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gathering of American Single Taxers are urged to make
early reservations and to submit any suggestions to Secre-
tary P. R. Williams at the office of the Henry Georgf
Foundation, 324 Fourth Avenue, Pittsburgh.

Announcement by Mr. Collins

I AM pleased to announce that in future issues of LANI
AND FREEDOM, the editor permitting, I am going t
deal with some personalities. I do not refer to persona
ities in the commonly understood meaning of the ex
pression. I mean just this: As our world is moved
opinion, I would like to "anatomize" so to speak, th<
opinions of the opinionated; of those temporarily promi
nent persons who, by the written or spoken word, ar
now seeking to direct the thinking of the America)!
people at a time that seems to me to be more preg
nant with tendencies and events affecting human welfar
than any previous period in recorded history.

I feel that a not ill-natured attempt, from time to timt
to dissect the opinions of the opinion-makers and revej
their ratiocinative processes ought to be diverting if nc
instructive to your readers. JOHN COLLINS.

FATHER COUGHLIN predicts a disaster worse tha
the French Revolution should the Roosevelt policic
fail. Well, the French Revolution came on because statet
men of the old regime refused to relieve industry of taxi
tion as Turgot had urged, and refused to put taxes on Ian
values. Will Father Coughlin please take notice that trj
Roosevelt policies consist largely of the same obstinal



Ain't Larceny Grand

PIME was when crime standards were low too low

*- so low, in fact, that the piker who stole a shilling was
included in the grand larceny class of the light-fingered
gentry. But times have changed. The march of civiliza-
tion has lifted, figuratively as well as literally, the spoils
and titles of thieves to a higher plane.

Today the two-bit snitcher no longer rates in the grand
larceny class. No sir, this insect of pikerdom is now where
he belongs down with the infantile misdeameanists, and
rightly so. It is difficult enough for respectable pick-
pockets, thieves and burglars to maintain the felonious
distinctions of their profession without dragging along
these shilling-squeezers who once held their heads as high
as any pound-sterling pilferers in the bloomin', balmy
days of bonny England. Away with the blighters!

Today one no longer crashes the grand larceny class
unless one lifts, in our intellectual old Bay State, at least
one hundred sound American dollars, plus one cent. One
must needs be careful to grab the extra penny because
if one fails so to do one will fall from a full professorship
in the grand larceny elite and find one's self down with
the petit larcenists. One cannot be too careful of one's
rating, in these days of hetic competition, and one should
go upon one's "evil errand bent" prepared to make change
down to the last, aforesaid, penny.

Our present-day statutes still play pranks, however,
in offering distinguishment to money marauderers. To

"Whoever steals in a building, ship, vessel or railroad
car shall be punished by imprisonment in the state prison
for not more than five years or by a fine of not more than
five hundred dollars or by imprisonment in jail for not
more than two years."

Stealing in subways, balloons, Ford cars and Moth planes
is not specifically included in the aforesaid specific build-
ings, ships, etc., so watch your step if you would rate a
diploma entitling you to state prison, a five hundred
dollar fine or a vacation in a less distinguished, common

If you draw a fine of $500 in lieu of five years in state
prison or two years in jail higher mathematics discloses
that the $500 alternative is at the rate of $100 per year
against the state prison, but is at the rate of $250 per year
against the less pretentious common jail. The Burglars
Union has not yet fathomed this apparent discrimination
between the two institutions in this, our high-pressure
civilization, but the Union is preparing a legislative bill
to clarify the penalty purpose and to avoid partiality on
tax rates.

But there is more, as yet untold and as yet unsolved.
To wit:

"At common law, if the owner of property is by fraud
or trickery induced to part with possession of his property
the person so taking is guilty of larceny. "

But, fellow larcenist, if you are really smart and can
grab the TITLE, as well as POSSESSION, "this is not
deemed larceny at common law." So there you are! The
more you larcenate, "by fraud or trick," the less risk you
run of being pinched for larceny, but you jeopardize your
standing as a master larcenist among the Lords of Larceny.

Let's get back to mathematics, however, because figures
never lie, albeit mathematicians are not so consistently
virtuous. You have noted the tax rate on stealing. Now
note the science of figures in regard to petit and grand
larceny. Witnesseth :

If you grab exactly $100, or less, your sheepskin pro-
claims your petit larceny proclivities and you rate not the
distinguishment of a felon but only that of a mere mis-
demeanist, and you are entitled to only one year in a com-
mon jail or a fine of $300, because you failed to steal the
extra penny. Higher mathematics again unerringly points
to the resulting tax rate of $300 per year against twelve
months in the proletariats' hoosegow.

If you are a hog, however, and pick up $100.01 you then
rate the higher title of Grand Larcenist and you are en-
titled to five years in state prison or a $600 fine plus two
years' sojourn in a common cooler. Again does the science
of nimble numbers straightway point with cold-blooded
correctness, to the resulting tax burden deduced as follows.
Without prejudice to your case, let's grant that two years
in a common jail might bring you a moral uplift equal
to the same time in our snooty state prison. Now simply
subtract two years (common jail) from five years (state
prison) and you have a remainder of three years against
which you have an alternative of a $600 fine which equals
an annual tax rate of $200.

But we have already figured that (1) the Stealing tax
rate is $100 per year for state prison and $250 per annum
for common jail which means that it costs you less against
the greater, state prison distinguishment and more for
the less common-jail appointments. Why? Don't ask
ME. (2) The Petit Larceny tax rate is in the higher
brackets, however, and sets you back $300 per year with
no recognition or privileges at state prison you must
in this case be satisfied with a common jail rating. (3) Only
by crashing the Grand Larceny fraternity can you enjoy
the lower tax rate of $200 per twelvemonth or the state
prison advantages.

Thus we find that stealing has a lower tax rate than both
petit and grand larceny; that although petit larceny is
of a lower order than grand larceny the tax rate of the lower
order is higher than that of the higher order; that while
stealing entitles you to five years in our stately prison,
grand larceny (the grand-daddy of the trio) entitles you
to no more that the least of the three titles of theft; that
while stealing brings you no better reward than two years
in a low down jail, the gentle art of petit larceny nets you
even less, i. e., one year in said lock-up which means



one year less for a greater accomplishment than is granted
for a lesser trick ; that oh, what's the use !

What to do about it?

Let's put out the light and go to sleep.


Here's a Sure Enough Candidate

To THE EDITOR OF THE SUN Sir: My hat is in the ring as a candi-
date for Governor, and I have three planks for my platform which will
eclipse completely into the shade all the other numerous aspirants.

First- Howard Jackson proposes to exempt all real estate from tax
by the State, but I insist that is not enough pie to hand to our noble
owners of corner lots, and so I advocate a bonus of two per cent extra,
to be paid in gold (or platinum) to the brave men who hold on to their
Maryland land titles.

^Second Every man who does a day's work must punch a time clock
and pay two per cent of his wages to the State for the privilege of work-
ing. This will make them work a little harder and inculcate habits
of thrift.

Third Mr. Nice offers to let the kiddies play on the grounds of
the Governor's mansion at Annapolis, but when I am elected I will
invite 'em into the cellar and garret also.

All the other problems of the times will just settle themselves if you
don't worry and will vote for me.

EDMOND FONTAINE, in Baltimore Sun,

Mr. Samuel Danziger informs us that Mr. Fontaine is a poet of no
mean ability, a thinker and a philosopher. The above bit of irony
shows where he stands on the land question.

From a Columnist

Who is a Thinker

THE Commonweal Party in England has more power, is listened
to more readily, is growing faster than the party of protest of any
other land, and that through peaceful, non-aggressive, constitutional

When it is considered that 25 men own one-third of Scotland, and
that the church and the landed gentry of England have nearly shoved
the tenant farmers and middle class into the sea, one might get the
notion of a somewhat speedier solution of the land problem in England
than in any other country because not even Japan has so dense a popula-
tion as the Birtish Isles. Yet, if the land of England was all used for
the public benefit, England could support in luxury double its present
population. HILL BILLY, columnist in Seattle Star.

Asks That Honors be Paid Him

HENRY GEORGE thought out the Single Tax as the answer to
our deeper economic problem and the glaring social injustice
which he could never forget. He devoted his life to making people
aware of the problems of poverty. He is worth remembering. We
must sadly confess that he, an outstanding creative thinker, has had
recognition in every country but his own and ours. Here his name
means almost nothing. In England every school boy must read
"Progress and Poverty" and in Australia his ideas have to an extent
been put into practice. But my wish is to realize the creative think-
ing which has been the patriotic service of some for whom there is no
"Day" but who have swayed our ideas and directed our motives in
living should they not also be remembered? "Whom Shall We
Honor." Address by MERRILL FOWLER CLARKE at the Congrega-
tional Church, New Canaan, Conn., May 2, 1934.

A Great Name Among the

World's Social Philosophers

* ' PROGRESS AND POVERTY" was published in 1879. I can re-
A member what a tremendous sale it had in the early eighties, and
how everyone was talking about it. In the year 1886-87, when I was a
senior at Yale, Prof. Arthur T. Hadley (later president of Yale), then
professor of political economy, offered an entire course in that book,
and a large number of undergraduates selected it. There were lively
discussions in the classroom, and Hadley's lectures were stimulating
and intellectually provocative of argument. We all enjoyed the course.

When I was a schoolboy in Hartford, Henry George came to the
city to deliver a lecture on Moses. It was called "Moses The Great
Hebrew Statesman." The speaker was introduced by the pastor of
the Unitarian Church, which held its services in Unity Hall. In
introducing Henry George, he mentioned the famous book, praised
the author for his skill and courage and eloquence, and said finally
"I now have the honor of presenting to you Mr. " and then forgot
his name. When it was apparent that he could not remember it,
scores of persons in the audience shouted it. The lecture was fine,
and I recommend readers to look it up in printed form, as it must be
among his works.

The fiftieth anniversary of its appearance, 1929, was marked by a
special commemorative edition; and the book has been translated
into all the European languages. His other works have also had so
large a sale that it has been said that his writings on political economy
have sold more copies than those of all other authors put together.

A friend writes me that John Dewey said, in his "An Appreciation
of Henry George:" "His is one of the great names among the world's
social philosophers. It would require less than the fingers of two
hands to enumerate those who from Plato down rank with him. . .
No man, no graduate of a higher educational institution, can consider
himself an educated man in social thoughts unless he has some first-
hand acquaintance with the theoretical contribution of this great
American thinker. "

Henry George was quite unselfish indeed a noble character and
he unwillingly consented to run for Mayor of New York. He died
suddenly during the campaign. Both friends and foes mourned his
death. PROF. WILLIAM LYON PHELPS. (Syndicated).


Among the pamphlets received are the following:

"What is the Single Tax," by George A. Briggs, a letter addressed
to the Legislative Problems Section of the University of Southern Cali-
fornia. An excellent statement.

"Economics of Democracy," by F. Mason Padelford, M. D. This
is a pamphlet of 30 pages and cover and can be had of Dr. Padelford
for 25 cents. His address is Fall River, Mass. Reduction may be
had for those desiring quantities. It is an enlarged and improved
edition of the pamphlet issued earlier by Dr. Padelford.

"Our Economic Crime and the Nonsense of the N.R.A.," is a beau-
tifully printed pamphlet published by the Civics and Equity League
of Washington, D. C., of which organization Joseph B. Chamberlain
is director.


"20,000,000 Every Day," by Otto Cullman.

"Government by the Principle of Moral Justice," by C. Lambek,
Copenhagen and London.

"100 Years of Land Values," by Homer Hoyt, Chicago University






I have been wanting to express to you my special appreciation for
your strong letter of protest against the suggestion made by Mr.
James Malcolm that we should support the monstrous programme
of President Roosevelt, and which appeared on page 59 of the April-
March edition. I am today in receipt of a letter from Samuel Dan-
zinger in which he expresses the hope that the coming Henry George
Congress in Chicago will condemn unequivocally the Roosevelt
experiments. I agree with him entirely. I can testify that the self-
respecting farmers of Kansas did not ask for the subsidies which
they have been getting through the AAA, amounting to hundreds
of millions of dollars. These things were demanded by the political
farmers who constituted the powerful farm blocs at Washington. I
gasped when I read that these farm leaders received at St. Louis assur-
ances that Mr. Roosevelt would, if elected, give them what they had
asked for. And was again shocked in reading of his successive prom-
ises of favor to the special interests of the live stock men and the
silver men. Lippman and the others are absolutely wrong in assum-
ing that there is any_genuine demand for collectivism or state social-
ism in any degree.

Of course, the farmers are lapping up the enormous subsidies that
are being distributed to them but all they really wanted in the first
place was relief from the fifty-seven varieties of taxes which oppressed
them so heavily and which has had the effect of aggravating still
further the artificially high price of farm land. Kansas is an enor-
mously rich state and it is an outrage that government money should
be sent here at the expense of the nation and for the express purpose
of increasing the cost of living to the impoverished consumer. Inci-
dentally, the spoils system, with its new army of Democratic office
holders, has been multiplied many fold notwithstanding Mr. Roose-
velt's bland statement at the Yale dinner that he did not differentiate
between Democrats and Republicans! But that is another story.

[ichita, Kas. HENRY WARE ALLEN.


Every issue you publish a letter about changing the name "Single
Tax." Henry George meant a license or permit for use of land, but,
because he was dealing in economics, used the word tax or revenue.

The words, " liberty " and " freedom " have been misused till they
are associated with infringement on the rights of others.

I am hoping, after this summer on bathing beaches and in camps,
people will return to the city prepared to realize that civilization is
made out of raw material.

So many generations have seen the finished product that they have
never known the origin.


In the year 1215, one of the most famous of all English documents,
the Magna Carta, was signed by King John. While it is true that
this well known document has some genuine merit, in that it aimed
to secure for the people constitutional guarantee of a number of funda-
mental rights, particularly religious and political, it has gained a
reputation far from being deserved.

For example, the Barons and the Churchmen forced King John to
exempt them from the duty of supporting the government out of the
socially produced land values. The Barons owned most of the land,
': and government was instituted largely to protect the vested interests
in land. It was therefore only just that the Barons and other land-

lords should maintain the government and pay for the privilege of
monopolizing the earth and the natural resources. Indeed, this was
the condition upon which most of the landlords had held their lands.
But the revolt of the Barons put an end to this logical and scientific
mode of land tenure, a fact, unfortunately, that economists and his-
torians in general have completely ignored.

However, the Magna Carta has become synonymous in the minds
of most people with the precious ideas of justice and liberty, and it
is in this popular connotation that the phrase Magna Carta is here used.

It is a well known fact that ideals have played a most important
part in shaping human destiny. The doctrine of the brotherhood of
man, first -promulgated by Akhnaton (Amenophis IV, 1,400 B.C.),
and centuries later by Jesus, has done much to inspire the world. The
Code of Hammurabi (2,100 B.C.), the Decalogue of Moses, the Jus-
tinian Institutes, the Magna Carta, the Declaration of Independence,
etc., have called the world's attention to the need of legal and con-
stitutional justice. The writings of the social philosophers, from Plato
down, have inspired generations to visualize a social order nearer to
the heart's desire.

The true Magna Carta as synonymous with the fundamental
principles of justice and liberty was dramatized and vitalized by
Henry George in "Progress and Poverty." Most of the myriad
"glowing schemes of betterment" completely ignore the land ques-
tion, which perhaps explains why they so often prove impractical and
futile. Of George, it may be said, without exaggerated metaphor,
that he reached up to the heavens and literally brought these ideals
down to earth. At least, he promulgated a socio-economic system
that would insure justice by granting to all mankind the equal right
of access to the source of all wealth Mother Earth. Equally im-
portant, his system would provide liberty to all on a common basis
of equality.

Henry George's philosophy in itself may not be a panacea, but if any
panacea exists, it must embody both justice and liberty. Since his
philosophy aims to provide both liberty and justice, his socio-economic
system can truly be said to incarnate the living spirit of the old Magna

Pittsburgh, Pa. JOHN C. ROSE.


In your last issue you quote Mr. Charles S. Prizer as writing with
reference to your March-April number, that "Your quotation from
alleged remarks of Abraham Lincoln on the land question is the most
sensational news of the year." The quotations from Lincoln to
which Mr. Prizer refers are the following:

"The land, the earth God gave to man for his home, sustenance
and support, should never be the possession of any man, corporation,
or unfriendly government, any more than air or water, if as much."

"A reform like this will be worked out some time in the future."

If your correspondent regards these quotations as sensational, what
would he say of a proposition that Lincoln's views on this question
were not merely those derived from observations of land speculation
in his Illinois days, but were based upon an actual knowledge and be-
lief in precisely what we know as the Single Tax philosophy? Or that
his interest in what we call the Single Tax was so intense that he
brought it up for discussion at one of his cabinet meetings. To what
was Lincoln referring when he said: "A reform like this will be worked
out some time in the future?" To nothing more or less than what we
know as the Single Tax, unless I am greatly mistaken.

Whatever Lincoln's own observation of the land problem in
Illinois and elsewhere may have been, the solution was revealed to
him in a book loaned to him by Senator Charles Summer, the great
Massachusetts abolitionist. This book was Patrick Edward Dove's
"Theory of Human Progression and Natural Probability of a Reign
of Justice, " published in Edinburgh in 1850.



So great was Summer's interest in the idea that he had an American
edition of either 10,000 or 30,000 copies printed in Boston.

Norfolk, Conn. JOSEPH R. CARROLL.


What I have left in the way of a mind keeps on working. "We"
ought to find a way to obtain publicity for a lot of questioning of the
current governmental economic experimentation, without expending
much. 1 have suggested to C. H. Ingersoll that this is possible in con-
nection with a little snappy, gossipy four-page folder, to be offered
with programmes at amusement shows or talkies. In Long Branch
three to five thousand such programmes are used every week, and there
are concerns which get these out cheaply by using rotary perfecting

Long Branch, N. J. GEORGE WHITE.


Since writing you, the campaign in California has been moving
steadily forward toward the goal of securing enough names upon the
initiative petition to insure its placing upon the ballot for November.
This week will see the filing with the proper registrars of voters in San
Francisco, Los Angeles and other counties of some 80,000 signatures,
and the other needed 31,000 names will soon follow. We may antici-
pate as the result that the citizens of California will this fall vote upon
an amendment that will give immediate relief from a two and one-
half per cent sales tax, and the elimination in the courts of five years
of all taxation upon tangible property and improvements, provided a
majority of the electors favor the plan.

Will the majority vote be favorable? We have to bear in mind that
forty-two per cent of the voters on one occasion voted for a home-rule
amendment which favored the adoption of steps in this direction, that
as high as about thirty per cent have voted for the immediate taking
of all ground rents for public purposes, and that we have the support
at the present moment of the labor organizations and the socialists.

Since the votes referred to, the voting population of the State has
we may say in a general way, doubled, but it is believed that now the
swing of popular sentiment, in view of economic events, is stronger
in our direction than it has ever been before. Further, the character
of the State's citizenship is more largely urban than heretofore, about
two-thirds residing in the cities. This factor renders it easier to get
our case before the people, as well as to render less important the dis-
position of the farmer erroneously to regard himself as such a large
land owner that his interests are allied with the privileged classes.

Personally I look for success at the election, though bearing in mind
the attitude of the great newspapers controlled by owners of immense
tracts of land, we naturally confront the certainty of misrepresenta-
tion. Our campaign must be made largely by word-of-mouth, cir-
culation of pamphlets and books, and letterwriting.

We have been fortunate the past few weeks in having the aid of John
Lawrence Monroe, who has spoken effectively before many labor and
other bodies, and who as the result of his observation is convinced
of our good prospects of success. Recent material aid has come from

Online LibraryOutdoor Advertising Association of AmericaLand and freedom (Volume 34) → online text (page 30 of 48)