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the gates, and the rest surrendered and were sold as slaves.

IV. This made the name of Sertorius known in Iberia; and as soon as he
returned to Rome he was appointed quæstor in Gaul upon the Padus at a
critical time; for the Marsic[112] war was threatening. Being
commissioned to levy troops and procure arms, he applied so much zeal
and expedition to the work, compared with the tardiness and indolence
of the other young men, that he got the reputation of being a man
likely to run an active career. Yet he remitted nothing of the daring
of a soldier after he was promoted to the rank of commander; but he
exhibited wonderful feats of courage, and exposed himself without any
reserve to danger, whereby he lost one of his eyes through a wound.
But he always prided himself on this. He used to say that others did
not always carry about with them the proofs of their valour, but put
them aside, at times, as chains and spears, and crowns, while the
proofs of his valour always abided with him, and those who saw what he
had lost saw at the same time the evidences of his courage. The people
also showed him appropriate marks of respect; for, on his entering the
theatre, they received him with clapping of hands and expressions of
their good wishes - testimonials which even those who were far advanced
in age, and high in rank, could with difficulty obtain. However, when
he was a candidate for the tribuneship, Sulla raised a party against
him, and he failed; and this was, apparently, the reason why he hated
Sulla. But when Marius was overpowered by Sulla and fled from Rome,
and Sulla had set out to fight with Mithridates, and the consul
Octavius adhered to the party of Sulla, while his colleague Cinna, who
aimed at a revolution, revived the drooping faction of Marius,
Sertorius attached himself to Cinna, especially as he saw that
Octavius was deficient in activity, and he distrusted the friends of
Marius. A great battle was fought in the Forum between the consuls, in
which Octavius got the victory, and Cinna and Sertorius took to
flight, having lost nearly ten thousand men. However, they persuaded
most of the troops, which were still scattered about Italy, to come
over to their side, and they were soon a match for Octavius.

V. When Marius had returned from Libya, and was proposing to join
Cinna, himself in a mere private capacity and Cinna as consul, all the
rest thought it politic to receive him; but Sertorius was against it:
whether it was because he thought that Cinna would pay less respect to
him when a general of higher reputation was present, or because he
feared the ferocious temper of Marius, and that he would put all in
confusion in his passion, which knew no bounds, transgressing the
limits of justice in the midst of victory. However this may be,
Sertorius observed that there remained little for them to do, as they
were now triumphant; but if they received the proposal of Marius, he
would appropriate to himself all the glory and all the troops, being a
man who could endure no partner in power, and who was devoid of good
faith. Cinna replied that what Sertorius suggested was true, but he
felt ashamed and had a difficulty about refusing to receive Marius,
after having invited him to join their party; whereupon Sertorius
rejoined: "For my part, I thought that Marius had come to Italy on his
own adventure, and I was merely considering what was best; but it was
not honourable in you to make the thing a matter of deliberation at
all after the arrival of the man whom you had thought proper to
invite, but you ought to have employed him and received him; for a
promise leaves no room for any further consideration." Accordingly
Cinna sent for Marius, and the forces being distributed among them,
the three had the command. The war being finished, Cinna and Marius
were filled with violence and bitterness, so that they made the evils
of war as precious gold to the Romans, compared with the new state of
affairs. Sertorius alone is said to have put no person to death to
gratify his vengeance, nor to have abused his power; but he was much
annoyed at the conduct of Marius, and he moderated Cinna by private
interviews and entreaties. At last, the slaves whom Marius had used as
allies in war, and kept as guards to protect his tyranny, becoming
formidable and wealthy, partly from the grants of Marius and his
direct permission; partly from their violent and outrageous treatment
of their masters, whom they butchered, and then lay with their
masters' wives, and violated their children, Sertorius unable to
endure any longer, speared the whole of them in their camp, to the
number of four thousand.[113] VI. But when Marius[114] had died, and
Cinna shortly after was cut off, and the younger Marius, contrary to
the wish of Sertorius, and by illegal means, obtained the consulship,
and the Carbos and the Norbani and Scipios were unsuccessfully
contending against Sulla on his march to Rome, and affairs were being
ruined, partly through the cowardice and laziness of the commanders,
and partly through treachery; and there was no use in his staying to
see things still go on badly, owing to the want of judgment in those
who had more power than himself; and finally, when Sulla, after
encamping near Scipio, and holding out friendly proposals, as if peace
was going to be made, had corrupted the army, though Sertorius had
warned Scipio of this, and given his advice, but without
effect - altogether despairing about the city, Sertorius set out for
Iberia, in order that if he should anticipate his enemies in
strengthening his power there, he might offer protection to such of
his friends as were unfortunate at Rome. Sertorius, having fallen in
with bad weather in the mountainous parts, was required by the
barbarians to pay them a tribute, and to purchase a free passage. His
companions were much incensed at this, and declared it to be a great
degradation for a Roman proconsul[115] to pay a tribute to wretched
barbarians; but Sertorius cared little for what they considered
disgrace, and he said that he was buying time, the rarest of things
for a man who was aiming at great objects: and so he pacified the
barbarians with money, and hurrying into Iberia, got possession of the
country. He there found nations strong in numbers and fighting men,
but owing to the greediness and tyranny of the governors who had from
time to time been sent among them, ill-disposed to the Roman
administration in general; however, he regained the good will of the
chiefs by his personal intercourse with them, and the favour of the
mass by remission of taxes. But he got most popularity by relieving
the people from having soldiers quartered on them; for he compelled
the soldiers to fix their winter tents in the suburbs of the towns,
and he was the first to set the example. However, Sertorius did not
depend altogether on the attachment of the barbarians, but he armed
all the Roman settlers in Iberia who were able to bear arms, and by
commencing the construction of all kinds of military engines and
building ships he kept the cities in check; showing himself mild in
all the affairs of civil administration, but formidable by his
preparations against the enemy.

VII. Hearing that Sulla was master of Rome,[116] and that the party of
Marius and Carbo was on the wane, and being in immediate expectation
of an army coming to fight against him under some commander, he sent
Julius Salinator to occupy the passes of the Pyrenees, with six
thousand heavy armed soldiers. Shortly after this, Caius Annius[117]
was sent from Rome by Sulla; but, seeing that the position of Julius
could not be attacked, he was perplexed, and seated himself at the
base of the mountains. But one Calpurnius, named Lanarius,
assassinated Julius, on which the soldiers left the summits of the
Pyrenees, and Annius, crossing the mountains, advanced with a large
force and drove all before him. Sertorius, being unable to oppose him,
fled with three thousand men to New Carthage,[118] and there embarking
and crossing the sea, landed in Mauritania, in Libya. His soldiers,
while getting water without due precautions, were fallen upon by the
barbarians, and many of them were killed, upon which Sertorius sailed
again for Iberia. He was, however, driven off the coast, and, being
joined by some Cilician piratical vessels,[119] he attacked the
island of Pityussa,[120] and landing there drove out the garrison of
Annius. Annius soon arrived with a large fleet and five thousand heavy
armed men, and Sertorius ventured on a naval battle with him, though
his vessels were light and built for quick sailing and not for
fighting; but the sea was disturbed by a strong west wind, which drove
most of the vessels of Sertorius upon the reefs, owing to their
lightness, and Sertorius, with a few ships, could not get out to sea
by reason of the wind, nor land on account of the enemy, and being
tossed about for ten days, with the wind and a violent sea against
him, he held out with great difficulty.

VIII. As the wind abated he set sail, and put in at some scattered
islands, which had no water. Leaving them, and passing through the
Straits of Gades,[121] he touched at those parts of Iberia on the
right which lie out of the strait, a little beyond the mouths of the
Bætis,[122] which flows into the Atlantic Sea,[123] and has given name
to those parts of Iberia which lie about it. There he fell in with
some sailors, who had returned from a voyage to the Atlantic[124]
Islands, which are two in number, separated by a very narrow channel,
and ten thousand stadia from the coast of Libya, and are called the
islands of the Happy. These islands have only moderate rains, but
generally they enjoy gentle breezes, which bring dews; they have a
rich and fertile soil, adapted for arable cultivation and planting;
they also produce fruit spontaneously, sufficient in quantity and
quality to maintain, without labour and trouble, a population at their
ease. The air of the island is agreeable, owing to the temperature of
the seasons, and the slightness of the changes; for the winds which
blow from our part of the world from the north and east, owing to the
great distance, fall upon a boundless space, and are dispersed and
fail before they reach these islands; but the winds which blow round
them from the ocean, the south and west, bring soft rains at
intervals, from the sea, but in general they gently cool the island
with moist clear weather, and nourish the plants; so that a firm
persuasion has reached the barbarians that here are the Elysian Plains
and the abode of the Happy which Homer[125] has celebrated in song.

IX. Sertorius, hearing this description, was seized with a strong
desire to dwell in the islands, and to live in quiet, free from
tyranny and never-ending wars. The Cilicians, who did not want peace
and leisure, but wealth and spoil, observing this inclination, sailed
off to Africa, to restore Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, to the Moorish
kingdom.[126] Sertorius, however, did not despond, but he determined
to help those who were fighting against Ascalis, in order that his
companions, by getting some renewal of hope and opportunity for other
deeds, might not disperse through their difficulties. The Moors were
well pleased at his arrival, and Sertorius setting himself to work
defeated Ascalis, and besieged him. Sulla sent Paccianus to help
Ascalis, but Sertorius engaging him with his forces killed Paccianus,
and after his victory brought over the army and took Tigennis, to
which Ascalis and his brother had fled. It is here that the Libyans
say Antæus[127] is buried. Sertorius dug into the mound, as he did not
believe what the barbarians said, so enormous was the size. But,
finding the body there, sixty cubits in length, as they say, he was
confounded, and, after making a sacrifice, he piled up the earth, and
added to the repute and fame of the monument. The people of Tigennis
have a mythus, that, on the death of Antæus his wife Tinge cohabited
with Hercules, that Sophax was the issue of their connexion, and
became king of the country, and named a city after his mother; they
further say that Sophax had a son, Diodorus, whom many of the Libyan
nations submitted to, as he had a Greek army of Olbiani and Mycenæi,
who were settled in those parts by Hercules. But this may be
considered as so much flattery to Juba,[128] of all kings the most
devoted to historical inquiry; for they say that Juba's ancestors were
the descendants of Diodorus and Sophax. Sertorius, now completely
victorious, did no wrong to those who were his suppliants and trusted
to him, but he restored to them both property and cities and the
administration, receiving only what was fair and just for them to

X. While Sertorius was considering where he should betake himself to,
the Lusitani sent ambassadors to invite him to be their leader; for
they were much in want of a commander of great reputation and
experience, to oppose the formidable power of the Romans, and
Sertorius was the only man whom they would trust, as they knew his
character from those who had been about him. Now it is said that
Sertorius was a man who never yielded either to pleasure or to fear,
and while he was naturally unmoved by danger, he could bear prosperity
with moderation; in the open field he was equal to any general of his
time in enterprise, and as to all military matters that required
stealthy manœuvres, the taking advantage of strong positions and rapid
movements, and also craft and deception, he was in the moment of need
most cunning in device. In rewarding courage he was bountiful, and in
punishing for offences he was merciful. And yet, in the last part of
his life, his cruel and vindictive treatment of the hostages may be
alleged as a proof that his temper was not naturally humane, but that
he put on the appearance of mildness through calculation and as a
matter of necessity, But it is my opinion that no fortune can ever
change to the opposite character a virtue which is genuine and founded
on principle; still it is not impossible that good intentions and good
natural dispositions, when impaired by great misfortunes[129] contrary
to desert, may together with the dæmon change their habit; and this I
think was the case with Sertorius when fortune began to fail him; for
as his circumstances became unfavourable, he became harsh to those who
had done him wrong.

XI. However, he then set sail from Libya, at the invitation of the
Lusitanians,[130] and got them into fighting condition, being
immediately made commander with full powers, and he subjected the
neighbouring parts of Iberia, most of which, indeed, voluntarily
joined him, chiefly by reason of his mild treatment and his activity;
but in some cases he availed himself of cunning to beguile and win
over the people, the chief of which was in the affair of the deer,
which was after this fashion:

Spanos, a native, and one of those who lived on their lands, fell in
with a deer[131] which had just brought forth a young one and was
flying from the hunters; he missed taking the deer, but he followed
the fawn, being struck with its unusual colour (it was completely
white), and caught it. It happened that Sertorius was staying in those
parts, and when people brought him as presents anything that they had
got in hunting, or from their farms, he would readily receive it and
make a liberal return to those who showed him such attentions.
Accordingly the man brought the fawn and gave it to Sertorius, who
accepted the present. At first he took no particular pleasure in the
animal, but in course of time, when he had made it so tame and
familiar that it would come to him when he called it, accompany him in
his walks, and cared not for a crowd and all the noise of the army, by
degrees he began to give the thing a supernatural character, saying
that the fawn was a gift from Artemis (Diana), and he gave out as a
token of this that the fawn showed him many hidden things; for he knew
that it is the nature of barbarians to be easily accessible to
superstition. He also resorted to such tricks as these: whenever he
had got secret information that the enemy had invaded any part of the
country, or were attempting to draw any city away from him, he would
pretend that the deer had spoken to him in his sleep, and bid him keep
his troops in readiness; and, on the other hand, when he heard that
his generals had got a victory, he would keep the messenger concealed,
and bring forward the deer crowned with chaplets, as is usual on the
occasion of good news, and tell his men to rejoice and sacrifice to
the gods, as they would hear of some good luck.

XII. By these means he tamed the people, and had them more manageable
for all purposes, as they believed they were led, not by the counsels
of a foreigner, but by a deity, and facts also confirmed them in this
opinion, inasmuch as the power of Sertorius increased beyond all
expectation; for with the two thousand six hundred men whom he called
Romans, and four thousand Lusitanian targetiers, and seven hundred
horsemen, whom he joined to a motley band of seven hundred Libyans,
who crossed over with him to Lusitania, he fought with four Roman
generals, who had under them one hundred and twenty thousand foot
soldiers, six thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen and slingers, and
cities innumerable, while he had only twenty cities in all under him.
But though so feeble and insignificant at first, he not only subdued
great nations, and took many cities, but of the generals who were
opposed to him he defeated Cotta[132] in a naval engagement in the
channel near Mellaria;[133] he put to flight Fufidius,[134] the
governor of Bætica, on the banks of the Bætis, with the slaughter of
two thousand of his Roman soldiers; Lucius Domitius,[135] proconsul of
the other Iberia,[136] was defeated by his quæstor; Thoranius,
another of the commanders of Metellus, who was sent with a force, he
destroyed; and on Metellus[137] himself, the greatest man among the
Romans in his day, and of the highest repute, he inflicted several
discomfitures, and brought him to such straits, that Lucius
Manlius[138] came from Narbo,[139] in Gaul, to his relief, and
Pompeius Magnus[140] was hastily despatched from Rome with an army;
for Metellus was perplexed at having to deal with a daring man, who
evaded all fighting in the open field, and could adapt himself to any
circumstances by reason of the light and easy equipment and activity
of his Iberian army; he who had been disciplined in regular battles
fought by men in full armour and commanded a heavy immovable mass of
men, who were excellently trained to thrust against their enemies,
when they came to close quarters, and to strike them down, but unable
to traverse mountains, to be kept always on the alert by the continual
pursuing and retreating of light active men, and to endure hunger like
them, and to live under the open sky without fire or tent.

XIII. Besides this, Metellus was now growing old, and after so many
great battles was somewhat inclined to an easy and luxurious mode of
life; and he was opposed to Sertorius, a man full of the vigour of
mature age, whose body was wonderfully furnished with strength,
activity, and power of endurance. He was never intoxicated with drink,
even in his seasons of relaxation, and he was accustomed to bear great
toil, long marches, and continued watchfulness, content with a little
food of the meanest quality; and, inasmuch as he was always rambling
about and hunting, when he had leisure, he became intimately
acquainted with all the spots, both impracticable and practicable,
which gave chance of escape if he had to fly, or opportunity of
hemming in an enemy if he was in pursuit. Consequently, it happened
that Metellus, being prevented from fighting, was damaged as much as
men who are beaten in battle, and Sertorius by flying had all the
advantage of the pursuer. He used to cut off the supplies of water,
and check the foraging; and when Metellus was advancing Sertorius
would get out of his way, and when he was encamped he would not let
him rest; when Metellus was occupied with a siege, Sertorius would all
at once show himself, and put Metellus in his turn in a state of
blockade, owing to the want of the necessary supplies, so that the
soldiers were quite wearied; and when Sertorius challenged Metellus to
a single combat, the men cried out and bid him fight, as it would be a
match between a general and a general, and a Roman and a Roman; and
when Metellus declined, they jeered him. But he laughed at them, and
he did right; for a general, as Theophrastus[141] said, should die the
death of a general, not that of a common targetier. Metellus
perceiving that the Langobritæ[142] assisted Sertorius in no small
degree, and that their town could easily be taken, as it was ill
supplied with water, for they had only one well in the city, and any
one who blockaded the place would be master of the streams in the
suburbs and near the walls, he advanced against the city, expecting to
finish the siege in two days, as there was no water; and accordingly
his soldiers received orders to take provisions with them for five
days only. But Sertorius quickly coming to their aid, gave orders to
fill two thousand skins with water, and he offered for each skin a
considerable sum of money. Many Iberians and Moors volunteered for the
service, and, selecting the men who were strong and light-footed, he
sent them through the mountain parts, with orders, when they had
delivered the skins to the people in the city, to bring out of the
town all the useless people, that the water might last the longer for
those who defended the place. When the news reached Metellus he was
much annoyed, for his soldiers had already consumed their provisions;
but he sent Aquinius,[143] at the head of six thousand men, to forage.
Sertorius got notice of this, and laid an ambush on the road of three
thousand men who starting up out of a bushy ravine, fell on Aquinius
as he was returning. Sertorius attacked in front and put the Romans to
flight, killing some and taking others prisoners. Aquinius returned
with the loss of both his armour and horse, and Metellus made a
disgraceful retreat amidst the jeers of the Iberians.

XIV. By such acts as these Sertorius gained the admiration and love of
the barbarians; and, by introducing among them the Roman armour, and
discipline, and signals, he took away the frantic and brutal part of
their courage, and transformed them from a huge band of robbers into
an efficient regular army. Besides, he employed gold and silver
unsparingly for the decoration of their helmets, and he ornamented
their shields, and accustomed them to the use of flowered cloaks and
tunics, and, by supplying them with money for such purposes, and
entering into a kind of honourable rivalry with them, he made himself
popular. But they were most gained by what he did for their children.
The youths of noblest birth he collected from the several nations at
Osca,[144] a large city, and set over them teachers of Greek and
Roman learning; and thus he really had them as hostages under the show
of educating them, as if he intended to give them a share in the
government and the administration when they attained to man's estate.
The fathers were wonderfully pleased at seeing their children dressed
in robes with purple borders, and going so orderly to the schools of
Sertorius, who paid for their education, and often had examinations
into their proficiency, and gave rewards to the deserving, and
presented them with golden ornaments for the neck, which the Romans
call "bullæ."[145] It was an Iberian usage for those whose station was
about the commander to die with him when he fell in battle, which the
barbarians in those parts express by a term equivalent to the Greek
"devotion."[146] Now only a few shield-bearers and companions followed
the rest of the commanders; but many thousands followed Sertorius, and
were devoted to die with him. It is said that, when the army of
Sertorius was routed near a certain city and the enemy was pressing on
them, the Iberians, careless about themselves, saved Sertorius, and,
raising him on their shoulders, every one vying with the rest helped
him to the walls; and when their general was secure they then betook
themselves to flight, each as well as he could.

XV. Sertorius was not beloved by the Iberians only, but also by the
soldiers of Italy, who served with him. When Perpenna Vento,[147] who
belonged to the same party as Sertorius, had arrived in Iberia with
much money and a large force, and had determined to carry on war

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