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induced Hawthorne and his companions to join with him
and Captain Frost of Kittery in a stratagem which should
place the Indians in their power. This was to beguile


them into a sham fight, in which the savages should fire
first, when the Puritan captains should close upon them
and capture them without bloodshed. The ruse succeeded,
and the Massachusetts captains returned to Boston with
some two hundred of the captured Indians, of whom a few
were executed as murderers, and the rest sold into slavery
in the West Indies or at the South. Rev. William Hub-
bard, the Puritan historian, who saw no evil in this treach-
ery, says, complacently:

"They had their lives spared, but were sent into other
parts of the world, to try the difference between the
friendship of their neighbors here, and their service with
other masters elsewhere."

It was no worse than Louis XIV. of France was to do
a few years later with the hostile Iroquois of New York,—
though that was one of the mildest of the crimes of that
grand monarch, celebrated by the flattering priests and
poets of his time as the propagater of Christianity. As
Bancroft tells the story, it was thus:

"The welfare of my service," wrote Louis XIV. to the
Governor of New France "requires that the number of
the Iroquois should be diminished as much as possible.
They are strong and robust, and can be made useful as
galley slaves. Do what you can to take a large number of
them prisoners of war, and ship them for France." By
open hostilities no captives could be made; and Lamber-
ville, a missionary among the Onondagas, was unconsciously
employed to decoy the Iroquois chiefs into the fort on Lake
Ontario. Invited to negotiate a treaty, they assemble
without distrust, are surprised, put in irons, hurried to
Quebec, thence to France, and chained to the oar in the
galleys of Marseilles.

This treachery of the French king was not directly
punished; and, indeed, Waldron's cruelty, though the cause
of the Indian wars of the next year or two, along the New
England sea-coast, was not personally punished by the
murder of the old Major until 1689, when the French


clergy in Canada were beginning their long crime of incit-
ing Indian wars in New Hampshire, Maine and New York,
in order to check the Protestant colonies in North America.
This, combining with the frequent wars between France
and England, from the expulsion of James II., cousin of
the French king, in i68S, to the capture of Quebec by
Wolfe in 1759, was the immediate cause of the Indian wars
in New Hampshire, which only ceased with the overthrow
of the French power in America. But there was also the
revenge of the unforgiving Indians for cruelty, fraud or
treachery practised upon them; and this was a chief cause
up to about 1685.

In these Colonial wars, there were faults on both sides,
and also virtues on both sides. Many of the Indians were
really friendly to the Colonists; some, no doubt, as old
Passaconaway, chief of the Pawtuckets, had been, from a
just sense of their power; but others for interest or affec-
tion. In the Groton testimonies recorded by Dr. Green,
there are some relating to a certain friendly Indian, Jacob
Nonantinooah, and his accuser, Abraham Miller, which are
worth citing, to show what sort of riff-raff sometimes got
into the Puritan Colony. Josiah Parker, a Groton citizen
of good repute, testified in December, i6gi, in favor of
Jacob, then in prison at Boston, and against his accuser,
as follows:

"He can say of his certain knowledge that he hath
seen the said Jacob every month since the last Indian war
began (in 1689) except it was when Jacob was in the
Country service under the command of Capt. Noah Wis-
wall in the years '89 and '90. He further saith that, as far
as it is possible to know an Indian, he is a friend to the
English, and hath manifested the same both in word and
action . . . expressing himself that it did concern him
so to do; for if they were surprised by the enemy Indians,
he should be worse dealt with than the English. . . . Con-
cerning Abraham Miller, he is a man little to be credited;
for on the 2nd day of this December, Lt. Bowers and I at


Mr. Somers's in Charlestown, discoursing him, and telling
h-im. he was mistaken, for these Indians were not at Canada
when he charged them, — said Abraham Miller said,
'Zounds, if he ever saw them Indians again out of prison,
he would kill them;' and being cautioned a little, to be
sober-minded, he broke out with an oath, 'that if he were
but out of the country himself, he wished the Indians
would knock out the brains of every person in New Eng-
land.' This was spoke before Mr. Somers and his wife and
several others. Being asked some time after, whether he
was not in a passion, he replied, 'No, — he was of the same
mind still; that if he were out of the country, he did not
care of all the rest were knocked their brains out.'"

Who and how many were these savages that gave our
ancestors so much trouble?

An old authority says there were five principal nations
of them in New England, — the Pequots in Connecticut,
the Narragansetts in Rhode Island, the Pokanokets in
Southern Massachusetts, the Pawtuckets in northern
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and the Abenakees in
Maine. The Penacooks seem to have been a branch of the
Pawtuckets, while the Chocoruas and Norridgewocks were
Abenakees. In 1675, Bancroft estimates their whole num-
ber in New England, west of the St. Croix river, and
including the Mohegans, at 30,000; of whom 25,000 were
south and west of the Pascataqua, and 5,000 in the Maine
forests. At the same time he estimates the whites at

So much harm had these savages done to the infant
colonies that in 1684, shortly before his removal, at the
instance of Lord Halifax, Cranfield, the tyrannical Gov-
ernor of New Hampshire, who then hoped to be appointed
over all New England, formed a plan for inviting the cruel
Mohawks from their New York home, to destroy the Pena-
cooks and other eastern Indians. In connection with this
plan, which never took effect, we have the humble suppli-


t:ation of Kancamagus, Sagamore of the Penacooks, to
Cranfield for aid against the Mohawks:

"(Pe^acook), May 15, 1685.

'■'■ HonoT'ed Governor, my Friend-'

"You my friend, I desire your worship and your power,
because I hope you can do some great matters, this one
(time). I am poor and naked, and I have no man at my
place, because I afraid allways Mohogs he will kill me every
day and night. If your worship when please pray help me,
you no let Mohogs kill me at my place Malamake (Merri-
mack) River, called Panukkog (Penacook) and Nattukkog
(Naticook) I will submit your worship and your power.
And now I want powder and such alminishon, shot and
guns, because I have fort at my home, and plant there.

"This all Indian hand, but pray do you consider your
humble servant,


This was his Indian choice for an English name,
instead of the lofty sounding "Kancamagus." The peti-
tion was endorsed by fourteen of his tribe, among them
"Old Robin," who seems to have lived on a hill at Chelms-
ford. It was at Chelmsford, four years later, that the col-
onists received word of the proposed attack on the garri-
sons of Waldron, Coffin, etc., at Dover; but it did not get
to Portsmouth or Dover till the mischief had been done.
Hogkins, or Hawkins, was then thought to have been the
contriver of the plot which so bloodily succeeded.

I will not dwell on the barbarity of these wars, and
the great losses they inflicted on our ancestors in the older
towns of New Hampshire; the story is familiar to your
Society, and I might be trenching on the ground of other
speakers. But the persistent effect of this long warfare
was two-fold. It kept back the tide of colonization, which,
after 1760, ran so speedily over the wooded hills and grassy
valleys of our State; and turned it aside to other parts of


New England, less exposed to raids by the savage warriors.
Hence our population was kept small; but hence, also, it
was a people trained to arms and to guerilla warfare, as few
of the American colonists were, except those who after-
wards fought the Indians in Kentucky and Tennessee.
For sixty years, from 1689 to 1759, the young men of New
Hampshire were forced to be fighters, by land or sea,
against the Indians and the French; and this experience
gave them that fitness for the long military service of the
Revolution, in which they bore so conspicuous a part. I
have dwelt upon this in my History of New Hampshire,
and have said there, what I have long felt, that this outside
pressure from the Indians, and the less warlike, but equally
offensive, pressure from English landlords and Massachu-
setts monopolizers of political power, consolidated our
forefathers into a compact force, difficult to overcome, and
gave its peculiar character to them as a Province and a
Stat J.

Incidentally I may remark that this evil business of
stirring up a savage race to take part in a war between
nations calling themselves civilized is by no means peculiar
to the French, though used by the French clergy in a way
that heightened the natural animosity between Catholics
and Protestants in New England and New York. When
the Revolution came on, British emissaries stirred up the
Cherokees and other Southern Indians to fight against the
patriots, and Burgoyne and the Tories led large bodies of
Indians to commit atrocities in various parts of the North.
After the peace of 1783, the same artifices were employed
by British officers at the West, and the War of 181 2 gave
examples of English alliance with savages. In India Eng-
land has used one set of natives in war against others; the
Sultan constantly uses the barbarous Kurds and other
irregulars against his Christian subjects or adversaries;
and the Tsar utilizes the half-savage Cossacks in the same
way. Our needless and fruitless Philippine War showed
our Republic utilizing the same bad instruments, — partic-


ularly in the disgraceful treachery which made Aguinaldo
so long a captive in Manila. The pending treaties of arbi-
tration, or other international means of mitigating the
horrors of war, ought to provide that no Christian nation
shall ever resort to what Chatham denounced so vehe-
mently,— "The means which God and Nature placed in
your hands."

Indeed, savage warfare has little or no mitigations.
Our red Indians, on more than one occasion, not only tor-
tured and burned their foes but actually cooked and ate
them. That industrious and entertaining author, St. John
de Crevecosur, who called himself the "American Farmer,"
though a Frenchman from Normandy, and wrote the best
accounts of Colonial life from 1760 to the close of our
Revolution, is a witness on this subject. He was an ofificer
under Montcalm in the campaigns of 1757-58 around Lake
George, and was present at the Indian massacre after the
surrender of Fort William Henry, He says in his MS.
a;count of that affair, of which he afterwards printed a
part in French, that he saw the Indians put into their
kettles portions of our soldiers whom they had killed; and
he relates a conversation with an Indian chief, in which the
latter defends the practice of such cannibals. It was this
accomplished and amiable Frenchman who furnished Ver-
mont with its melodious name and its escutcheon. St.
John had himself leen adopted into an Indian tribe, and in
his correspondence with Lis son Alexander, during the
dangerous days of the French Revolution, while he and
his family were in France or Germany, after finally leaving
America, St. John gave to himself and to them Indian
names, in order to disguise their identity, should his letters
be opened by the secret police. Like our New Hampshire
map-maker. Dr. Langdon of Portsmouth, a copy of whose
original map of New Hampshire and Vermont, with parts
of Canada, I lay before you tonight, — Crevecoeur had made
a map of about the same date (1756-57), which, like this
one, has never been engraved, but exists in the French war


office at Paris, just as he sent it over from Canada. He
was a dozen years younger than Dr. Langdon, and outlived
him by a few more years than that.

I do not wish to be understood as taking the side of
the savage in these Indian wars of New Hampshire.
Whether it would be possible now to get along with a forest-
ranging set of tribes, ever at war with one another, without
the sort of warfare which our forefathers waged, I should
not wish to assert. But at that time, with liquors so uni-
versally used and sold, and with the thirst of this race for
that stimulant, it was not, humanly speaking, possible to
avoid savage warfare. To whichever side the first blame
fell, it presently involved both, and the only alternative to
the extirpation of the Protestant colonists was the exter-
mination, — that is, the removal, of the New Hampshire
Indians. They gradually removed themselves to Canada,
New York and Maine; then came in Dr. Wheelock with
his Connecticut charity school for Indian youths, which
was the nest-egg of Dartmouth College; but which Dr.
Wheelock himself, in the Revolution, was anxious to trans-
fer to Sir Wilham Johnson's rich manor in the Mohawk
Valley. It failed, in New Hampshire, to attract any large
number of educable Indians; and as a college for our
own race has been far more widely useful. The present
facilities in the South and West for training Indian boys
and girls are doing a good work, but we have reason to be
satisfied with the virtual absence of these picturesque but
ungovernable heritors, who have left to our mixture of
European races the lakes, forests and rivers of the Granite

2 Si

By John C. French

The following valuable sketch of the McClarys of Epsom was written
for the Suncook Valley Times, and published in a series of articles in
that paper. As these are not to be obtained now, it is believed its pubi-
cation in more permanent form will be gladly received by those interested
in the subject. — Editor.

/^^>^HE old town of Epsom has furnished many worthy
' ^ I , men, who have held prominent positions of trust
and honor in the state and nation; but none stand
out in so bold relief, or are more worthy of remembrance
than the McClarys. In fact, no family in the Suncook
Valley fills so large a place in its history or in the hearts of
the people. For nearly a century, the McClarys were the
leading, influential men in our civil, political and military
affairs, and were identified with all the important events
and measures that received the attention and governed the
acts of the successive generations during that long period
of time. There is something mournful in the thought,
however, that a family and name, once so familiar in our
midst, is but a record of the past, and that no lineal male
descendant is living to inherit the honors so dearly won by
a noble ancestry, or to transmit the name to a grateful pos-
terity. And it is strange that so little has been written or
preserved concerning their noble deeds and many years'
service in public life, and that no testimonials are in exist-
ence, except public records, to aid in preserving their

""""°"^^'' 1163323

*A bronze memorial tablet in honor of Major Andrew McClary was
unveiled at Epsom, August 25, 1905, with appropriate exercises. The
tablet, which has been secured through the efforts of the Epsom Histor-
ical Club, is attached to a granite pillar, weighing 5,200 pounds, erected
on the site of the old block house erected for the protection of the early
inhabitants, and near the old training field in which Andrew McClary was
plowing when a messenger brought the news of the Battle of Lexington. —



We know of no instance in our State, where history
has so sadly neglec ed to do justice to a family which has
rendered so efficient service in defending the rights, and
promoting the interests of our commonwealth and nation,
as in this instance. The only official effort made to per-
petuate the name, as of national interest, has been to
honor one of the fortifications of Portsmouth harbor with
the name Fort McClary, and a privateer, which had but a
short existence. The name of only one. Major Andrew
McClary, appears in our printed histories, while _several
others of the family are equally deserving of mention.

The early proprietors and settlers of Epsom were of
good English stock, though there was a small company of
Scotch-Irish from Londonderry who bought land here
about 1738. Among the number were the McClarys, Mc-
Coys, McGaffeys, Dickeys, Wallaces, Knoxes, etc. These
Scotch-Irish were a peculiar race, not liked by the English.
They were of pure Scotch descent, with the broad dialect,
and many of the customs peculiar to their ancestry. They
resided for a long time in the north of Ireland, where they
suffered a series of oppressions and persecutions which
which would have disheartened and subdued ordinary men.
The famous seige of Derry is fresh in the mind of every
student of history, where, for eight long months, these
Scotch-Irish defended their city against the assaults of a
powerful Irish army. History furnishes no parallel to the
bravery, suffering, valor and endurance displayed in that
memorable seige. They fought for their homes and the
Protestant religion with want, famine and destruction star-
ing them in the face. Horses, dogs, cats, rats and mice
were choice morsels of food, before they received succor
from England and drove back the beseigers. But in after
years, with rents, taxes, and the annoyances of Catholo-
cism, many were induced to emigrate to the cheap, fertile
soils of America, and a few families founded a settlement
in Londonderry in 1719, under the ministry of Rev. James
McGregor. The history of this settlement is the most


important and entertaining in the unwritten history of
New Hampshire. Among the descendants of this people,
now numbering over sixty thousand, have been found many
of the ablest men of the nation in all the walks of life.
The Bells, Starks,* Thorntons, McKeens, McNeils, Reeds,
McClarys were of this stock, besides many others who
have done much to give character, wealth and reputation
to the state and make New Hampshire what she is.

This colony first introduced the culture of the potato
and flax, also the spinning and weaving of linen. They
were high-spirited, outspoken, industrious, hardy, jovial
and immovably attached to the principles of the Protestant
religion. Among the number who felt the wrongs and
oppressions, and sought asylum for himself and children in
the wilderness of New England, was Andrew McClary.
He soon died,t but two of his sons, Andrew and John,
grew to manhood and settled in Epsom, where they carved
for themselves a farm and fortune. By the records we find
that Andrew McClaryl held town office in 1739, and for
eighty-three successive years some members of the family
were promoted to positions of trust and power by their
townsmen. Epsom at that time was a frontier town, with
a few scattering pioneers, striving to find a "local habita-
tion and a name" in the unbroken forests.

Theodore Atkinson was a leading spirit among the
proprietors in encouraging a few families to push a settle-
ment so far into the woods. None of the adjoining towns
were settled till many years afterwards. This was nearly

*This is in part an error. The Starks were not of Scotch ancestry,
though the wife of Archibald Stark was a Scotch woman. The paternal
ancestors were from Hesse, Germany. — Editor.

tHe seemed to have settled in Nottingham at an early date (1727),
as he was chosen selectman March 26, 1733. He removed to Epsom in
1738, with his sons John and Andrew. — Editor,

^Evidently an error, and it was Andrew McClary, Sr., who first held
ofifice in Epsom. — Editor.


thirty years before Chichester, Pittsfield or Barnstead was
settled; twenty years before Concord received its present
name; over twenty years before Northwood and Deerfield
were incorporated, and thirty-six years before the Revo-
lution. The first settlement of the Stincook Valley was
here, and not a tree was cut between this and Canada, and
not a clearing or friendly smoke or any signs of civilization
to break the monotony of the unbounded forest and to
cheer the loneliness of the early settlers.

The sentiment that prompted the line, "Oh! for a
lodge in some vast wilderness," could have here been grat-
ified. Meagre, indeed^ are the records and traditions con-
cerning these hardy foresters during their many years of
border life before the Revolution. Nottingham fort* was
the nearest neighbors and the asylum for safety. The
Indians frequented the valley, and bears, wildcats, deer
and catamounts prowled througli the forests undisturbed.
The proprietors finally built a block house or garrison for
refuge, in case of danger, near Andrew McClary's, and the
old foundation was disturbed recently by building the
house of Augustus Lord. Mrs. McCoy and family were
hastening to it when captured by the Indians in 1747.

Andrew and John McClary were the leading influen-
tial men in all town or military affairs. Leaving John,
who, for half a century, was a prominent man in public
life, for future sketches, we will endeavor to relate some
incidents in the life of his more romantic and adventurous
brother. Major Andrew McClary.

In these "piping times of peace," ease and prosperity,
we can faintly realize the times, manners, customs, hard-
ship, dangers, privations and the rough life led by these
wild woodsmen of a hundred and fifty years ago. Clear-
ing, burning, hunting, scouting and prospecting required
strength, bravery and endurance, while the rough sports.

*This garrison house stood on what is now known as "the main" road
in Deerfield, about one-half mile below the Parade. — Editor.


wrestling, boxing, etc., especially of the Scotch-Irish,
tested the strength and agility of the participants. Only
the men who excelled in these tests of strength and skill
were the popular leaders of the day. In all such labors
and pastimes Andrew McClary was the acknowleged cham-
pion. He stood over six feet in height, straight as an
arrow, finely proportioned, symmetrical of form, muscles
well developed, rough and ready, jovial, generous, with a
stentorian voice, blue eyes, florid complexion and such an
one as would be picked from a thousand as evidently **born
to command." He possessed all the qualifications of a
successful and popular border leader. It is said that in a
barroom scuffle at Portsmouth, one night, six men
attempted to put him out of the room, when he turned
upon them with his herculean strength and threw them
all out of the window.

During the French and Indian War Epsom was one
of the frontier towns. The people lived in fear of the
scalping knife and tomahawk, and suffered by the incur-
sions of the prowling savages. Garrisons were established
at Epsom, Buckstreet, Pembroke and a fort at Canterbury.
Government frequently sent small detachments of troops
up through this section scouting for the enemy and to pro-
tect and encourage the settlers. Captain Andrew McClary
was the leading man in this region in all military matters
and rendered the colony efficient service during the peril-
ous times. He had the personal acquaintance of the high-
est officials of the colony, and such noted fighters and
rangers as Stark, Goffe, Rogers, and others. His name
frequently appears on the State records. In 1755 he
applied to Governor Wentworth and obtained a company
of troops to go in search of the Indians that committed
the massacre and captured the McCall family at Salisbury.
At another time he obtained a small company to aid in
doing garrison duty at Epsom, while the Indians were seen
lurking about. As an officer he was ever ready for any
exposure or danger, while his men had the most implicit


confidence in his ability and integrity. His command was
authoritative and no man refused obedience. In case of
an emergency, he could swear enough for a battalion;
enough to frighten the the Penacooks out of the Suncook
Valley, and cause the old Scotch Coventers, to hold up
their hands in holy horror. He built a one-story frame

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