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replied, "Soit droit comme il est d&ir^."
In 1641 the Star Chamber and the Courts
of High Commission, the engines of arbi-
trary power employed by the Tudors, were
abolished, and the King's Council was
deprived of the power of arbitrary im-
prisonment. In the reign of Charles II.
(12 Car. 2, cap. 24) the old feudal rights
of wardship, purveyance, and other ex-
actions were abolished. The Act of Habeas
Corpus was also passed in this reign
(51 Car. 2, cap. 2), 1679.

The "Declaration of Right" drawn up
by Parliament and accepted by William
and Mary on their accession in 1688, may
be said to have terminated the long
struggle between the Crown and the
people. The most essential articles of
this declaration are the following:-— "The
King cannot dispense with laws without
the consent of Parliament. He cannot
erect any tribunal of his own will. He
cannot levy money without a Parliamen-
tary grant. No standing army to be kept
in time of peace without consent of Parlia-
ment. Excessive tines and inmioderate
punishments prohibited." The Revolution
of 1688 also established the important
principle that the Sovereign shall profess
the Protestant faith, and shall be bound
to maintain the Protestant religion as by
law established. In the Coronation oath
he swears that he will " maintain the true
profession of the Gospel and the Protes-
tant reformed religion established by
law." The Bill of Rights (1689) and the
Act of Settlement (1701) further enact that
no person professing the Popish religion,
or who shall marry a Papist, is capable of
inheriting or possessing the Crown, and
the people are released from their alle-
giance in such case.

The Royal Prerogative in 1688 was
described as follows in a pamphlet written
in that year—" The King has no preroga-
tive but what the law gives him. We must
not therefore presume a prerogative and
then conclude it law, but first find the
law, and by it prove the prerogative, and
when we have found the prerogative it
must be measured by what the public

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good will bear. The King is supreme in
the legislatiTe part as well as in the
executive part, but has not the whole
supremacy in the legislative part as in Uie

The following portion of the Coronation
oath, as settled at the Revolution, is also
interesting and instructive: —

"Question — ^Will you solemnly promise
and swear to govern the people of this
United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland and the dominions thereto belong-
ing according to the Statutes in Parlia-
ment agreed on, and the respective laws
and customs of the same?
" Answer — ^I solenmly promise so to do.

Question — ^Will you to your power cause
law and justice, in mercy, to be executed
in all your judgments P

Answer— I will."

During the reigns of the four Georges,
the respective rights and duties of the
Kinff, Lords, and Commons were gradually
settled and acknowledged. The King,
however, exercised a far more active and
direct authority than accords with the
custom of the present day. George III.,
indeed, at the commencement of his
reign, endeavoured to assert to the
utmost extent the influence of the,
Sovereign. He permitted Lord Bute to
hold a position of confidential adviser,
independently of the Ministrv and of Par-
liament. At a later period, during the
administration of Lord North, the King
assumed to himself the right of interfer-
ence in all the details of administration.
As soon, however, as Mr. Pitt was enabled,
by the assistance of the Crown, but with
the support of the country, to defeat the
Opposition in the House of Commons, and
at the general election of 1784 to secure a
majority for himself, he became the
Minister in fact as well as in name, and
the relations between the Sovereign and
the Minister gradually approximated to
the existing system.

Although many of the powers of the
Royal prerogative are dormant, the influ-
ence of the Crown is nevertheless deser-
vedly great. And in the modified sense of
the prerpp-ntive it has been said that the
Crown liPs three rights — ^the right to be
consulted, the right to encourage, and the
right to warn.

Yet even now the power and prerogative
of the Crown, and also its duties, are con-
siderable. The King can prorogue or


The Civil list of King Edward VII. is
exceeded in amount by the revenue of
several foreign monarchs. The income of
some of the foreign sovereigns is stated to be
as follows: — ^Russia, unknown, but gener-
ally believed to be upwards of £2,000,000 ;
Austria-Hungary, £780,000 ; Prussia,
£770,000; Italy, £614,000; Spain,
£580,000. The King's Civil List is also
considerably less than that of previous
British Sovereigns. The Civil List of
George n. was £800,000; that of George

dissolve Parliament, even before it pro-
ceeds to business, and he can create
peers without restriction as to numbers.
He can veto laws, and is the irresponsible
head of the Executive. The Sovereign is
the ** Fountain of Justice " ; that is, with
the advice of his responsible Ministers,
he appoints directly, or by delegation, all
juages and magistrates. All criminal
prosecutions are conducted in his name,
and he can, with a few exceptions, pardon
all offenders, either before or after convic-
tion ; though this prerogative is in practice
seldom exercised. He is the head of
society in the kingdom. All degrees of
nobilitv are or have been derived by grant
from the Crown. All titles of honour are
in the gift of the Crown, and all corpora-
tions owe their charters, either directly
or indirectlv, to the same source. The
Sovereign alone can coin money, impress
what stamp he chooses upon it, and
impart to it its legally current value.
The Sovereign, being " Supreme governor
as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical
things or causes temporal," appoints all
archbishops and bisl^ops of the Established
Church. In respect of external affairs, the
Sovereign appoints all ambassadors and
diplomatic agents to foreign Governments,
receives foreign potentates and ambassa-
dors, and conducts all negotiations with
those States; appoints Commissions of
enquiry; concludes treaties and makes
war or peace; has the supreme command
of the army and ni^vy, and appoints all
the officers of those services; appoints
the viceroys of Ireland and India, and
the governors of Colonies and foreign
possessions. In the case of certain of the
Colonies he prescribes the form of govern-
ment, and in all of them his assent is
essential to the validity of all acts of
colonial legislation.

But the old times of arbitrary power
and the irresponsible use of it have passed
away. The tyranny of Norman, Plan-
tagenet, Tudor, and Stuart Kings has
disappeared. The power of the great
nobles is only a subject for romance. The
power of the Commons remains strong,
rigorous, and restless: yet there is a
sentiment that has controlled, and ought
still to control, the dominant element in
the State — an unswerving regard for
British freedom and British law, the
security of property, and the safety of the


in., in 1815, amounted to £1,030,000; and
William IV. received £510,000.

In his speech from the Throne on
February 14th, 1901, His Majesty stated
that he placed the Hereditary revenues of
the Crown, as his predecessor had done,
unreservedly at the disposal of the House
of Commons. The Civil List Act, 1901
(1 Edw. VII., cap. 4), was passed in
recognition of the fact that these revenues
belonged to the Crown.

It is erected, therefore, that the

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Hereditary Bevenne specified in the Civil
List Act of 1837 (which were then declared
to be due and payable to Her Majesty Qaeen
Victoria) shall be carried to the credit
of the Consolidated Fund, and that the
clear yearly sum of £470,000 shall be paid
ont of the same as a provision for the
honour and dignity of the Crown.

The manner in which the Boyal income
is to be applied is strictly defined, as

Their Majesties' Privy Purse* £110,000

Salaries of H.M. Household,
and Retired Allowances 125,800

Expenses of H.M. Household 193,000

Works 20,000

Royal Bounty, Alms, and
Special Services 13,200

Unappropriated Moneys 8,000


His Majesty also enjoys the revenues
ariaing from the Duchy of Lancaster
estates amounting in 1902 to £61,000.

The above arrangement lasts during the
present reign and for six months after-
wards. It is not imfavourable to the
nation, since the Crown estates have pro-
duced an annuflil rental almost equal to,
and sometimes greater, than the amount
of the Civil List.

The net income of the Crown Lands in
1902-3 was £460,764, and the smaller
branches of the Hereditary revenue pro-
duced £44,278.

Taxes oir thb Rotal Inoomb.

Income Tax is paid upon His -Majesty's
private estates, upon the Civil List for
Their Majesties' Privy Purse, upon the
sum allotted to the expenses of the House-
hold, and upon unexpended and unappro-
priated monevs arising out of the remain-
ing classes of the Civil List.

There is an exemption under the Act
5 and 6 Vict., c. 35, Section 88, in favour
of Government Stock or dividends
belonging to the Crown, and property
belonging to and in the virtual occupation
of the Crown is not assessed.

Duty is paid in respect of the Estate of
a member of the Royal Family, but not
upon that of the Sovereign.

The Royal Family are exempt from
Legacy and Succession Duties, under the
provisions of Acts of Parliament (35
George HI., cap. 1, and Schedule; and
16 and 17 Vict., c. 51, Sec. 18); and also
from the necessity for taking out Estab-
lishment Licences (32 and 33 Vic, c. 14,
Sec. 19).

Grants to thb Royal Famtlt.

The grants made by Parliament, and
now payable annually for the support oi
the Royal Family, in addition to the
income granted to His Majesty, are as

follows: —

Prince of Walesf i;20,000

Princess of Wales 10,000

His Majesty's daughters 18,000

Duke of Connaught 25,000

Princess Christian of Schles-

wig-Holstein 6,000

Princess Louise, Duehess of

Argyll 6,000

Princess Henry of Battenberg 6,000
Duchess of Saxe-Coburg and

Qotha 6,000

Duchess of Albany 6,000

Duchess of Mecklenburg-

Strelits 3,000

Duke of Cambridge 12,000

Total £118,000

Provision is also made for a contingent
annuity of £70,000 for Her Majesty Queen
Alexandra in the event of her widowhood,
and of i-30,000 for the Princess of Wales
in the like event.

The principles upon which the grants
to *he younger children of the Sovereign
have been made in the past were clearly
stated by Mr. Gladstone during the debate
on the annuity to the Duke of Connaught,
July 31, 1871. He reminded the House
that Parliament had assented to an
arrangement by which, instead of attempt-
ing to make a general provision at the
commencement of each reign for the pos-
sible issue of the Sovereign, each particu-
lar case had been dealt with as it arose.
That arrangement had some disadvan-
tages, inasmuch as it was liable to be
misunderstood out of doors, and that,
being so misunderstood, it was apt to
cause unjust remarks to be made upon the
Royal Family and the Sovereign. He con-
sidered, however, that there were recom-
mendations of a high order attaching to
the present plan. In the first place, it
was the one by far the most* agreeable to
the spirit of a free Constitution ; it estab-
lished a considerable degree of moral
control which Parliament might otherwise
lose. If the Sovereign were to be respon-
sible for realizing out of his annual income
funds sufficient to endow a family, how-
ever numerous, in a manuer becoming
their station, it would be necessary to
enlarge the allowance at the commence-
ment of the reign; and, further, the
arrangement would lose all its elasticity,
because, whether the Sovereign had issue
or not, the sum at his disposal would
remain the same. The present method of
provision also tended greatly to promote
and confirm harmony between the great
powers of the State. It placed the con-
duct of the Sovereign and of the Royal
Family, especially of its junior members,
in view of the public and the Legislature,
and while preserving a salutary Parlia-
mentary control, it likewise preserved in
the hands of the Sovereign an important

• The amount asriffned by His Majesty to the Queen was stated in ParUament ilOth June, 1901) to be £88,000.

t The Prince of Wales also receivefl the income of the Duchy of Cornwall estates, which in

1902 amounted to £74,U89.

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control over the younger branches of the
Royal Family. Supposing the Sovereign
were granted what was necessary for
annual expenditure, but that every Royal
Prince and Princess, on arriving at full
age, or at marriage, should receive a fixed
annuity, this moral and general control
would be relaxed or destroyed. Mr. Glad-
stone said that, in his opinion, the nature
of the provision was excellent, as long as
it was worked in a spirit of liberality,
of prudence, and of attachment to the
Sovereign; but it undoubtedly would be
grievously marred, and might become
hardly practicable or secure, were it un-
fortunately to be dealt with in a different
spirit. Tne arrangement between the
Crown and Parliament was made by no
written covenant, nor would it be possible
to frame one without fettering the liberty
of the people and Constitutional control.
But there were other engagements besides
written words, and it was recorded, beyond
doubt, that Parliament was morally liable
to deal with these cases when they arose.
He referred to the terms of the Civil List
Act, and the Report of the Committee of
1837, as showing that the income was
bestowed upon the Sovereign after a care-
ful investigation of details, and an exact
appreciation of what each of the burdens
would require in order to maintain the
dignity of the Sovereign, and with it the
dignity of the nation. As shewing the
moral liability of Parliament to provide
for the junior branches of the Royal
Family as they come to mature age, there
was not, either in the Report of the Com-
mittee, nor in any debates of Parliament,
the slightest claim, or the faintest expec-
tation, that out of that income savings
could be made adequate to a due provision
for them. There was, moreover, positive
evidence that upon every previous occasion
Parliament l^ad, without question, by an
overwhelming vote, admitted the virtual
bond of honourable obligation to make
such provision. After referring to numerous
instances in previous reigns, Mr. Gladstone
concluded by asserting that a long and
unbroken series of practical acknowledg-
ments by Parliament for generations,
embracing every possible case to which the
principle could apply, constituted a state
of just expectation on the part of the
Sovereign, from which it was impossible
for Parliament to recede, and which it
would be utterly unworthy of it to dis-
regard.— iff on»ar<i'* Debates, vol. 208, p.

Additional Grants in 1889.

In July, 1889, Queen Victoria communi-
cated to Parliament the approaching
marriage of Princess Louise of Wales to
the Duke of Fife, and requested that
Parliament would make provision for her,
and also for (the late) Prince Albert

A committee was thereupon appointed,
with instructions to inquire into the
former practice with respect to provisions

for Members of the Royal Family, and to
report upon the principles which it is
expedient to adopt in the future. The
Report of the majority of the Conomittee
was to this effect: —

"That since the accession of the House
of Hanover there is precedent for provision
for every child of an Heir Apparent, and
no precedent for the omission of such a
provision; and there is also precedent for
provision for the children of every child
of every younger son of a Sovereign, and
for provision for a younger son of the
Heir Apparent.

"The Committee cannot find that any
notice has ever been given to the Crown by
any resolution of the House of Commons,
or in any declaration on behalf of a
Government by a Minister of the Crown,
that the practice which has heretofore
prevailed in reference to making provision
for members of the Royal Family would be
changed; or that Her Majesty has had
any ground tor supposing that it was
necessary for her to make provision for
the members of her family. In view of
these facts the Committee are of opinion
that Her Majesty would have a claim on
the liberality of Parliament should she
think fit to apply for such grants as, in
accordance with precedent, may become
requisite for the support of the Boyal
Family. But the Committee have been
informed that Her Majesty does not pro-
pose to press this claim for the children
of her daughters and younger sons; and
with regard to the daughters and younger
sons of future Sovereigns, the Conunittee
are of opinion that at the proper time
arrangements should be made imder which
no future claim of a similar kind can arise.

" In order to prevent repeated applica-
tions to Parliament, and to establish the
principle that the provision for children
should hereafter be made out of grants
adequate for that purpose which have been
assigned to their parents, the Committee
recommend the creation of a special fund
by the quarterly payment, during the
present reign, of £9,000 out of the Con-
solidated Fund. Out of this the Prince of
Wales, with the sanction of Her Majesty,
and the assent of the First Lord of the
Treasury and the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, would be empowered to make
such assignments, and in such manner, to
his children as he may think fit."

In accordance with this Report a Bill
was passed through Parliament, receiving
Royal assent on August 12th, 1889, by
which an annual sum of £36,000 was
assigned to H.R.H. Albert Edward, Prince
of Wales, for the support of his children,
in the manner recommended by the Com-
mittee. This grant expired on July 22nd,

Rbvisbd Grants in 1901.

On His Majesty's accession the question
of provision for the younger children of
the Sovereign and the children of th#»
Heir Apparent was considered by the

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Select Committee on the Civil List, who
reported as follows : —

*'In the first place they recommend
that an annuity of J£20,0(X) shall be paid
ont of the Consolidated Fund to His Boyal
Highness the Duke of Cornwall and York
(now Prince of Wales) who has succeeded
to the Revenues of the Duchy of Cornwall.
They also recommend the grant of an
annuity of i;10,000 to Her Royal Highness
the Duchess of Cornwall and York (now
Princess of Wales) during the continuance
of her marriage with His Royal Highness.

"Your Committee have carefully con-
sidered whether it would be advisable
that any provision, whether immediate or
contingent, should be made at the present
time for those children of the Heir
Apparent who may reach an age at which
they may require separate establishments ;
but in view of the youth of their Royal
Highnesses and the consequent uncertainty
of the future, they do not recommend
that any such provision should be made
on the present occasion, and content
themselves by recording the fact that
nothing for this purpose is included either
in the Civil List or in the annuities pro-

"Your Committee have already called
attention to the fact that the annuity
granted by the Prince of Wales's Children
Act, 1889, ceases on 22nd July, 1901. It
is therefore necessary to make fresh pro-
vision for their Royal Highnesses Princess
Louise (Duchess of Fife), Princess Victoria

and Princess Maud (Princess Charles of
Denmark). Your Conunittee accordingly
recommend that an annuity of flSjUOO
for their joint lives, diminishing by £6,000
with each death, should, in accordance
with the precedent of the Prince %f Wales's
Children Act, 1889, be paid to trustees
by quarterly payments out of the Con-
solidated Fund. Out of this fund the
Sovereign, with the assent of the First
Lord of the Treasury and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, should be empowered to
make such assignments^ and in such
manner to their Royal Highnesses as in
his discretion he may from time to time
think fit."

In introducing the Bill to give effect to
these recommendations, Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
explained that whatever remained from
the private fortune or savings of Queen
Victoria had been devoted to the benefit
of her younger children, and that, there-
fore, the King had no personal fortune,
and was dependent upon the revenues oi
the Duchy of Lancaster and the Parlia-
mentary grant. Basing his calculationa
on the increase in the value of the surren-
dered hereditary revenues of the Crown,
he estimated that during the next sixteen
years the average annual cost of the Royal
family to the taxpayer would not be
more than i;33,000. The proposals of the
Committee were agreed to by Parliament,
and were embodied in the Civil List Act
ot 1901, referred to above.


Lord Steward.— Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery ,G.C.V.O.

Treasurer.— M&rqviiB of Hamilton, M.P.

ComptrolUr.— Col. Viscount Valentia, C.B., M.V.O., M.P.

Master of the HovMhold.— Lord Farquhar, Q.C.V.O.

Paymaster— Col. Sir Nigel Kingscote, G.C.V.O., K.C.B.
Lord Chambkrlain.— Earl of Clarendon, G.C.B., A.D.C.

Vice-Cfianiberlain.-Ijord Wolverton.

Captain of the Gentlemen at ^r»is.— Lord Helper.

Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard. —Earl Waldegrave.

Comptroller.— Ma-j.-Geii. Sir Arthur Ellis, G.C.V.O., C.S.I.

Master of the Cerewonies.— Col. D. P. R. Dawson, C.M.G.

Poet Laureate.— Alfred Austin.

Examiner of Plays.— G. A. Redford.
Master op the Horse.— Duke of Portland, K.G., G.C.V.O.

Crown Equerry.— M&j. -Gen. Sir H. P. Ewart. K.C.V.O., K.C.B.
Keeper op H.M. Privy Purse.— Gen. Rt. Hon. Sir Dighton Probyn, G.C.B., G.C.V.O
K.C.S.I., V.C, LS.O.

PHvate Secretary.— Lord Knollys, G.C.V.O., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., I.S.O.


Mistress of the Bobes. — Duchess of Buccleuch and Queensberry.

Lord Chamberlain.— E&rl Howe, G.C.V.O.

Vice-Chamberlain.-E&rl of Gosford, K.P.

Tr easiMrer. — E&rl de Grey, K.C.V.O.

Private Secretary.— Uon. S. R. Greville, C.B., C.V.O.


Lords of the Bedchamiter. -Lord Wenlock, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E., K.C.B.

Lord Chesham, K.C.B., D.S.O.
Comptroller and Treasu/rer.— Lt. -Col. Hon. Sir W. P. Carington, K.C.V.O., C.B.
PHvate Sea-etary. —Ijt.-Col. Sir Arthur Bigge, G.C.V.O., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., LS.O.


CSiamberlain -Earl of Shaftesbury.
Private Secretary.— Ron. A. N. Hood.

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His Majesty, EDWAKD VII., by the Grace of God, of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British Dominions
beyond the Seas, KING, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India ;
Sovereign of the Orders of the Garter, the Thistle, St. Patrick, the Bath,
the Star of India, and St. Michael and St. George ; of the Order of
the Indian Empire, of the Imperial Order of the Crown of India, the
Royal Victorian Order, the Victoria Cross, the Distinguished Service
Order, the Imperial Service Order, the Order of Merit, the Royal Red
Cross, and the Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in
England. Knight of the Orders of the Golden Fleece, of St. Stephen
of Austria, of th« Southern Cross of Brazil, of the Black Eagle of
Prussia ; Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour (France), and of the
Order of Charles III. of Spain. D.C.L. Oxon ; LL.D. Cambridge and
Dublin ; Protector of the University Coll. of Wales ; F.R.C.P. Lond. ;
a Bencher of the Middle Temple ; a Governor of the Charterhouse and
of Christ's Hospital ; Protector of St. Bartholomew's Hospital ; an
Elder Brother of Trinity House; Grand Master of the Freemasons,
1874-1901. Field-Marshal in the Army, 1876 ; Colonel-in-Chief of the 1st
Life Gds. ; 2nd Life Gds. ; Royal Horse Gds. ; 10th Hussars ; Grenadier
Gds. ; Coldstream Gds. ; Scots Gds. ; Irish Gds. ; Gordon Highlanders ;
Royal Lancaster Regt. ; Duke of Lancaster's Impl. Yeomanry ; 1st
Prussian Dragoon Gds. ; and 5th Pomeranian Hussars. Hon. Colonel of
the Imperial Yeomanry ; the King's Own Norfolk Impl. Yeomanry ;
Oxfordshire Hussars ; 6th Bengal Cavalry ; 8rd Bn. Duke of Cornwall's
Lt. Inf. ; 3rd Bn. Gordon Highlanders ; 4th Bn. Prince of Wales' Own

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