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evidently worked as well with Episcopalians as with
others. I observed here, as in other churches of
Evangelical Episcopalians, that the communion-table
was brought out from the wall and placed well for-
ward, so as not to have the appearance of an " altar."
Seventy communicants can kneel round it at once.
The pulpit is low, and is placed before the table;
on the front of it is a plain black cross " to show
what should be its subject; not the bread turned
into Christ's body on the table, but Christ Himself
preached from the pulpit." The roof is elaborately
decorated, and texts of Scripture adorn the walls.
Some one said to Dr. Tyng, "Could not the money
spent in ornamenting this church have built many
mission chapels ? " Dr. T. replied, " Without this
church we could not have built those chapels, and
with this church we have built them." Dr. Tyng
has great influence in New York ; he is an effective



Churches of America. 221

orator and an accomplished preacher of the simple
gospel.

Liturgical worship has a great and increasing charm
for some in America, who complain of the excessive
disregard of form in their institutions. The Episcopal
churches, with their clergy in official robes, with a pre-
scribed order of service, and with the vocal responses
of the people, present a great contrast to others
in their general style of conducting worship. Some
of the non-episcopal clergy are desirous of introducing
the liturgical element. Eminent amongst these is
Dr. Storrs of Brooklyn. He had introduced the read-
ing of the Psalms by the pastor and people in alter-
nate verses. He told me he regarded the Episcopal
worship more congregational and popular ; the Con-
gregational worship more ministerial and exclusive.
At a meeting of his "parish-" one member objected
to the reading of the Psalms because it resembled
Episcopalian worship. A Scotchman replied that on
that very account he liked it; for that the strength of
Episcopacy was its mode of worship ; the strength of
Congregationalism its mode of government ; so that
imitating the worship of Episcopacy, Congregational-
ists would combine the strength of both systems.

Amongst other pulpits, I was invited to occupy



222 Churches of America.

that of the Dutch Reformed Church, in the Fifth
Avenue. This religious body was organized by a
colony from Holland, who brought here the religion
of the Reformation, and whose services were at first
conducted in the Dutch language. The government
is Presbyterian. In the United States there are
several hundred congregations connected with this
body. In New York city there are four collegiate
churches, the revenues of which form one fund for
common expenses, administered by officers called
" church-masters." Each pastor has his own flock for
visitation, but the four preach in the four churches,
by rotation. All the pastors and elders form a united
session for receiving members, who are then " located"
to the church of their own district. Dr. Duryea, a
young man of great attainments and eloquence, was
the most popular clergyman of this body, but I learn
that'he has since left it, and has a church of his own
in Brooklyn.

I had the opportunity of preaching in several
" coloured churches," and was much impressed with
the devout demeanour of the negro people during
worship, and their earnest and sympathetic attention
to the sermon.

The scale of payment for the maintenance of the



Churches of America. 223

clergy and for expenses is much higher than that in
the old country. In the "Tabernacle" Congrega-
tional church in New York, which has 1,750 sittings,
the lowest price is twelve dollars (about thirty-six
shillings), for a single sitting ; while some of the pews,
with six seats, let for 250 dollars. The minister
received a salary of 8,000 dollars. He had recently
been sent on a holiday to Europe. During his
absence of fourteen months his pulpit was supplied
for him, his salary was continued, and a present was
also made to him of 2,500 dollars for his expenses.
It is not at all uncommon for congregations to send
their ministers on a holiday to Europe and the Holy
Land, and to pay the cost of their journey. In the
country, ministers' salaries range from^"i5o to^2 5o;
in towns, from ^300 to ^500; in large cities, from
^5°° t0 £ 1 ^ 000 , m some cases reaching ^2,000,
and more. And this is considered to be very mode-
rate remuneration for the services of men who, in any
other department of labour, could easily secure twice
that amount.

The process of renting pews was thus described ; —
An estimated annual value is set on them, varying
with their position. Pews are called slips. Persons
wishing single sittings must arrange with the lessee of



224 Churches of America.

an entire pew. Once a year the pews are appro-
priated. The " letting by auction " is felt by us to be
very objectionable, and it is also condemned by many
in America. But it was thus explained to me. When
there are more applicants than pews, it is fair that no
favouritism should be allowed, but all have an equal
chance. So the number of each pew is called out and
the price. If several ask for it, the applicant who
offers the highest premium obtains it. All the pews
are re-let each year, so that a pew is only retained
by the holder being willing to pay more for it than
any one else. The money goes into a common fund,
out of which the minister is paid, incidental expendi-
ture defrayed, and assistance rendered to schools,
missions, and other charities. ^500 is often spent on
the music. An organ in a church in Boston had lately
been erected at a cost of 18,000 dollars, about ^2,500.

When additional money is needed for any purpose,
the churchwardens assess the pew-holders with the
amount, making as fair a distribution as they can, con-
sidering the presumed ability of the parishioners. I
was told that the rates thus levied were paid without
hesitation.

In all churches, except the Protestant Episcopal, the
order of service is very similar. First there is a per-



Churches of America.



225



formance of sacred music by the organ and four cul-
tured voices • then a lesson from the Bible, followed
by a prayer, and then a hymn, generally sung by the
choir alone; then the sermon and a prayer; after
which is a hymn by the congregation, and then the
benediction. This quartette singing is almost uni-
versal. The best artistes are engaged, and no expense
is spared. A hymn sung by four perfectly trained
voices no doubt may be a means of spiritual profit to
the people who sit quiet, with their hymn-books before
them ; but I often longed to hear the roar of voices
from the great congregation, even though some of the
elements of the mighty chorus might be discordant
I have reason to believe that these quartette perform-
ances are becoming unpopular, and that there is a
decided advance towards singing which is more con-
gregational.

I had little opportunity of ascertaining for myself the
character of American preaching ; but the result of
my inquiries was that many persons, especially amongst
the more intelligent classes, complain that sermons
are too frequently elaborate and argumentative essays,
aimed at the intellectual faculty, rather than earnest,
practical appeals addressed to the heart. Perfect

Q



226 Churches of America.

preaching should combine both features. The heart
should be reached through the head — emotions should
be stirred by convictions — feeling should be generated
by thought. " While I was musing the fire burned."
But some musing does not seem calculated to pro-
duce burning. It may be most valuable in the study,
but it is not adequate to the demands of the Church.
Preaching of the very highest type is found in Ame-
rica, combining the intellectual with the emotional
and practical, as in the case of my friend, Dr. Cuyler ;
still I was led to infer that generally the former ele-
ment was cultivated to the neglect of the latter.

Many persons said they were weary of logical dis-
cussions on doctrine, and the everlasting argument in
defence of Christianity, instead of having Christianity
itself exhibited simply and fervently. A merchant of
eminence in New York told me of a clergyman, very
learned and very pious, but whose logical faculty ran
away with him. Every sermon was a masterpiece of
argumentation, showing a great range of knowledge
and grasp of intellect. A lawyer of genius came to
the neighbourhood and attended his church. The
sermons, under this fresh stimulus, became increas-
ingly learned and clever. But the lawyer soon ab-



Churches of America. 227

sented himself, and, to the surprise of every one, took
a pew in the church of a preacher vastly inferior in
intellectual power, but very simple and earnest. Being
asked his reason for such a change, he replied that
he was weary with constant argumentation ; he had
enough of that in books and in the course of his pro-
fession during the week : on Sunday he wanted rest
and refreshment by stimulus given to his moral nature.
I said to my friend, " But a preacher with a con-
gregation composed of such persons as yourself,
thinking he is bound to minister very specially to cul-
tivated intellects " " No need to finish your

sentence," interrupted my friend. " I don't want it.
I want my conscience stirred and my heart warmed.
I knew a very clever man, a member of the Govern-
ment, who was always punctual to a moment in
meeting his colleagues. One day, arriving very late,
surprise was expressed, and he thus explained the
cause. There was a revivalist preacher in the city —
a man of little learning but great fervour. The states-
man said, ' I was passing the church when he was
preaching, and thought I would go in for a minute to
hear him, but when I was inside I forgot all about
time. That is what I call good preaching.' Being



228 Churches of America.

asked to define more precisely what he meant,
he replied, ' Good preaching drives you up into a
corner, and makes you feel you're a great sinner,
and that none but Christ can save you.' "

It may be added that the opinion of the Ca-
nadians in reference to Free Churches confirms that
of the Christian people of the States. Rather than
give my own impressions of what I saw there, I
will quote the words of the Bishop of Ontario, at
Ottawa, on Jan. 19, 1869. " I candidly confess that
I would not exchange the present condition of the
Canadian Church for her condition as an endowed
Establishment. We have no State aid, but we are
free from State restrictions on our development. We
have no legal superiority of status, but we have what
is better, synodical action." The Bishop added, that
if a traveller to Canada fifteen years ago were to revisit
them, he would see no change in the Church but for
the better ; he would find the same services, but in
increased numbers • and the churches still open, but
more of them, and better built. Within the last six
years the number of the clergy of that diocese had
increased from 54 to 86, and 50 new churches and 18
parsonages had been built.



CHAPTER IX.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.

State of Feeling towards Great Britain — Democrats — Republicans
— Southerners — A " Gentleman of Virginia " — Fenian Meet-
ing at Cooper Institute — Opinions of Clergymen in New York
— Reception at Bunker's Hill — At the Stock Exchange, Wall
Street — At Washington — Address to the American People.

NEXT to the desire to preach the gospel of peace
between God and men, I was prompted to
visit America by the hope that I might be able to say
words promotive of peace between the two nations,
for I was painfully aware that very strong feelings of
grief and indignation, if not of hostility, were cherished
by many persons in America towards my own coun-
try. I was not surprised at this, for during their great
war many things occurred which, if not meant to be
unfriendly, had that appearance ; and some things
were done, and many words were uttered, which were
avowedly in opposition to the great cause for which
the Government and the Northern States were striving.
It was my happiness and privilege (though many at
the time considered it a misfortune and a folly) to



230 International Relations.

take some humble but earnest part with those who,
from the very beginning of the struggle, regarded it as
involving the great question of the abolition of slavery,
and who endeavoured to encourage a popular senti-
ment in favour of " Union and Emancipation." I
hoped, therefore, that this avowed sympathy might
win for me an audience which I could not claim on
other grounds, and which would not have been granted
to any one, however eminent his station or ability,
who had sympathized with the rebellion, or who even
had been simply indifferent to the success of the
North, when, in the crisis of their deadly strife, they
earnestly looked towards their mother-country, so long
the temple and home of freedom, for moral support
and encouragement.

I will endeavour to convey to the reader a correct
idea of what I found to be the actual state of feeling
towards Great Britain. Every one knows that there
are two great parties in America — the Democratic
and the Republican, — though every one does not
understand the difference between them. This must
not be sought for in etymology : with us the terms are
often used synonymously, but in America they are
in direct antagonism. The Southern States were all



International Relations. 231

pro-slavery, and Democratic. The Northern States
excluded slavery, but the people were divided in sen-
timent, the Democrats being the political allies of
the South, while the Republicans were their opponents ;
all of the latter being hostile to the extension of
slavery beyond its then existing limits, and some of
them advocating its total abolition.

The genius of the United or Federal Government,
to which all the States are subject, was always adverse
to slavery. But the American Constitution reserves
to each State the power to regulate its own domestic
institutions. Every State has its own self-elected
Governor and Houses of Representatives, by whom all
local taxes are levied, and all laws relating to that
particular State enacted. The Federal Government
has authority only over tariff and currency, with postal
and other arrangements in which all the States are in-
terested in common, and especially in foreign relations
and in questions of peace or war. It was evidently
the interest of the South to exalt the independent
power of the separate States, in order to preserve and
extend their favourite institution of slavery. Equally
was it the interest of those who opposed slavery to
exalt the Federal Government in its control of the



232 International Relations.

separate States. The favourers of the independent
power of the States are called "Democrats"; while
those who would exalt the Federal Government are
the " Republicans." " Copperhead," the name of a
species of snake, was a term of opprobrium given to
those in the North who favoured the rebels. " War-
Democrats " were for war with persistent rebels, but
would concede everything to secure their return to
the Union. Speaking generally, the Southerners in-
tensely hate this country ; the Democrats in the North
are scarcely less hostile ; while the Republicans, who
constitute by far the most intelligent and influential
of the citizens, including the Churches and their clergy,
are our true friends and allies, but are deeply wounded
by, and many of them indignant at, what they con-
sider the wrongful treatment they received at our
hands. Their expressions of resentment are not to
be regarded as those of an enemy, but of a true friend
greatly pained, whose love remains deep though dor-
mant, capable of being awakened, and of a sort worth
taking any pains, consistently with national honour,
to revive and retain.

In illustration of Southern sentiment, I will relate
an incident which occurred in a railwav-car near Rich-



International Relations. 233

mond. The Governor of Virginia, Mr. Pierpoint, had
hospitably entertained me at his official residence ;
and was escorting me to view the great battle-field
near Petersburg, where at length Grant broke through
Lee's lines, at the distance of fifty miles from the
Confederate capital. The Governor introduced me
to a Southern planter and clergyman, who was in the
carriage, and who at once addressed me in a very
excited manner and with loud tones, so that he at-
tracted the attention of upwards of thirty people who
were in the car, and became his audience. He at
once plunged into the subject of the war; denounc-
ing the Yankees, their folly in trying to educate the
niggers, and the doings of the Freed-Men's Aid
Society; saying that the Southerners knew best how
to treat their own servants, that they would not be
interfered with, and that the Yankees should never
govern them. He added, " I was a rebel — I've no
apology to make — I'm not ashamed of it — I avow it."
I ventured to interpose the remark that at least he
must admit that the conquerors ruled very mildly
when an avowed rebel was allowed to talk so strongly
against the Government in the presence of a promis-
cuous company, and before the Governor himself.



234 International Relations.

At this the planter became furious, and standing up
at his utmost height, clenching his fist, and shaking it
at the Governor who sat quietly smiling beside him,
said in the loudest voice, " Governor ! who's the
Governor? I'm as good as any Governor — I'm a
gentleman of Virginia !" He then went on to de-
nounce England, and said he hoped to see the day
when the Republican movement would cross the
Atlantic, headed by Yankee gun-boats, and carrying
devastation all round our coasts. Such a crusade
would make the North and the South one again. I
said, " This seems hard. The North are angry with
us because we sympathized with you ; and you seem
to give us no thanks for it, but hate us for our sup-
posed good-will." " Yes," said he, " and it's the fate
of all trimmers. Why didn't you recognize us, and
break the blockade ? But like all who try to sit be-
tween two stools, you tumbled down, and are hated
by both of us."

Similar illustrations might be endlessly multiplied.
None are necessary. A people maintaining slavery
— breeding, buying, selling, separating, flogging,
branding, killing men and women, asserting a power
over them as " chattels," and claiming divine authority



International Relations. 235

to do this, must hate a nation which, in spite of some
apparent sympathy on political grounds, never ceased
to repudiate, condemn, and abhor slavery as the most
flagrant violation of human rights and of the laws of
Christ.

When I was in New York I attended a mass-meet-
ing of Democrats in the Cooper Institute. A barrister
was addressing an immense audience in view of an
approaching election, and the burden of his speech
was enmity to Great Britain and the negro race, He
uttered the most egregious falsehoods respecting our
country, and indulged in the most violent threats, all
of which were responded to with rapturous and wild
enthusiasm by the excited multitude. I was eager to
go to the front and defend my country from those vile
slanders, feeling sure I could gain the ear of the
assembly, and in a few sentences expose the folly and
falsehood of the orator. But the friend who accom-
panied me pulled me violently away and almost forced
me out of the hall, assuring me that an attempt on
my part to address that audience on behalf of England
would be perilous to my life. He was a citizen of
New York, and said he knew the nature of that meet-
ing too well to allow me to attempt to speak there.



International Relations.



Granting that many there were Irish, and Fenians, I
could not but feel that it would be impossible to con-
vene a public or " mass-meeting " anywhere in Great
Britain where hostile sentiments towards America
would be thus received, or where it would be perilous
to attempt a reply.

The Irish element in the population has consider-
able influence on international politics. Unhappily,
the Irish emigrants land there cherishing an unreason-
ing and deadly hatred towards Great Britain. They
almost invariably join the Democratic party, as the
one most hostile to us, and also as most opposed to
the negro race, competitors with them in the labour-
market. I was grieved and indignant to hear the
same Irish yells of applause at the denunciation of
what was called British tyranny towards them, repeated
as emphatically at denunciations of the negro. The
real slavery of the latter they seemed ready to re-
enact with all its horrors, while vehemently protesting
against any appearance of political unfairness towards
themselves. The votes of the Irish in many constitu-
encies are sufficient to turn the elections in favour of
the Democrats. Hence there is a disposition on the
part of some unscrupulous politicians to curry favour



International Relations.



237



with them by fostering their anti-British prejudices.
He who says the bitterest things against us is most
likely to win their applause and their votes. There
can be no doubt that any hostile policy towards Great
Britain, however unjust and foolish, would find strenu-
ous supporters amongst the Southerners, the Demo-
crats, and the Irish population.

But the bulk of American citizenship, as evidenced
in the recent election of President Grant, is composed
of the Republican party. Here are our true allies.
They include the principal merchants, the men of
letters, the professors of the universities, the clergy,
the various Christian Churches, and the bulk of the
more thoughtful and industrious men of the popula-
tion. All their associations, their old memories, their
national sympathies, their political sentiments, their
religious feelings, their philanthropic labours, as well
as their commercial interests, link them with us.
They cherish a deep reverence and love for the old
country in spite of all they sometimes say to the con-
trary. Had we maintained a more friendly attitude
towards them through their struggle, we should have
cemented them to us for ever. We may yet do so.
But the wound is deep and will require promptitude,



238 International Relations.

patience, and generosity in healing it. Healed it may
be ; and there cannot be a work for the present genera-
tion more important in its bearings on the interests of
the two countries and the welfare of the world.

There are some Republicans whose sense of wrong
is ever ready for expression, and not in the mildest
terms. I had a specimen of this one day at Philadel-
phia. I was introduced to a leading barrister at the
door of the Court-house, who, within a minute of salu-
tation, said, in tones intended no doubt to make me
tremble, but which had the very contrary effect :
" Mind ! we mean to be paid for the Alabama dam-
ages ! If we are your daughter, we're grown up, and
we've got gun-boats." But I am bound to say this
was the only instance in which a rude thing was said
to me by a Republican. I mention it because I de-
sire to give a true picture of all shades of American
sentiment ; and it cannot be doubted that there are
many who feel and speak as he did, and who would
be too ready to sanction a policy of defiance and ex-
orbitant claims, which could have only one result,
and that the most disastrous to both countries.

But all through New England, in the Western
States, in the State of New York, amongst all ranks,



International Relations. 239

I found the same deep sense of injury, expressed, how-
ever, not as those of an enemy, but of a friend griev-
ously wronged. I cannot do better than report what
took place at a clerical meeting in New York, called
the Chi-Alpha, or Christian Brotherhood. About
thirty of the most learned, eloquent, and influential of
the clergy of different Churches were assembled.
Having responded to their invitation to speak on the
relations of Great Britain to America, I asked them to
favour me severally with their view of our conduct,
and of the feelings of Americans, intimating that I
might make use of the notes I took of what they said.
The following is a specimen of the statements which
were then frankly given.

A. "At the beginning of the war we were intensely
sensitive in regard to the opinion of the world, and
especially of Great Britain, the circumstances being
so new. We were certain that slavery would have to
go. The South said they had nothing to complain of


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