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(LIBRARY I

UNIVERSITY OF
CALIFORNIA

SAN DIEGO j



presented to the
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
SAN DIEGO

by

Tom Ham



SOCIALISM

PROMISE OR MENACE?




THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS
ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO

MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED

LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.

TORONTO



SOCIALISM



PROMISE OR MENACE?



BY



MORRIS HILLQUIT

AUTHOR OF "HISTORY OF SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES,"

"SOCIALISM IN THEORY AND PRACTICE," AND

"SOCIALISM SUMMED UP"

AND

JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

AUTHOR OF "A LIVING WAGE"



FOB EDIT!

REVIEW RELEASED FOR PIlBUOffli

22 19(4!



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
\I9I4



All rights reserved



COPYRIGHT, 1913, 1914,
BY THE RIDGWAY COMPANY IN THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN.



COPYRIGHT, 1914,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.



Set up and electrotyped. Published April, 1914.



NorfooolJ press

J. 8. Gushing Co. Berwick <fc Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.



PREFACE

THE chapters which constitute this book originally
appeared in seven consecutive issues of Everybody's
Magazine. The large and generous interest with which
the discussion has been received by the reading public
has induced the authors to reproduce it with slight
revisions in the more permanent form of a book.

The scope and object of the work and the practical
methods employed in its production are best told in
the introduction of the editor of Everybody's Magazine,
which is here reproduced in substance :

" Here is a most distinguished series of articles : A
joint debate upon the right or wrong of Socialism.

" The opposition to this world-wide movement comes
not only from those who have qualified themselves to
speak, but also from many who are ill-equipped with
information to justify their attacks. Moreover, such
criticisms are usually addressed to audiences already in
sympathy with them.

" Socialism, too, has its half-equipped apostles. And
Socialist arguments are offered, for the most part, to
people already attached to the cause.

"The novel feature of this work is that for the first
time, the opposing arguments are presented with the
greatest completeness ano\ highest competence, and side
by side, in a form availably for the immediate compari-
son of arguments.



vi PREFACE

"The readers will be interested in the personnel of
the authors and the circumstances that have brought
them into debate.

" The comment that ' the Catholic Church is the chief
bulwark against Socialism ' is familiar to many, in and
outside the Church. For a long time this Church has
warred against Socialism ; but during the past few years
its campaign has become more general and systematic,
and is now the most highly organized attack on Socialist
doctrines.

" Yet it was a long step to that point where men dis-
tinguished in the Church councils finally assented to
an open discussion of the subject in the pages of a
secular magazine. Naturally, it would be out of the
question to ask of the Church or of the Socialists that
they should formally choose an authoritative representa-
tive. This would be staking the cause on one spokes-
man, who would inevitably fail of perfection.

"The unique thing is that there could have been
even an approach to authority in the guidance which
we have received in the choice of opponents. Men
eminent in both these world-wide groups have lent their
good-will, shared in the selection, and welcomed the
conflict as one certain to be of the utmost value.

" Now as to the authors themselves. The atack on
Socialism will be made by John Augustine Ryan, D.D.,
Professor of Moral Theology and Economics at St. Paul
Seminary, St. Paul, Minnesota. Dr. Ryan was born in
Minnesota, received his early education there, studied
theology in St. Paul, and continued post-graduate studies
at the Catholic University of America at Washington,
D.C. He was ordained a priest in 1898, and eight
years later was made a Doctor of Divinity. He is the



PREFACE Vli

author of ' A Living Wage,' one of the standard works
in its own department of economics, and his writings
and lectures have given him national position as a
leader of progressive thought in industrial, economic,
and social fields.

" Socialism will be defended by Morris Hillquit, a
distinguished practising lawyer of New York City.
Mr. Hillquit was born in Riga, Russia, and after his
early education there came to this country and studied
law in New York. He is the author of ' History of
Socialism in the United States,' ' Socialism in Theory
and Practice,' and ' Socialism Summed Up.' He has
been a delegate to all national conventions of the So-
cialist party since 1899, and to the international con-
gresses at Amsterdam, Stuttgart, and Copenhagen.

"The subject is not a discussion as to whether the
Church or Socialism is right. It is a discussion of
Socialism, attacked by a Churchman and defended by
a Socialist.

" Arguments based on the teachings of revealed reli-
gion are a factor in Dr. Ryan's discussion, but he
does not rely for weapons and armor on inspiration or
authority.

" Neither is the attack narrowed to the expression of
the ecclesiastical attitude of the Catholic Church. Not
speaking with authority^from his own Church, he is cer-
tainly not the chosen champion of other denominations.
Yet it is true that he isV inevitably, contending for the
position of all Christian ^Churches in so far as they
oppose Socialism on the basis of religious argument.

" The mechanics of the debate were somewhat diffi-
cult to arrange. In the outcome it was decided that the
authors should exchange manuscripts and re-exchange,



viii PREFACE

each with the right to introduce revisions in the light
of what the other had written, until each should be
content. An exception was made for the concluding
chapters, the manuscripts of which have not been ex-
changed by the authors."



CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

I. PRELIMINARIES : SCOPE AND METHODS.
By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

PAGE

Formulation of Issues. International Socialism.
Sources of the Socialist Doctrines. " Authorities "
on Socialism, their Significance and Limitations. De-
finition of Socialism 1

II. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DISAGREEMENT.
By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Party Conventions and Authoritative Writers. Im-
portance of Non-economic Views of Latter. Social-
ism an Economic System, a Social Philosophy, and a
Social Movement. All Three Rejected. Present
System Amendable 10

CHAPTER II
SOCIAL EVILS AND REMEDIES

I. AN INDICTMENT AND THE VERDICT.
By MORRIS HILLQJJIT.

Difference in Attitude of Socialist and Reformer
towards Social Problems. Modern Order of Society
Analyzed. Unregulated Production. The " Corner "
in Culture. Social Warfare. Political and Intellectual
Corruption. The Socialist Remedy .... 14



X CONTENTS

II. THE SOCIALIST INDICTMENT is OVERDRAWN. THE REM-
EDY is SOCIAL REFORM.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

PACK

Socialist Criticism Exaggerated. Economic Condi-
tions Improving and Improvable. Other Conditions
not Hopeless. Not the System but its Abuses Intoler-
able. Adequate Remedies in Legislation and Co-
operative Institutions 27

III. REJOINDER.

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

Socialism and Social Reform. The Limits of Re-
form 43

IV. SURREJOINDER.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Socialist Movement not Fruitful in Social Reforms.
Efficiency of Measures advocated in Main Paper. No
Limit to Social Progress by Means of Social Re-
forms ... 44

CHAPTER III
THE SOCIALIST INDUSTRIAL STATE

I. IMMORAL AND IMPRACTICABLE.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Socialist Proposals regarding Land and Artificial
Capital. Confiscation. Sources of Capital. Menace
to Agrarian Enterprise. Industrial Leadership Inef-
ficient. The Rank and File. Socialism vs. Co-
operation. Individual Liberty Jeopardized . . 48

II. A JUST AND RATIONAL ORDER.

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

The Socialist Plan of Industrial Organization. Ac-
quisition of Tools of Wealth by Community. As to
" Confiscation." Sources of Modern Wealth. Land
Ownership. Management under Socialism. Incen-
tive to Work. Individual Liberty .... 69



CONTENTS 3d

CHAPTER IV

THE PHILOSOPHY OF SOCIALISM
I. THE FUNDAMENTALS OF MARXISM.
By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

PAGE

The Place of Theory in the Socialist Movement.
Marxism. The Economic Interpretation of History.
The " Class- Struggle " Doctrine. "Surplus Value."
Socialism as a Labor Movement. The Trend towards
Socialism 88

II. AN EXPLODED PHILOSOPHY.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Economic Determinism fundamentally Materialistic.
Exaggerations. Futility of Surplus- Value Theory.
Marx's Prediction of Concentration and Impoverish-
ment. Refutation by Subsequent Events. No Trend
toward Socialism. An Aprioristic and Fatalistic Phi-
losophy 103

III. REJOINDER.

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

Admissions by Dr. Ryan. Classes, Class Interests,
and Class Struggles in the United States. The Fac-
tors of Wealth Production. The " Revisionist " Con-
troversy 124

IV. SURREJOINDER.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

No Extensive Class Struggle in the United States.
Industrial Wage-earners a Minority. Demand for
Reforms not a Demand for Socialism. Surplus Value
Once More. Importance of " Increasing-Misery "
Theory . V .134

CHAPTER V

SOCIALISM AND MORALITY
I. SOCIALIST MORALITY is IMMORAL.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Summary and Basis of Socialist Ethics. The Moral
Law Immutable. Socialist Perversions of Individual,
Family, and Civil Morality 143



xii CONTENTS

II. IF THIS BE IMMORALITY

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

PAGE

Definition of Ethics. Capitalist Ethics. Socialist
Morality. Variable Ethics. Evolution of Morality.
Socialism and Marriage. Socialism and Lawlessness . 154

III. REJOINDER.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Socialist Exaggeration of Ethical Variations in Ideas
and Practices. Necessity of a Fixed Moral Standard.
No Individual Sin? "Love Marriages." Monopoly of
Education 166

IV. SURREJOINDER.

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

Dr. Ryan's " Immutable " Ethics. Ethical Ideal vs.
Final Ethics. True Monogamy. Marriage under
Capitalism. Woman and Industry . . . 176

CHAPTER VI
SOCIALISM AND RELIGION

I. SOCIALISM is IRRELIGIOUS.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Platform Utterances Disingenuous. Anti-religious
Declarations of Leaders, Books, and Journals. Ameri-
can Movement likewise Irreligious. Economic De-
terminism mainly Responsible. An Invitation and
Challenge 186

II. SOCIALISM is NON-RELIGIOUS.

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

"Neutrality Planks" in Socialist Platforms. Dif-
ferentiation between Religion, Christianity, and Church.
Idealistic Religion and Dogmatic Theology. Science
and Religion. Socialism and the Church. Religious
Tolerance of the Socialist Movement. The Test of
Social Democracy in Germany. Religious Freedom
under Socialism. A Counter-suggestion . . . 199



CONTENTS xiii

III. REJOINDER.

By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

PAGE

A Curious Omission. Economic Determinism vs.
Orthodox Religion. Neither Science nor Scientists
Irreligious. Socialist Intolerance. Socialism Irre-
deemable , , , 215

IV. SURREJOINDER.

By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

Economic Determinism and Religious Beliefs. The
Opposition of the Church to Scientific Advance . . 224

CHAPTER VII

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
By MORRIS HILLQUIT.

Significant Admissions. The Evil. The Remedy. The
Methods. Socialism not Materialistic, not Fatalistic, not Uto-
pian, not Final. The Church Again 230

CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY. AND CONCLUSIONS
By JOHN A. RYAN, D.D.

Some Unquestionable Results. The Church not identified
with Plutocracy. Meaning of Prescription. Economic Facts vs.
Socialist Faith. Woman and Marriage. Expediency vs. Moral-
ity. Socialists vs. Scientists. A Sample of Socialist " History " 245



SOCIALISM: PROMISE OR
MENACE?

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

I. PRELIMINARIES : SCOPE AND METHODS

BY MORRIS HILLQUIT

THE object of the joint discussion on Socialism be-
tween Dr. John A. Ryan and myself is to present to the
reading public both sides of a much-mooted social prob-
lem and to draw their attention to the promise or menace
of a movement which is yearly growing in influence and
extension.

The form of presentation chosen for that purpose is
best calculated to secure that object. A partisan state-
ment of the Socialist creed and movement by an adherent
or opponent must necessarily suffer from one-sidedness,
and all attempts at an "unbiassed" presentation of both
sides by one person are bound to fail, because in the
nature of things there can be no true impartiality on
any controversial subject of vital and direct social im-
port. In a joint debate between an avowed Socialist and
a determined and consistent opponent of the movement
each debater may be expected to present his side in the



2 SOCIALISM: PROMISE OR MENACE

strongest light, marshalling all available facts and argu-
ments in favour of his contention, and thus to enable the
reader to exercise his own judgment on the merits of
the controversy.

Especially is that the case when a debate is carried on
from the deliberative seclusion of the study with ample
intervals for dispassionate analysis and careful formula-
tion of statements, rather than in the contentious atmos-
phere of an extemporaneous polemic from the platform.

As an "orthodox" Socialist, who has spent the better
part of his life in active service of the organized Socialist
movement, I may without immodesty undertake to
present the accepted Socialist position, and to speak for
the Socialist movement with some degree of authority.
On the other hand, my distinguished adversary, Dr.
John A. Ryan, is one of the few opponents of Socialism
in this country who are thoroughly familiar with the
Socialist philosophy and movement, and whose opposi-
tion to both is based, not on mere prejudice, but on a
fair and serious criticism of the Socialist teachings and
practices from their point of view. It may therefore
be hoped that the debate will at all times preserve the
character of an instructive discussion of pertinent issues.

Dr. Ryan, besides being an authority as a student
and teacher of social and economic science, is an eminent
Catholic divine, and I assume that he will approach
the subject largely from the point of view of the Catholic
Church, all the more that the latter has recently in-
augurated an active campaign against Socialism. Dr.
Ryan will, of course, be at liberty to assail the Socialist
doctrines and methods with any weapons he may choose.
He may base his opposition on the arguments of papal



INTRODUCTION 3

encyclicals just as well as on those of the conservative
economists, and in either case I shall have to meet him
on his own ground. But I hope that in no event will
the debate develop into a discussion of the comparative
merits or demerits of the Catholic Church and the
Socialist movement. The Catholic Church is not at
issue in this debate ; the issue is and will always remain
Socialism. The Socialists are as little concerned with
the Catholic Church as with any other organized expres-
sion of religious belief they do not fight the Catholic
Church unless forced to do so in self-defence.

I propose to defend the Socialist claims on their own
merits. I shall attempt to prove that the Socialist
philosophy is sound, that the Socialist ideal is just and
equitable, that the Socialist ethics are pure, and that the
Socialist methods are legitimate and efficient. If these
claims should prove untenable, the Socialist contention
fails of it own weakness; and if, on the contrary,
Socialism should be proved to be rational and righteous,
the opposition of the Catholic Church will not make it
less so.

Like all other social theories and practical mass move-
ments, Socialism produces certain divergent schools,
bastard offshoots clustering around the main trunk of the
tree, large in number and variety, but insignificant in
size and strength. Thus we hear of State Socialism,
Socialism of the Chair, Christian Socialism, and even
Catholic Socialism. With these heterogeneous and het-
erodox varieties I am not concerned their chief function
is to confuse the minds of the unwary critics of Socialism ;
but they have no part in the real life and development of
the active Socialist movement.



4 SOCIALISM: PROMISE OR MENACE

The Socialism that counts and the one that is to be
discussed here is that represented by the politically or-
ganized movement. This numbers its adherents by
tens of millions, while the followers of all its secondary
forms and variations in all countries are probably well
within the hundred-thousand mark.

The modern political movement of Socialism is world-
wide in scope and is definite and uniform in conception
and methods. The international Socialist movement
consists of a chain of organizations or parties, rarely
more than one in each country. These parties meet at
regular intervals in convention to discuss principles,
tactics, and policies. The platforms, resolutions, and
constitutions adopted at such conventions are the su-
preme expression of the organized movement. Barring
variations in phraseology and allowing for differences
of conditions and issues confronting the movement at
different times and places, the declarations are practically
identical in all cases. The dominant Socialist organiza-
tions of all countries are organically allied with one
another. By means of an International Socialist Bureau
supported at joint expense, the Socialist parties of the
world maintain uninterrupted relations with one another,
and every three years they meet in international con-
ventions, whose conclusions are accepted by all constitu-
ent national organizations.

It is principally the doctrines and policies formulated
by such official national and international Socialist con-
ventions that I propose to defend and that I expect my
opponent to assail in this debate.

Principally, but not exclusively.

For while the official statements and declarations of



INTRODUCTION 5

the organized Socialist parties, national and interna-
tional, constitute the most indisputable authority on
the questions with which they deal, there are certain
other sources which cannot properly be left out of ac-
count in a comprehensive and intelligent discussion on
Socialism.

The practical Socialist movement is supported by a
social philosophy which was formulated by the " theoreti-
cians" of the movement, and was and still is constantly
elaborated by its students and writers. In its everyday
work and struggles the Socialist movement acts and
speaks through its recognized representatives on the
public platform, in legislative bodies, or in administrative
offices. The utterances and acts of such writers and
representatives, unless formally repudiated by their
party, must be considered as legitimate expressions and
manifestations of the Socialist movement r and its de-
fenders and opponents alike may properly refer to them
in support of their contentions. The same rule applies
to the editorial attitude of the official publications of the
Socialist parties.

But in fairness to both sides of the debate and to the
reading public, certain limitations and exceptions must
be noted here. The literature on Socialism and I
refer to the pro-Socialist side only consists of many
hundreds of volumes written in all modern languages,
and there is no censorship and no index expurgatorius
in the Socialist movement. The Socialist author writes
on his own responsibility. If his work meets with the
approval of the movement, it is tacitly adopted as one of
the instruments of the Socialist propaganda, otherwise
it is rejected or ignored. To the uninformed this designa-



6 SOCIALISM: PROMISE OR MENACE

tion of "authorities" may seem exceedingly vague, but to
persons familiar with the Socialist movement, its history
and literature, it will convey a tolerably definite test.

Thus Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, and Ferdinand
Lassalle are unquestionably the theoretical founders of
the modern Socialist movement, and their economic and
political doctrines are substantially the basis of the
philosophy of International Socialism. Similarly, almost
every strong national movement has produced a group
of thinkers, writers, or "leaders," whose utterances are
generally accepted as authoritative expressions of the
Socialist position.

As such we may mention the Germans August Bebel,
Wilhelm Liebknecht, and Karl Kautsky; the French-
men Jules Guesde, Paul Lafargue, and Jean Jaures;
the Austrian Victor Adler; the Belgian Emile Vander-
velde ; the Russian Georges Plekhanoff ; and the English-
men H. M. Hyndman and J. Keir Hardie.

American Socialism has likewise advanced a number
of representative spokesmen, whose names will readily
suggest themselves to all persons familiar with the move-
ment. The authors named do not by any means exhaust
the list of Socialist "authorities" they are only men-
tioned to substantiate the claim that there is a large
group of generally recognized exponents of the Socialist
creed, whose expressed views may be invoked in a discus-
sion of the subject, and that Socialism cannot be charged
with the utterances of unknown or irresponsible writers.

The expression "Socialist authorities" must further-
more be taken in a very restricted sense. Socialists are
no respecters of "authorities." They do not accept the
conclusions of their writers on faith. The leaders of



INTRODUCTION 7

Socialist thought are those who have been able to state
their social and economic theories with the greatest
degree of convincingness, and the ability to substantiate
their views with facts and arguments always remains
the test of their authoritativeness.

There is nothing sacred in the writings even of the
founders of the modern Socialist philosophy. Some of
the economic doctrines of Ferdinand Lassalle and many
cardinal planks of his practical programme have been un-
able to withstand the test of experience and criticism,
and have been discarded by the Socialist movement.
Some of the expressed views of Marx and Engels have
been modified by their Socialist followers, and generally
the Socialist movement is constantly engaged in revising
its creed as well as its tactics. Socialism is a modern,
progressive movement engaged in practical,^ every/day
struggles, and it cannot escape the influencfe-of^hanging
social conditions or growing economic knowledge. The
international Socialist movement is still Marxian, be-
cause the fundamental social and economic doctrines of
Karl Marx, his collaborators and disciples, still hold
good in the eyes of the vast majority of Socialists ; but
in the details of its methods and mode of action the Social-
ist movement to-day is quite different from what it was
in the days of Marx.

And, finally, another point must be borne in mind in
any fair discussion of Socialism. The Socialist "authori-
ties" are such only within the scope of their competency,
i.e. on the subject of Socialist economics and politics.
Their opinions on all other topics must neither be credited
nor charged to the Socialist movement.

For instance, G. Bernard Shaw is a well-known Social-



8 SOCIALISM: PROMISE OR MENACE

ist, and has written several tracts on economics which
fairly express the recognized Socialist position. Mr.
Shaw also happens to be a playwright and a dramatic
critic. It would obviously be preposterous to claim that
Shaw's volumes of dramatic criticism represent the
Socialist view on the drama, and, perhaps in a minor
degree, it is similarly unwarranted to claim that Engels'
religious beliefs or Bebel's views on the institution of the
family represent the Socialist conceptions on these subjects.
Like the opinion of a judge on a subject not directly
involved in the matter submitted for his decision, such
extraneous views are obiter dicta, and not binding on
anybody but the author.

With this statement of my opinion on the object
of the present discussion and the methods to be employed
in connection with it, I shall now endeavour to outline a
concise statement of the aspect of Socialism which is to
form the main subject of the debate.

The term Socialism is used indiscriminately to desig-
nate a certain social philosophy, a scheme of social or-
ganization, and an active political movement. As a
social philosophy Socialism is concerned with the laws
and course of social evolution in general and those of con-
temporaneous society in particular. It proceeds from a
critical analysis of the prevailing order, seeks to discover
its substance and mainsprings, to ascertain the causes
of its shortcomings, and to determine the trend of its


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