

The first manifestation of socialist political activity
occurred in 1882, when several scattered socialist groups
united for the ensuing parliamentary elections and nomi-
nated candidates. The elections gave to the socialist
candidates about 50,000 votes, 4 per cent of the total vote
cast, and secured the return of two of them to parliament.
Encouraged by this success, the socialists of Italy organ-
ized a national Socialist Party in 1885, but the party made
little progress, and between government persecutions and
internal dissensions, it led a very precarious existence.

It was only in 1892 that a socialist party, after the
general European model, was organized in Italy, and since
that time the socialist movement in Italy has made large
and steady gains. In 1907 the party consisted of more
than 1200 local groups with a total dues-paying member-
ship of over 38,000; it had 25 representatives in the
Chamber of Deputies, and had control of about 100
municipalities, besides having representatives in almost
all other of the most important cities and towns of the
kingdom. In 1904 the party polled 320,000 votes, about
one fifth of the total number of votes cast in the country.


One of the most remarkable features of the socialist
movement in Italy is its strength among the rural popula-
tion of the country, principally the farm laborers; the
membership of the Socialist Party is largely made up of
them. The Socialist Party also took the initiative in
organizing these laborers into an independent national
organization. In 1900 that organization numbered over
200,000 members. The organized socialist movement of
Italy is divided into several camps on questions of policy
and methods, but that does not seem to interfere with its
work or progress.

Belgium and Holland

The history of socialism in Belgium and in Holland is so
much alike in many respects, that it may well be reviewed
together. In both countries the movement had its incep-
tion during the last years of the International ; in both
countries the split of the International in 1872 divided the
local movement into two hostile camps — the Marxists
and Bakuninists, or Social Democrats and Anarchists — •
and in both the former finally prevailed.

Belgium possesses the stronger movement. The first
distinctly socialist political organization was founded in
1885 under the name of Socialist Labor Party of Belgium.
Notwithstanding the frequent dissensions and heated dis-
putes among the Belgian socialists, the movement has
made rapid progress. It has a large and influential press,
and a strong organization. In igo8 the party polled
about half a million votes and had ^^ out of the 166
members of the Belgian Parliament.

The activity of the Belgian socialists is principally


marked by their repeated and embittered struggles for
universal suffrage, and by their successful organization of
cooperative enterprises.

The first political organization of socialism in Holland
was the Social Democratic Union, founded in 1878 ; but it
made but little progress until 1893, when the anarchistic
elements under the leadership of the eloquent Domela
Nieuvenhuis withdrew from it. The party is represented
in parliament by seven deputies, and its methods and
activity are practically those of the socialist movement of
Belgium, though on a smaller scale.

The Scandinavian Countries

Another group of countries whose socialist history may
be reviewed together, is that of Denmark, Sweden and
Norway. Of these, the movement of Denmark is the
oldest. It dates back to the days of the International, but
the present socialist organization of the country, the Social
Democratic Union, was founded in 1878. In 1889 the
Danish socialists elected one deputy to the Folkething
(parliament), out of a total of 114, and in 1907 the num-
ber of their representatives rose to 28. In that year the
party had over 35,000 dues-paying members and no less
than 25 daily papers; it was also very successful in local
politics, having elected over 850 councilors in different
towns and villages.

The movement in Sweden was initiated under Danish
influence, and grouped itself around three socialist papers,
the Social Democrat, published in Stockholm since 1885,
the Arbetet (Worker), established in Malmo in 1887, and
the Ny Tid (New Times), founded in Gotheburg in


1889. As in the case of Belgium and Holland, the main
activity of the Socialist Party was for years directed to-
wards the conquest of universal suffrage, and its cam-
paign in that behalf was as picturesque as it was ener-
getic and effective. The party has 15 representatives in

The socialist organization of Norway, the Norwegian
Labor Party, was organized in 1887, but it constituted
itself as a socialist political party only two years later. In
the elections to the Storthing in 1906, the party polled
about 45,000 votes and elected ten deputies; it also has
several hundred representatives in the various municipal
councils, a number of them being women.

The distinguishing feature of the socialist movement in
the three Scandinavian countries is its complete fusion
and unity with the trade-union organizations. In fact,
the organized workingmen of each of these countries up to
a very few years ago constituted but one party, operating
simultaneously or alternately on the economic and political
fields. The types and methods of the socialist movement
in the three countries are similar to such a point that joint
conferences or conventions of the socialists of Denmark,
Sweden and Norway are quite frequent.

United States

In the early part of the last century, the United States
was the chief theater of communistic experiments. The
disciples of Owen, Fourier, Weitling and Cabet alike
sought the realization of their Utopian ideals on Ameri-
can soil, and during the decade 1840-1850, Fourierism in
America developed great strength, both as an intellectual


movement and as a practical experiment. Among its ad-
herents were many persons of national reputation, such as
Horace Greeley, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Charles A. Dana,
Albert Brisbane, Margaret Fuller, George Ripley, John
S. Dwight and William E. Channing. Among its ex-
periments the famous Brook Farm and the North American
Phalanx each lasted a number of years.

But modern political socialism made its first appearance
in the United States years after the Fourierist and other
Utopian socialist movements had died out, and there
seems to be no direct connection between that move-
ment and its early Utopian precursors. The present
socialist movement in America may be dated from 1868,
when the Social Party of New York and Vicinity was
organized. That party immediately after its formation
nominated an independent ticket, but its vote was very
insignificant, and the organization collapsed with its
failure at the polls. The Social Party of New York and
Vicinity was succeeded by the General German Labor
Association, which in 1869 became the first local organi-
zation or section of the International Workingmen's
Association. Between 1869 and 1872, additional ''sec-
tions" of the International were organized in almost all
the principal industrial centers of the United States from
New York to San Francisco. The socialist movement
thus organized by the International at the time seemed so
promising, that the latter transferred its general council
to the United States, but after a few years, and especially
during the industrial crisis inaugurated by the collapse of
the Northern Pacific in 1873, the organization rapidly

The fijTst socialist political party on a national scope


organized on American soil, was the Social Democratic
Workingmen's Party, called into life on the 4th day of
July, 1874. This party, together with several other then
existing socialist organizations, merged into the Working-
men's Party of the United States in 1876. It was this
party, which had in the meanwhile changed its name to
Socialist Labor Party of North America, which main-
tained the undisputed hegemony in the socialist movement
during twenty-three years, and was largely instrumental
in laying the foundation of the present socialist movement
in this country. In 1892 the socialists of the United
States for the first time nominated a presidential ticket,
and they have since that time invariably adhered to the
policy of independent politics, steadfastly refusing to ally
themselves with any other political parties.

But notwithstanding the untiring efforts and persistent
propaganda of the Socialist Labor Party, the growth of
the socialist movement in the United States was exceed-
ingly slow and entirely out of keeping with that of the
movement in other countries. As a matter of fact, the
movement was largely borne by foreign workingmen,
principally Germans, and until the end of the last century
it did not succeed in acquiring a foothold in the broad
masses of the native population ; but during the last decade
a number of circumstances have combined to insure a
more favorable reception to the gospel of socialism in the
United States. The rapid industrial development of tli^
country, accompanied by the growth of gigantic trusts and \
powerful labor unions, the growing intensity of the overt \
struggles between capital and labor, and the collapse of \
the populist and other reform movements, all served to j
prepare the soil for the socialist seed. Alongside of the *'

2A ^


Socialist Labor Party, largely built on the narrow lines of
a mere propaganda club, a new party, the Socialist
Party, sprang up, absorbing the greater part of the
members of the Socialist Labor Party, and attracting
large numbers of new converts, Americans of all parts of
the country, recruited principally from among the working
class. The Socialist Party has at this time (1909) about
3200 local organizations in the different states and terri-
tories of the Union, with a dues-paying membership of
about 50,000. It polled a vote of 423,969 in the presi-
dential election of 1908. Its press consists of more
than fifty periodical publications in almost all languages
spoken in America. The socialists have no representation
in the United States Congress, but they have lately con-
quered a number of seats in several state legislatures
and municipal councils.

The New International

When the International Workingmen's Association was
formally dissolved at Philadelphia on July 15, 1876, the
last members of the expiring organization issued a proc-
lamation of which the following is a part : —

'"The International is dead!' the bourgeoisie of all
countries will again exclaim, and with ridicule and joy it
will point to the proceedings of this convention as docu-
mentary proof of the defeat of the labor movement of the
world. Let us not be influenced by the cry of our ene-
mies ! We have abandoned the organization of the In-
ternational for reasons arising from the present political
situation of Europe, but as a compensation for it we see
the principles of the organization recognized and defended
by the progressive workingmen of the entire civilized


world. Let us give our fellow-workers in Europe a little
time to strengthen their national affairs, and they will
surely soon be in a position to remove the barriers between
themselves and the workingmen of other parts of the

The statement was prophetic. Only thirteen years later
the first of the new series of international socialist and
labor congresses was held in Paris, and it was followed by
six more as follows : Brussels, 1891; Zurich, 1893; Lon-
don, 1896; Paris, 1900; Amsterdam, 1904, and Stuttgart,
1907. And as the socialist movement grew and extended
steadily during that period, so did each succeeding congress
excel its predecessors in point of representation and gen-
eral strength. The first Paris congress was attended by
391 delegates (221 of them Frenchmen), representing 17
countries of Europe and the United States; the Stuttgart
congress was attended by about 1000 delegates, represent-
ing 25 distinct countries of all parts of the world.

At the London congress of 1896, it was resolved to try
the experiment of establishing a permanent International
Socialist Bureau with a responsible secretary, but the
practical realization of the plan was left to the succeeding
congress of 1900, which definitely created the Bureau and
prescribed its functions.

The International Socialist Bureau is now composed of
two representatives of the organized socialist movement in
each affiliated country. Its headquarters are located in
Brussels, Belgium, and are in charge of a permanent secre-
tary. The Bureau is the executive committee of the in-
ternational congresses, and meets at such times as its
business requires. In the intervals between its sessions it
transacts its business by correspondence.


During the experimental period of its existence the In-
ternational Socialist Bureau seemed to hold out but scant
promise of accomplishing practical results for the socialist
movement. But within the last few years, the Inter-
national Socialist Bureau has rapidly adapted itself to the
needs of the movement, and to-day it is a useful and im-
portant factor in the socialist movement of the world. It
obtains and publishes from time to time valuable informa-
tion on the progress and conditions of the socialist and
labor movements of all countries ; it advises on matters of
socialist legislative activity, and it organizes the interna-
tional congresses. The Bureau has established an archive
of the socialist movement and has collected a library of
socialist works, both of which are of the utmost impor-
tance to the students of socialism; and finally the Bureau
has often served as a medium for mutual assistance
between the socialist and labor movements of the dif-
ferent countries.


Alcoholism as a labor problem, 310.
American Federation of Labor, 239.
Anarchism, 16, 334, 335-
Anseele, Edouard, 245.
Argenijon, Voyer d', 328.
Army, uses of, 296.
Axelrod, Paul, 344.

Babeuf, Francois Noel, 323.
Bakounin, Michael, 334, 335, 341,

Ball, Sidney, 17, 94.
Barbes, Armand, 328.
Bax, E. Belfort, 13, 49, 65, 80.
Bazard, Armand, 324.
Bebel, August, 89, 90, 130, 131, 135,

138, 180, 281, 336.
Bellamy, Edward, 106.
Bellom, Maurice, 259.
Benoist, Charles, 94.
Bentham, Jeremy, 37, 43. 93-
Bertrand, Louis, 246, 247.
Besant, Annie, no, 143.
Bismarck, Prince, 182, 193, 265.
Blanc, Louis, 326, 327.
Blanqui, Louis, 328, 338.
Bliss, WiUiam D. P., 221.
Bluntschli, Johann K., 92.
Boissel, Franfois, 323.
Bourgeois, definition of, 155.
Braun, Adolf, 218.
Briand, Aristide, 189.
Brisbane, Albert, 326, 352.
British Parliament, origin of, 150.
Brooks, John Graham, 267.
Brousse, Paul, 338.
Buelow, Chancellor von, 193.
Buonarotti, Filippo, 324, 328.
Burgess, J. W., 21, 93.
Burns, John, 189.
Burrows, Herbert, 346.

Cabet, Etienne, 326, 351.
Candolle, de, 128.

Cathrein, Victor, 106, 115.

Central Union of German Societies

for Consumption, 250.
Chabrouilland, Felix, 196.
Channing, WiUiam E., 352.
Chernyshefsky, Nicholas, 341.
Child labor, 224, 231.
City, the, under socialism, 135.
Civilization, factors of, 120.
"Class," definition of, 153.
Class ethics, 52.

Class hnes, vagueness of, 165, 167.
Class struggle, the, 54, 60, 76, 95;

doctrine of, 153; economic basis

of, 157-

Commune, the, of Paris, 333, 337.

"Communist Manifesto," the, 332.

Competition, moral effects of, 60;
passing of, 28.

Comte, Augusta, 22, 324.

Conduct, human, 38.

Conservative Party, nature of, 163.

Considerant, Victor, 326.

Cooperative Wholesale Society, Lim-
ited, 244.

Crime and vice, 303.

Culture under socialism, 127.

Curti, Theodor, 279.

Dana, Charles A., 326, 352.

Darwin, Charles, 46, 51.

Darwin's theory of organic evolution,

46, 47-
De Leon, Daniel, 133.
Destree, Jules, 245, 246.
Deville, Gabriel, 94, 337, 338.
Dewey, John, 36.
Duncker, Kate, 229.
Dwight, John S., 352.

Economic basis of party politics, 161,

Edison, Thomas A., 122.
Ely, Richard T., 30, 32, ij,.




Employers' funds for the relief of

workingmen, 257.
Enfiintin, Barthelemy P., 324, 325.
Engcls, Frederick, 90, 91, 92, 98, 103,

115. 154, 155. 311. 33^-

Esbjerg, municipal experiments in,

Ethical ideal, 58, 65.

Ethical motive, 45.

Ethics, definitions of, 36, 37; bio-
logical school, 43; hedonistic or
Epicurean school, 42, 45 ; intui-
tional school, 41, 45; school of
"natural laws," 41; theological
school, 40, 45; utilitarian school,
43; and law compared, 67, 69;
and socialism, 36, 65.

Factory reform, 215, 218.

Ferri, Enrico, 305, 306.

Feudal laws, 77.

Feudal society, the, development of,
72, 76; nature of, 72, 75; class
struggles in, 76; dissolution of, 75.

Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 330.

Ford, Henry Jones, 148.

Fourier, Charles, 106, 132, 137, 324,

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