Oliver Cromwell.

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LETTER CXXXIII. To Hon. W. Lenthall : London, 20

June 1650 .... 7
On behalf of Alderman Hooke of Bristol

CXXXIV. To R. Mayor, Esq. : Almvick, 17

July 1650 .... 9

Concerning his Son and Daughter-in-law.

CXXXV. To President Bradshaw : Mussel-
burgh, 30 July 1650 . .12
Appearance before Edinburgh : Lesley within his Lines.

CXXXVI. To Scots Committee of Estates : Mus-

selburgh, 3 Aug. 1650 . . 16

Remonstrates on their dangerous Courses, on their
unchristian Conduct towards him.

CXXXVI I. To Gen. Lesley : Camp at Pentland

Hills, 14 Aug. 1650 . .21
Answer to Lesley's Message and Declaration.

CXXXVIII. To the Council of State : Mussel-
burgh, 30 Aug. 1650. . . 25

Progress of the Scotch Campaign : Skirmish on the
Stirling Road, no Battle ; Retreat to the eastward again.




LETTER CXXXIX. To Sir A. Haselrig : Dunbar, 2 Sept.

1650 . . . , .30

Day before Dunbar Battle.

PROCLAMATION : The Wounded on the Field . . .38

LETTER CXL. To Hon. \V. Lenthall : Dunbar, 4 Sept.

1650 . . ... 39

Of Dunbar Battle : This Letter and the next Five.

CXLI. To Sir A. Haselrig : same date . . 47

CXLII. To President Bradshaw : same date . 49

CXLI 1 1. To Mrs. Cromwell : same date . .51

CXLIV. To R. Mayor, Esq.: same date . .52

CXLV. To Lieut.-Gen. Ireton : same date . -S3

CXLVI. To Lord Wharton : same date . .55
Wharton's Doubts again.

CXLVII. To Governor Dundas : Edinburgh, 9 Sept.

1650 . . .59

Has offered to let the Ministers of Edinburgh Castle
preach in the City : Rebuke for their Refusal.

CXLVIII. To the same : Edinburgh, 12 Sept. 1650 . 6?
Second more deliberate Rebuke, with Queries.


PROCLAMATION : Inhabitants have free Leave to come

and go . . . .70

LETTER CXLIX. To President Bradshaw : Edinburgh,

25 Sept. 1650 . . . .72
Has marched towards Stirling, but been obliged to return.

CL. To Scots Committee of Estates : Lin-

lithgow, 9 Oct. 1650 . . .77

Remonstrates again with them concerning the folly
and impiety of this War.

CLI. To Col. Strahan : Edinburgh, 25 Oct.

1650. . . . . .80

On the foregoing Letter; des\res a Friendly Debate.



PROCLAMATION : Mosstroopers 83

LETTER CLII. To Governor of Borthwick Castle: Edin-
burgh, 1 8 Nov. 1650 ... 84

CLII I. To Hon.W. Lenthall : Edinburgh, 4 Dec.

1650 ...... 85

Progress of Scotch Affairs ; Ker and Strahan.

,, CLIV. To Governor Dundas: Edinburgh, 12

Dec. 1650 ..... 90

This and the Six following, with the Pass and Pro-
clamation, relate to the Siege of Edinburgh Castle.

CLV. To the same

CLVI. To the same

CLVII. To the same

CLVI 1 1. To the same

CLIX. To the same

CLX. To the same

same date . . .91
Edinburgh, 13 Dec. 1650 93
Edinburgh, 14 Dec. 1650 95
same date . . -95
Edinburgh, 18 Dec. 1650 97

same date ... 98



LETTER CLXI. To Hon. W. Lenthall : Edinburgh, 24

Dec. 1650 ..... 100

Edinburgh Castle surrendered.

CLXII. To Col. Hacker : Edinburgh, 25 Dec.

1650 102

Captain Empson's Commission cannot be revoked.
Censures a phrase of Hacker's.

CLXIII. To Gen. Lesley: Edinburgh, 17 Jan.

1650-1 104

Provost Jaffray, Rev. Messrs. \Vaugh and Carstairs.

CLXIV. To Scots Committee of Estates : Edin-
burgh, 17 Jan. 1650-1 . . 108

Augustin the German Mosstrooper.



LETTER CLXV. To Committee of Army: Edinburgh, 4

Feb. 1650-1 . . . .no
Symonds, and the Medal for Dunbar Battle.

CLXVI. To Rev. Dr. Greenwood : Edinburgh,

4 Feb. 1650-1 . . . .114
Has been elected Chancellor of Oxford University.

CLXVII. To the same: Edinburgh, 1 4 Feb. 1650-1 117
Waterhouse : For an Oxford Degree.

CLXVIII. To Hon. W. Lenthall : Edinburgh, 8

March 1650-1 . . . .118
Intercedes for Col. Robert Lilburn.

,, CLXIX. To the same : Edinburgh, 1 1 March

1650-1 120

Durham University.

CLXX. To President Bradshaw: Edinburgh, 24

March 1650-1 . . . .123

Has been dangerously unwell ; Thanks for their in-
quiring after him.

CLXXI. To Mrs. Cromwell: Edinburgh, 12 April

1651 ..... 124

Domestic. The Lord Herbert. Richard and the
other Children,-

CLXXII. To Hon. A. Johnston: Edinburgh, 12

April 1651 . . . .126

Public Registers of Scotland.


LETTER CLXXI 1 1. To Mrs. Cromwell : Edinburgh, 3

May 1651 . . . . 133

Domestic. Regards to his Mother.

CLXXIV. To President Bradshaw : Edinburgh,

3 June 1651 .... 134

Dangerous Relapse ; now recovering : Drs. Wright
and Bates.

CLXXV. To Hon. W. Lenthall : Linlithgow,

21 July 1651 . . .137

Invcrkeithing Fight.



LETTER CLXXVI. To President Bradshaw : Dunclas,

24 July 1651 . . .139

Gone over to Fife.

CLXXVI I. To the same : Linlithgov., 26 July

1651 140

Inchgarvie surrendered.

CLXXVI II. To R. Mayor, Esq. : Burntisland, 28

July 1651 . . . 142

Rebukes his Son Richard for excess in expenditure.

CLXXIX. To Hon. W. Lenthall : Burntisland,

29 July 1651 . . . 144

Burntisland. Army mostly in Fife.

CLXXX, To the same : Leith, 4 Aug. 1651 . 145
St. Johnston taken : the Enemy suddenly gone southward.

CLXXXI. To Lord Wharton : Stratford-on-

Avon, 27 Aug. 1651 . . 150
Wharton "s Doubts once more.

BATTLE OF WORCESTER . . . . . .152

LETTER CLXXXII. To Hon. W. Lenthall : near Wor-
cester, 3 Sept. 1651 . . 155
Battle of Worcester.

CLXXXIII. To the same : Worcester, 4 Sept.

1651 . . 157

The same.



LETTER CLXXXI V. To Rev. J. Cotton: London, 2 Oct.

1651 170

Reflections on Public Affairs ; what Prophecies are
now fulfilling.



LETTER CLXXXV. To Mr. Hungerford : London, 30

July 1652 . . . .181

Note on Private: Business.

CLXXXVI. To A. Hungerford, Esq. : Cockpit,

10 Dec. 1652 . . . 187

Not at Home when Hungerford called.

CLXXXVI I. To Lieutenant-General Fleetwood :

Cockpit, 1652 . . 189

Domestic-Devotional. Difference between Love and
Fear in matters of Religion.

CLXXXVIII. To Mr. Parker: Whitehall, 23

April 1653 . . . .196
Riot in the Fen-Country.


SPEECH I. Opening of the Little Parliament, 4 July 1653 199

Retrospective : aim of all these Wars and Struggles ;
chief events of them ; especially dismissal of the Long
Parliament. Prospective : dayspring of divine Pro-
phecy and Hope, to be struggled towards, though
with difficulty. Demits his authority into their hands.

LETTER CLXXXIX. To Lieutenant-General Fleetwood:

Cockpit, 22 Aug. 1653 . . 233
Complains ; heart-weary of the strife of Parties :
Moses and the Two Hebrews.

CXC. To Committee of Customs : Cock-

pit, Oct. 1653 . . . 235

In remonstrance for a poor Suitor to them.

CXCI. To H. Weston, Esq.: London, 16

Nov. 1653 .... 236

Excuse for an Oversight : Speldhurst Living.

(Adjoined to this Volume)






THE Scotch People, the first beginners of this grand Puritan
Revolt, which we may define as an attempt to bring the Divine
Law of the Bible into actual practice in men's affairs on the
Earth, are still one and all resolute for that object ; but they are
getting into sad difficulties as to realising it. Not easy to
realise such a thing : besides true will, there need heroic gifts,
the highest that Heaven gives, for realising it ! Gifts which
have not been vouchsafed the Scotch People at present. The
letter of their Covenant presses heavy on these men ; traditions,
formulas, dead letters of many things press heavy on them.
On the whole, they too are but what we call Pedants in con-
duct, not Poets : the sheepskin record failing them, and old
use-and-wont ending, they cannot farther ; they look into a sea



of troubles, shoreless, starless, on which there seems no navi-
gation possible.

The faults or misfortunes of the Scotch People, in their
Puritan business, are many : but properly their grand fault is
this, That they have produced for it no sufficiently heroic man
among them. No man that has an eye to see beyond the
letter and the rubric ; to discern, across many consecrated
rubrics of the Past, the inarticulate divineness too of the Pre-
sent and the Future, and dare all perils in the faith of that !
With Oliver Cromwell born a Scotchman ; with a Hero King
and a unanimous Hero Nation at his back, it might have been
far othenvise. With Oliver born Scotch, one sees not but the
whole world might have become Puritan ; might have struggled,
yet a long while, to fashion itself according to that divine
Hebrew Gospel, to the exclusion of other Gospels not Hebrew,
which also are divine, and will have their share of fulfilment
here ! But of such issue there is no danger. Instead of in-
spired Olivers, glowing with direct insight and noble daring,
we have Argyles, Loudons, and narrow, more or less opaque
persons of the Pedant species. Committees of Estates, Com-
mittees of Kirks, much tied-up in formulas, both of them : a
bigoted Theocracy without the Inspiration ; which is a very
hopeless phenomenon indeed ! The Scotch People are all
willing, eager of heart ; asking, Whitherward? But the Leaders
stand aghast at the new forms of danger ; and in a vehement
discrepant manner some calling, Halt ! others calling, Back-
ward ! others, Forward ! huge confusion ensues. Confusion
which will need an Oliver to repress it ; to bind it up in tight
manacles, if not otherwise; and say, "There, sit there and con-
sider thyself a little !"

The meaning of the Scotch Covenant was, That God's
divine Law of the Bible should be put in practice in these Na-
tions ; verily it, and not the Four Surplices at Allhallowtide,
or any Formula of cloth or sheepskin here or elsewhere which
merely pretended to be it. But then the Covenant says ex-
pressly, there is to be a Stuart King in the business : we can-
not do without our Stuart King ! Given a divine Law of the
Bible on one hand, and a Stuart King, Charles First or Charles
Second, on the other : alas, did History ever present a more
irreducible case of equations in this world ? I pity the poor
Scotch Pedant Governors ; still more the poor Scotch People,


who had no other to follow ! Nay, as for that, the People did
get through, in the end ; such was their indomitable pious
constancy, and other worth and ibrtune : and Presbytery became
a Fact among them, to the whole length possible for it : not
without endless results. But for the poor Governors this irre-
ducible case proved, as it were, fatal ! They have never since,
if we will look narrowly at it, governed Scotland, or even well
known that they were there to attempt governing it. Once
they lay on Dunse Hill, ' each Earl with his regiment of Tenants
round him,' "For Christ's Crown and Covenant;" and never
since had they any noble National act which it was given them
to do. Growing desperate of Christ's Crown and Covenant,
they, in the next generation when our A nnus Mirabilis arrived,
hurried up to Court, looking out for other Crowns and Coven-
ants ; deserted Scotland and her Cause, somewhat basely ;
took to booing and booing for Causes of their own, unhappy
mortals ; and Scotland and all Causes that were Scotland's
have had to go on very much without them ever since ! Which
is a very fatal issue indeed, as I reckon ; and the time for
settlement of accounts about it, which could not fail always,
and seems now fast drawing nigh, looks very ominous to me.
For in fact there is no creature more fatal than your Pedant ;
safe as he esteems himself, the terriblest issues spring from him.
Human crimes are many : but the crime of being deaf to the
God's Voice, of being blind to all but parchments and anti-
quarian rubrics when the Divine Handwriting is abroad on the
sky, certainly there is no crime which the Supreme Powers do
more terribly avenge !

But leaving all that, the poor Scotch Governors, we re-
mark, in that old crisis of theirs, have come upon the despe-
rate expedient of getting Charles Second to adopt the Cove-
nant the best he can. Whereby our parchment formula is
indeed saved ; but the divine fact has gone terribly to the wall !
The Scotch Governors hope otherwise. By treaties at Jer-
sey, treaties at Breda, they and the hard Law of Want toge-
ther have constrained this poor young Stuart to their detested
Covenant ; as the Frenchman said, they have ' compelled him
to adopt it voluntarily.' A fearful crime, thinks Oliver, and
think we. How dare you enact such mummery under High
Heaven ! exclaims he. You will prosecute Malignants ; and,
with the aid of some poor varnish, transparent even to your-


selves, you adopt into your bosom the Chief Malignant ? My
soul come not into your secret ; mine honour be not united
unto you !

In fact, his new Sacred Majesty is actually under way for
the Scotch court ; will become a Covenanted King there. Of
himself a likely enough young man ; very unfortunate he too.
Satisfactorily descended from the Steward of Scotland and
Elizabeth Muir of Caldwell (whom some have called an im-
proper female 1 ) ; satisfactory in this respect, but in others most
unsatisfactory. A somewhat loose young man ; has Bucking-
ham, Wilmot and Company, at one hand of him, and painful
Mr. Livingston and Presbyterian ruling-elders at the other ; is
hastening now, as a Covenanted King, towards such a Theo-
cracy as we described. Perhaps the most anomalous pheno-
menon ever produced by Nature and Art working together in
this World ! He had sent Montrose before him, poor young
man, to try if war and force could effect nothing ; whom in-
stantly the Scotch Nation took, and tragically hanged. 2 They
now, winking hard at that transaction, proffer the poor young
man their Covenant ; compel him to sign it voluntarily, and be
Covenanted King over them.

The result of all which for the English Commonwealth can-
not be doubtful. What Declarations, Papers, Protocols, passed
on the occasion, numerous, flying thick between Edinburgh
and London in late months, shall remain unknown to us. The
Commonwealth has brought Cromwell home from Ireland ; and
got forces ready for him : that is the practical outcome of it.
The Scotch also have got forces ready ; will either invade us,
or (which we decide to be preferable) be invaded by us. 3 Crom-
well must now take up the Scotch coil of troubles, as he did
the Irish, and deal with that too. Fairfax, as we heard, was
unwilling to go ; Cromwell, urging the Council of State to
second him, would fain persuade Fairfax ; gets him still nomi-
nated Commander-in-Chief ; but cannot persuade him ; will
himself have to be Commander-in-Chief, and go.

In Whitlocke and Ludlow* there is record of earnest inter-

1 Horseloads of Jacobite, Anti-Jacobite Pamphlets; Goodall, Father limes, &c,
&c. How it was settled, I do not recollect.
"> Details of the business, in Balfour, iv. g-tt.
3 Commons Journals, 2$th June 1650.
* Whitlooke, pp. 444-6 (j^th June 1650); Ludlew, i,


cessions, solemn conference held with Fairfax in Whitehall,
duly prefaced by prayer to Heaven ; intended on Cromwell's
part to persuade Fairfax that it is his duty again to accept the
chief command, and lead us into Scotland. Fairfax, urged by
his Wife, a Vere of the fighting Veres, and given to Presby-
terianism, dare not and will not go ; sends ' Mr. Rushworth,
his Secretary,' on the morrow, to give up his Commission, 5
that Cromwell himself may be named General-in-Chief. In this
preliminary business, says Ludlow, ' Cromwell acted his part
so to the life that I really thought he wished Fairfax to go.'
Wooden-headed that I was, I had reason to alter that notion
by and by !

Wooden Ludlow gives note of another very singular inter-
view he himself had with Cromwell, 'a little after,' in those
same days or hours. Cromwell whispered him in the House ;
they agreed ' to meet that afternoon in the Council of State' in
Whitehall, and there withdraw into a private room to have a
little talk together. Oliver had cast his eye on Ludlow as a fit
man for Ireland, to go and second Ireton there ; he took him,
as by appointment, into a private room, ' the Queen's Guard-
chamber' to wit ; and there very largely expressed himself.
He testified the great value he had for me, Ludlow; combatted
my objections to Ireland ; spake somewhat against Lawyers,
what a tortuous ungodly jungle English Law was ; spake of
the good that might be done by a good and brave man ; spake
of the great Providences of God now abroad on the Earth ; in
particular ' talked for almost an hour upon the Hundred-and-
tenth Psalm ;' which to me, in my solid wooden head, seemed
extremely singular ! 6

Modern readers, not in the case of Ludlow, will find this
fact illustrative of Oliver. Before setting out on the Scotch
Expedition, and just on the eve of doing it, we too will read
that Psalm of Hebrew David's, which had become English
Oliver's : we will fancy in our minds, not without reflections
and emotions, the largest soul in England looking at this God's
World with prophet's earnestness through that Hebrew Word,
two Divine Phenomena accurately correspondent for Oliver;
the one accurately the prophetic symbol and articulate inter-
pretation of the other. As if the Silences had at length found
utterance, and this was their Voice from out of old Eternity :

* Commons Journals, ubi supra. 6 Ludlow, L 319.


' The Lord said unto my Lord : Sit thou at my right hand
' until I make thine enemies thy footstool. The Lord shall
' send the rod of thy strength out of Zion : rule thou in the
' midst of thine enemies. Thy people shall be willing in the
' day of thy power ; in the beauties of holiness, from the womb
' of the morning : thou hast the dew of thy youth. The Lord
' hath sworn, and will not repent, Thou art a priest forever
' after the order of Melchizedek. The Lord, at thy right hand,
' shall strike through Kings in the day of his wrath. He shall
' judge among the Heathen ; he shall rill the places with the
' dead bodies ; he shall wound the heads over many countries.
' He shall drink of the brook in the way: therefore shall he lift
' up the head.'

In such spirit goes Oliver Cromwell to the Wars. 'A god-
intoxicated man,' as Novalis elsewhere phrases it. I have
asked myself, If anywhere in Modern European History, or
even in ancient Asiatic, there was found a man practising this
mean World's affairs with a heart more filled by the Idea of the
Highest ? Bathed in the Eternal Splendours, it is so he
walks our dim Earth : this man is one of few. He is projected
with a terrible force out of the Eternities, and in the Times and
their arenas there is nothing that can withstand him. It is
great ; to us it is tragic ; a thing that should strike us dumb !
My brave one, thy old noble Prophecy is divine ; older than
Hebrew David ; old as the Origin of Man ; and shall, though
in wider ways than thou supposest, be fulfilled!


HOOKE and his small business, in rapid public times, will
not detain us. Humphrey Hooke, Alderman of Bristol, was
elected to the Long Parliament for that City in 1640; but
being found to have had concern in 'Monopolies,' was, like a
number of others, expelled, and sent home again under a cloud.
The ' service' he did at Bristol Storm, though somewhat need-
ing ' concealment,' ought to rehabilitate him a little in the
charity, at least in the pity, of the Well-affected mind. At all


events, the conditions made with him must be kept ; and we
doubt not were.


' To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker of
the House of Commons: These!

MR. SPEAKER, London, aoth June 1650.

When we lay before Bristol in the Year 1645,
we considered the season of the year, the strength of the
place, and of what importance the reducement thereof would
be to the good of the Commonwealth, and accordingly ap-
plied ourselves to all possible means for the accomplish-
ment of the same ; which received its answerable effect. At
which time, for something considerable done in order to
that end, by Humphrey Hooke, Alderman of that place,
which, for many reasons, is desired to be concealed, his
Excellency the Lord General Fairfax and myself gave him
an Engagement under our hands and seals, That he should
be secured and protected, by the authority of the Parlia-
ment, in the enjoyment of his life, liberty and estate, as
freely as in former times, and as any other person under
the obedience of the Parliament ; notwithstanding any past
acts of hostility, or other thing done by him, in opposition
to the Parliament or assistance of the Enemy. Which En-
gagement, with a Certificate of divers godly persons of that
City concerning the performance of his part thereof, is ready
to be produced.

I understand, that lately an Order is issued out to se-
quester him, whereby he is called to Composition. I thought
it meet therefore to give the honourable Parliament this
account, that he may be preserved from anything of that
nature. For the performance of which, in order to the good
of the Commonwealth, we stand engaged in our faith and


honour. I leave it to you ; and remain, Sir, your most
humble servant, OLIVER CROMWELL.*

On Wednesday z6th June 1650, the Act appointing 'That
' Oliver Cromwell, Esquire, be constituted Captain-General and
' Commander-in-Chief of all the Forces raised or to be raised
' by authority of Parliament within the Commonwealth of Eng-
' land,' 1 was passed. 'Whereupon,' says Whitlocke, 'great cere-
' monies and congratulations of the new General were made to
' him from all sorts of people ; and he went on roundly with
' his business.' Roundly, rapidly; for in three days more, on
Saturday the 29th, ' the Lord General Cromwell went out of
' London towards the North : and the news of him marching
1 northward much startled the Scots.' 2

He has Lambert for Major-General, Cousin Whalley for
Commissary-General ; and among his Colonels are Overton,
whom we knew at Hull ; Pride, whom we have seen in West-
minster Hall ; and a taciturn man, much given to chewing
tobacco, whom we have transiently seen in various places,
Colonel George Monk by name. 3 An excellent officer; listens
to what you say, answers often by a splash of brown juice
merely, but punctually does what is doable of it. Pudding-
headed Hodgson the Yorkshire Captain is also there ; from
whom perhaps we may glean a rough lucent-point or two. The
Army, as my Lord General attracts it gradually from the right
and left on his march northward, amounts atTweedside to some
Sixteen-thousand horse and foot. 4 Rushworth goes with him
as Secretary; historical John ; having now done with Fairfax:
but, alas, his Papers for this Period are all lost to us : it
was not safe to print them with the others; and they are lost!
The Historical Collections, with their infinite rubbish and their
modicum of jewels, cease at the Trial of the King ; leaving us,
fallen into far worse hands, to repent of our impatience, and
regret the useful John !

The following Letters, without commentary, which stingy
space will not permit, must note the Lord General's progress
for us as they can ; and illuminate with here and there a rude
gleam of direct light at first-hand, an old scene very obsolete,
confused, unexplored and dim for us.

* Tanner MSS. (in Gary, ii. 222). J Commons Journals, in die.

5 Whitlocke, pp. 446-7. 3 Life of Monk, by Gumble, his Chaplain.

4 Train, 690; horse, 5,415; foot, 10,249; in toto, 16,354 (Cromwelliana, p. 85).



DOROTHY CROMWELL, we are happy to find, has a ' little
brat ;' but the poor little thing must have died soon : in No-
ble's inexact lists there is no trace of its ever having lived.

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