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lands which at the death of Alan Fergant
had come into the King's hands, but were
restored at a later date to the Honour of
Richmond, and appear in the register of that
Honour in the Inquisition of a.d. 1282 as
valued at a total of ^90 in money or kind.
As the value in the Reg. Hon. Rich, is uni-
formly double of the area in hides, we have
the above 45 hides here described. And this
area corresponds exactly to the statement in
Domesday Book of these lands in cultivation
viz., demesne, tenant, and meadow with
a value of 1 per hide. Space will not
allow us to go in detail into the way this
calculation is made and conclusion arrived
at. Suffice it here to state that we have
more than once gone through every estate in
the county, and find exact concordance be-
tween the Inquisitions of Domesday, the
Hundred Rolls, the Barnwell Feodary, that
of King John, the Testa de Nevill, and the
Register of the Honour of Richmond. We
must for the moment ask our readers to
assume the above-mentioned point. As to
the 16 librates of Swavesey, they form 12
hides in area, being that portion of Alan's
manor there held by the tenants with the
meadow as described in Domesday Book,
but they do not include the lord's demesne
or the Home Farm.


Now, who were these Britons ? Clearly
the descendants of the Romano British popu-
lation established before the Saxon Conquest,
the sochmen-villans or sochmen-bondmen of
the Hundred Rolls. Their lands were held
free from knight's service, but defended or paid
for in various ways by themselves to their lord
in Saxon and in Norman times, and through
him to the King. The names of Mervin in
Domesday Book as a tenant of Alan in Has-
lingfield on a limb of Swavesey Manor, and
of Brito (a Briton) in Papworth (in the Ely
Inquisition) as a tenant of Richard fil' Gilbert
under Alan, are worth noticing as an indica-
tion of race. But it is a most remarkable
fact that, wherever sochmen are mentioned
in Domesday Book, there have been found
remains of Roman occupation, the nature
and extent of which are in direct proportion
to their numbers. This can easily be veri-
fied by a careful comparison of Professor
Babington's volume on the Roman roads in
Cambridgeshire (Cambridge Antiquarian
Society's publications), with Dr. Walker's
tables of the Cambridgeshire Domesday.
More than this, we find that the lands on
which sochmen are found are, or were for
the most part, pasture lands. Thus we find
numerous socage tenures throughout a broad
line extending from Triplow, Melbourne, and
Foulmire heaths, across Abington and Ba-
braham pastures, through Hinton, Fulbourn,
Wilbrahams, Bottisham, Dullingham, Swaff-
ham, and so on over Newmarket Heath.
Again, in the Fen districts of the county and
isle sochmen are found wherever there are or
were islands, ground liable to constant inun-
dations, and hence unsuitable for corn culture.

If then, as we believe, there is reason to
suppose that these men were sochmen be-
cause of their difference of race and antiquity
of possession, then there was and is far more
British blood in fenmen and others in the
county than we have hitherto supposed. A
rough calculation in the county and isle gives
us about 673 families, or, at five to each, a
total of 3,365 persons. But this number on
a more careful inspection will have to be
reduced, because where sochmen's lands
extend over one or more parishes on the
same manor, they may have been in some
few instances mentioned twice over.

Coming back to Fulbourn, we see in

Domesday Book that Picot the sheriff held
26 sochmen under the King's hand with
4 hides of land (six in area). At first sight
it might be thought that these sochmen all
lived on this land, but we observe that in
John's Inquisition these lands of the Britons
in Swavesey, Fulbourn, Hinton, and Tever-
sham are in juxtaposition, and we know that
the manor of Swavesey included lands in
Willingham, Fen and Dry Drayton, Hasling-
field, and Grantchester ; Newnham Mills in
Cambridge and Sheeps Green being subject
to the manor. Now of the sochmen in
Domesday Book viz., Hinton 8, Tever-
sham 2, Swavesey 8, Fen Drayton 5, Box-
worth 2, Willingham 1 a total is formed of
26. Is this a mere coincidence ? Or does
it not rather tend to show that these soch-
men, though under Alan, were also through
him under the rule of Picot the sheriff, and
that they or their ancestors, having been the
guardians of the Fleam Ditch, held in after-
times their lands by other than knight's
service? Their foreign service was dispensed
with perhaps on account of their race, and
they had acted or did act as a sort of militia
at home.

The number of sochmen seems large in
direct proportion to the vicinity of Roman
roads and stations and the well-known British
dykes. At the south-west end of the county
there are altogether 3 in Abington, 11 in
Bassingbourn, 6 in Wendy, 17 in Whaddon,

4 in Croydon, 2 in East Hatley, 3 in Tadlow,
12 in Morden, and 26 in Meldreth and Mel-
bourn at the end of the Heydon Ditch. At
the commencement of the Brent Ditch are
1 in Abington (whom Picot the sheriff holds
under the King's hand), 12 in Babraham,

5 in Pampisford, n in Duxford, 27 in Hinx-
ton (of whom 7 arc under Picot under the
King's hand), 3 in Sawston, 1 in Whittles-
ford ; at the end of the Fleam Dyke are 6 in
Quy (in Wilbrahams no sochmen are men-
tioned, but the lands in Wilbraham Magna
are in the King's hands, with a certain value
of customs attached to them, and are subse-
quently held in socage, and on which are
many customary tenants), 3 in Balsham, 12
in Wratting, 4 in Weston Colville. At the
Devil's Ditch are 19 in Dullingham, n in
Westley, 7 in Carlton, 36 in Swaffham. As
to the latter place, our readers are aware that


remains of a Roman house have been dis-
covered in recent years ; but there is possibly
also the site of a Roman station near Swaff-
ham Follis and Sourmore (significant names),
in Swaffham Bulbeck and Bottisham, for the
manor has in Domesday Book no less than
22 sochmen marked on it. In Bunvell are
3 sochmen, Fordham 4, Isleham 18, Chip-
penham 2, Kennet 1, Snailwell 6 ; Exning,
Soham, Fordham, and Isleham are all royal
manors where, in some cases, sochmen are
subsequently mentioned, but all furnished
customs beside their own natural Domesday

If, then, these sochmen guarded the ditches
or Roman camps within their vicinity, we
shall appreciate the meaning of Agnes de
Barrington's holding of 1 hide in Triplow of
the fee of De Mandeville " by the service of
coming to meet the Earl as often as he shall
pass through Triplow and accompanying him
within the bounds of Triplow" (Hundred
Rolls, vol. ii.). And so again in Bourn a
tenant of Gilbert Pecche is bound " to carry
the Lord's shield to the end of the County
when he goes to war." This sort of militia
service seems to be the oldest form of
serjeantry. Later on, on the King's manors
especially, the customary tenants are bound
to provide food and instruments of the chase,
such as birds for hawking, dogs for coursing,
etc. The food consisted of all kinds of corn,
hot loaves for the royal table, honey and
spices ; feeding the poor and benighted travel-
lers. As to the last, the Hundred Rolls tell us
that the Prioress of Swaffham had a place at
Reach (a well-known British settlement) for
the easement of the whole country, and the
Prior of Anglesey was fined by the sheriff
because he refused to entertain him. Most
of our readers know of a curious custom on
a manor at Stow Longa, by which a truss of
hay had to be furnished to the King's foreign
chamber {alias privy) when he came to Barn-
well. In one instance viz , at Barrington
when the lord should be in Wales in the
army, two trusses of hay and a leathern
halter had to be found ; in Hatley St. George,
a pair of spurs and one pair of wheels ; in
Soham and Teversham the tenants had to
carry long distances, the lands in the latter
parish being held (according to the Testa de
Nevill) by Marshall's service; in Snailwell,


two carts had to be found to convey loads
from the King's wood in the neighbouring
parish of Cheveley. May we, then, look
upon the traditional employment of the poor
on the roads as a kind of servitude accounted
for in this way ?

Food and means of locomotion, then, were
the chief services besides those of defence.
Excepting in the places above-mentioned and
the Isle of Ely, there is an abnormal number
of sochmen at Barton and Caxton, both
situated on Roman roads or the King's high-
way. We have no record of the quality of
their services. At an early time they were
probably commuted for a money payment,
but they were possibly connected with the
roads. In Elsworth, however, a tenant had
to make ploughshares (vomera) and cultivate

3 carucates of land ; while in Hinton and
Bottisham there were customs of 4 soci ; and
from Duxworth pasture 1 socus. These, may-
be, were not ploughshares (French socs de
charrues), but horseshoes. Our reason for
thinking so is seen from the following note
never before published, written by a Vicar
of Bottisham in March, 1852: "At the
back of the Green Hill at the west end
of the church, in a field forming the com-
mencement of a tract called Braddons [Broad
Denes], a low flat on each side of the parish
drain which runs under Sax Bridge, while
digging for clay to make clay bats, about

4 or 5 feet from the surface, the workmen
came upon about 20 or 30 horse-shoes, very
thick and large, turned up at the heels very
deeply, and with large nails in, such as are
used now for frosty weather, also a great
quantity of the bones of animals of various
kinds, including the bos longifrons and two fine
flint and bronze implements." Was this an
old rubbish pit, and were these horse-shoes
the tribute in early times of the ancestors of
the sochmen ? As to their number, we must
bear in mind that the British custom was but
to shoe the two fore-feet.

Again, where sochmen are mentioned in
Domesday Book and correspondingly in the
Hundred Rolls serjeantry lands, in the latter
a special indication of the tenure is often
added thus : According to the law of Eng
land in Barrington, Fen Drayton and Bourn :
of ancient tenure in Isleham and Litlington :
of ancient "conquest" in Caxton and Over : of

2 N


ancient feoffment before the conquest in Over :
sokemen or bondmen of ancient demesne or of
folkland in Stanton Swavesey, and Fen Dray-
ton : the term liber homo as distinct from
liber tenens in Caxton and Hatley St. George :
many cases of several pasture, as in Bourn,
Foulmire, and particularly in Stanton, for 35
beasts of old usage, and another for 2 1 beasts ;
while in Caldecote only the tenants are termed
latini (natives as opposed to foreigners, Du-
cange). In most cases there are few or no
suits of court, no scutage or sheriff's aid paid.
In Dullingham especially the 6 hides (9 hides
area) of the principal manor are described in
the Barnwell Keodary as "quit of everything."

A curious service is mentioned under Shel-
ford on Valences or Lemoyne's manor, where-
on is a Roman encampment, and which formed
a part of the Berewick of Newport in Essex.
It is termed " Goldsmith's service," and con-
sists of making or repairing the King's crown
when necessary. Was this tenure a reward
for service in battle ? We have no means of
knowing ; but here, though in the time of
King Edward this land was held in farm, no
sochmen are enumerated, though there are
many on the adjoining lands. Abington and
Camps were held by the Earls of Oxford as
part of the barony for the service of being
the King's chamberlain. Hardwick was held
of the barony of the Bishops of Ely, and
here one free tenant was bound, besides
seeing that the corn was well stacked, "if
the Bp. or his head Steward should deliver
to him a sealed letter to carry it wherever
ordered within the County." This is possibly
the survival of a socage tenure.

It is interesting to record the strong tra-
ditional feeling about the freedom of these
sochmen. Within our memory in the parish
of Bottisham, on certain fen lands, which are
now cultivated in allotments, the villagers
who had the right of cutting sedge and
digging turf for fuel, always strongly main-
tained that the land was theirs "for them
and their heirs for ever," and have even
attempted to warn strangers off the ground.
For years the land was called "the poor's
fen," and looked upon in the nature of a
charity, but now it is vested in the hands of
trustees for the good of the parish. This
feeling, whether right or wrong, was doubtless
handed down from the time of Domesday

Book, and perhaps earlier, when these men
resided on the marsh. Yet part if not all of
the pasturage in the fourteenth century had
come under the jurisdiction of the manorial
courts as being the lord's waste, for the
bailiff's account of 13 Edward III. records
the names of those who had overburdened it
by allowing in too great a number their cattle
to feed there.

So we conclude, if the foregoing supposi-
tions be correct, that the sturdy nature and
traditional independence of the Fenmen of
Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely is largely
owing to the British element in their character.

^ome Portraits of arcbfrisbop

By Mackenzie MacBride.

HERE seems to be no finality in
the judgments of history on the
men who have flitted across the
political stage in times past. Queen
Bess was the bad Queen Bess to perhaps the
majority of schoolboys until Mr. J. R. Green
published his splendid study of her character,
which proved to most people that, if in some
instances she committed cruel acts, she was
at least a woman of commanding character
and genius. In the same way Mary Queen
of Scots is to poets and to most Scotsmen
a martyr, but to many historians and Eng-
lishmen a traitor and an adulteress. Guy
Fawkes, and Thistlewood, and the heroes of
the French Revolution in the same way are
to some heroes, to others bloodthirsty scoun-
drels. When we were boys the name of
Archbishop Laud called up memories of the'
torture-chamber, and was regarded as that of
an intolerant fanatic ; to-day he is looked
upon as a hero and a martyr.

Before pronouncing a verdict upon his
character in the presence of so much con-
flicting evidence, it is perhaps as well to
wait further developments. None the less,
however, we can heartily appreciate the
excellent historical lesson contained in an
exhibition like that held a few months
ago at All Hallows, Barking, through the



exertions of the Laud Commemoration
Committee. Such an exhibition cannot
fail to assist us in arriving at a just
estimate of one who in any case was in
mind and character a man of large propor-
tions. That the public are to-day sufficiently
dispassionate to pronounce final judgment is
doubtful, but we can, of course, as a pre-
liminary, ascertain the facts. The committee,
who were especially anxious to keep the
commemoration free from any partizan or
controversial character, brought together
much of the existing data, and this the
excellent little handbook to the exhibition,
written by Professor Collins, set forth in a
clear manner.

Among the most complete and interesting
features of the exhibition was the series of
portraits of the Archbishop, which included
pictures by and after Vandyke and engrav-
ings from independent sources.

The dissimilarities between the portraits
are remarkable, and are such as could not be
accounted for by any difference in age. The
interesting bust attributed to Herbert le
Sueur, dated 1633, looks like an honest and
faithful portrait. The careful modelling of
the eyes and brow even suggests that the
sculptor resorted, as sculptors of course fre-
quently do, to a cast from the life. This
part of the face is very singular and striking,
as indeed is the whole face, though it cannot
be called either handsome or refined ; the
eyes set close together betoken a narrow and
crooked, if a strong-willed, character. The
eyebrows are raised in a very peculiar
manner, and the nose is somewhat short
and coarse in type. The forehead is low,
but the frontal region over the eyes, in which
we generally consider the perceptive organs
are situated, is large and remarkable. The
jowl is broad and vulgar. The face in type
is like other faces of the period, saving the
raised eyebrow and the great development of
the frontal sinus. The ears, which are set
very forward, are indifferently modelled, and
suggest again that the work of Nature, re-
produced by the mask, ended here, and the
work of the artist began. The accuracy of
this bust was corroborated by other portraits,
especially by the fine, strong, unsigned en-
graving, marked 380, lent by Mr. Breun, the
smaller engraving at the top of the same
case ; and the engraving from the New Uni-

versal Magazine (66a) also showed the thick
nose. On the other hand, favoured by the
admirers of the Archbishop, were the Van-
dyke portraits. One of these (No. 58) had,
however, little of the strength and precision
of the great master ; the St. Petersburg por-
trait agrees practically with this in represent-
ing the Archbishop as a man of handsome
features and thin and refined nose, but shows
the characteristic arched eyebrows. The
small portrait of Laud wearing a skull-cap in
Mr. Breun's case, also corroborated the bust
in the matter of the low skull and large per-
ceptive organs, and we should say (with all
deference to the remarks of the writer of the
catalogue, who expressed the contrary opinion)
that it is undoubtedly a portrait of the
Archbishop. On the whole, however anxious
admirers may be to find that Laud was as
handsome as the Vandykes make him, the
manifestly honest bust and the weight of
evidence in the series of independent en-
gravings is in favour of the ugly, and not the
handsome, Laud.

Shortly after the opening of the exhibition
this view (which was then expressed by the
writer) was corroborated by a miniature
which was added to the collection ; this was
a copy by Mr. Davies-Cooper of a contem-
porary portrait by Myttens. The miniature
was painted in 1858. Efforts to trace
the original have hitherto proved unsuc-
cessful. In this portrait some of the as-
perities of the face, shown with so much
honesty in the bust, are modified, partly,
doubtless, by the increased age of the sitter ;
but we have the same low skull, the same
raised eyebrows and general outlines. The
only discrepancy is that in the miniature the
nose seems long, whereas the bust shows it
short and broad ; but this difference is more
seeming than real, for, owing to the pose of
the face, the bridge of the nose is not very
clearly seen, and the great distance from the
corner of the eyebrow to the tip of the nose,
which is characteristic of the face in all the
portraits, gives the appearance of length.

This portrait stands between the bust
and the Vandykes, but more closely re-
sembles the former, and therefore supports
the suggestion that the ugly and unrefined,
but intelligent and vigorous, face of Le
Sueur's bust represents the true Laud, and
that Vandyke was a flatterer.



a ^irteentfrCenturp ^untrial.

By Miss Florence Peacock.

HE sundial, of which an illustration
is here given, is, in some respects,
the most curious one that I have
ever seen. It measures a fraction
more than 7^ inches square, and is made of
brass. Long exposure to the weather has
pitted the metal surface of the dial, but the

clear-cut as they were upon the day that it
left the engraver's hand.

There is a small piece chipped out of the
brass, almost exactly above the figure II,
otherwise it is perfect

The four round holes by which it was
fastened to whatever supported it still remain ;
and the heads of these nails, or whatever
they were that held it in place, must have
been very large, for there is a smooth circle
of considerable size round each hole.



From a Photograph by Mr. C. S. Alger, Diss

gnomon is quite smooth, and is evidently of
a much later date. It is formed of copper,
and most likely is not older than the beginn-
ing of the eighteenth century. It springs from
the centre of a Tudor rose. This rose is a
most beautiful piece of workmanship. The
engraving is very finely executed, and it was
evidently done by someone well skilled in
the art of working upon metal. The figures
round the edge of the dial, and the lines
which divide the hours, are as distinct and

The extraordinary thing about this dial is
the crest. The dog, a greyhound, is a very
poor specimen of that animal from a heraldic
point of view. The wreath upon which it
stands is far too long, and the whole thing is
out of scale ; but what first strikes anyone
upon looking at it is the fact that it faces the
wrong way on, and is very badly and roughly
engraved a great contrast to the rose, and
the date, 1579, below; they are evidently
the work of a master hand.



My explanation of its inferior workman-
ship is that most likely the owner bought the
dial from someone whose trade it was to
make them ; and I think that afterwards he
wished to have his crest engraved upon it,
and that it was sent to some local worker in
metals, who added it.

Most likely a seal was sent with the crest
upon it, to be copied, and probably the

There is no means of finding out the
history of this sundial ; I have attempted,
but without success, to trace it.

It has recently come into the possession of
Mr. England Howlett, of Kirton-in-Lindsey.

[Note by the Editor.
The initial letters " G. N." which are
stamped just below the central rose and


engraver followed exactly what he saw before
him, and copied the seal, forgetting that it
was the impression, not the matrix, that his
finished work ought to represent ; hence the
reason for the crest facing the wrong way.
Most likely the wreath was also enlarged by
the same man.

above the greyhound on the dial are of con-
siderable interest, as they are the same as
those which have been found, accompanied
by a third nondescript mark, on pieces of
Elizabethan church plate in the Midlands.
Mr. Trollope discovered several Elizabethan
cups with this mark in Leicestershire, and



Mr. W. H. St. John Hope tells me that he
has found others in Derbyshire I have in
my possession a cup (see illustration) with
this mark (reversed) on it, which I bought
fifteen years ago in London. It had no
doubt been sold from its parish church by
someone who preferred modern plate to
it. The letters "G. N." are evidently the
mark of a Midland goldsmith of the time of
Elizabeth, but who he was, and where he
lived, have not yet been discovered. All
that the London dealer could, or would tell
me, was that the " G. N." indicated the " old
Grantham and Newark mark." ! The fact
that he should name those two towns sug-
gests the probability that he had bought the
chalice from someone in that neighbourhood.
It is a well-established fact that goldsmiths
used to be employed to engrave monumental
brasses. Here, it seems evident that a dial-
plate not only was engraved by a goldsmith,
but that the goldsmith impressed it with the
mark he was wont to employ for his gold
and silver wares. This fact adds an addi-
tional element of interest to the dial, and
would make the discovery of who " G. N."
was all the more acceptable.]

a List of tfte Jntientories f
Cburcb (fcootis made temp.
(ZEtJtoarD ID3|.

By William Page, F.S.A.
{Continued from p. 2S, vol. xxx.)


3. Frodeswall.
Mad ley.
Thursfeld Chappell.


4. Audley.
Burston Chapell.


Kulforde Chapell.





Chorleton Chapell.

5. K lias ton.

Warslow Chappell.
Merbroke Chappell.

6. Dulnorne.

Rusheton Chappell.

Elkerston Chappell.




7. Mathefede.

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