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was much attached to a beautiful boy, and to give the youth a proof of
his attachment he told him of the design, and urged him not to care
for his other lovers; but to give his affections to him alone, as he
would be a great man in a few days. The youth reported what Manlius
said to Aufidius, another of his lovers, to whom he was more attached.
On hearing this, Aufidius was startled, for he was engaged in the
conspiracy against Sertorius, but he did not know that Manlius was a
party to it. But when the youth named Perpenna and Graecinus,[167] and
some others whom Aufidius knew to be in the conspiracy, he was
confounded, yet he made light of the story to the youth, and told him
to despise Manlius for a lying braggart; but he went to Perpenna, and,
showing him the critical state of affairs, and the danger, urged him
to the deed. The conspirators followed his advice, and having engaged
a man to bring letters they introduced him to Sertorius. The letters
gave information of a victory gained by one of the generals, and a
great slaughter of the enemy. Upon this Sertorius was overjoyed, and
offered a sacrifice for the happy tidings; and Perpenna proposed to
feast him and his friends (and they were of the number of the
conspirators), and after much entreaty he prevailed on Sertorius to
come. Now whenever Sertorius was present, an entertainment was
conducted with great propriety and decorum; for he would not tolerate
any indecent act or expression, but accustomed his companions to
enjoy mirth and merriment with orderly behaviour, and without any
excess; but, on this occasion, in the midst of the feast, seeking to
begin a quarrel, they openly used obscene language, and, pretending to
be drunk, behaved indecently, for the purpose of irritating Sertorius.
Whether it was that he was vexed at this disorderly conduct, or had
now suspected their design by the flagging of the conversation[168]
and their unusual contemptuous manner towards him, he changed his
posture on the couch by throwing himself on his back, as if he was
paying no attention to them, and not listening. On Perpenna taking a
cup of wine, and in the middle of the draught throwing it from him and
so making a noise, which was the signal agreed on, Antonius, who lay
next to Sertorius, struck him with his sword. On receiving the blow,
Sertorius turned himself, and at the same time attempted to rise, but
Antonius, throwing himself upon his chest, held his hands, and he was
despatched by blows from many of the conspirators, without even making
any resistance.

XXVII.[169] Now most of the Iberians immediately sent ambassadors to
Pompeius and Metellus, to make their submission; those who remained
Perpenna took under his command, and attempted to do something. After
employing the means that Sertorius had got together, just so far as to
disgrace himself, and show that he was not suited either to command or
to obey, he engaged with Pompeius. Being quickly crushed by him and
taken prisoner, he did not behave himself even in this extremity as a
commander should do; but having got possession of the papers of
Sertorius, he offered to Pompeius to show him autograph letters from
consular men and persons of the highest influence at Rome, in which
Sertorius was invited to Italy, and was assured that there were many
who were desirous to change the present settlement of affairs, and to
alter the constitution. Now Pompeius, by behaving on this occasion,
not like a young man, but one whose understanding was well formed and
disciplined, relieved Rome from great dangers and revolutions. He got
together all those letters, and all the papers of Sertorius, and burnt
them, without either reading them himself or letting any one else read
them; and he immediately put Perpenna to death, through fear that
there might be defection and disturbance if the names were
communicated to others. Of the fellow-conspirators of Perpenna, some
were brought to Pompeius, and put to death; and others, who fled to
Libya, were pierced by the Moorish spears. Not one escaped, except
Aufidius, the rival of Manlius, and this happened, either because he
escaped notice, or nobody took any trouble about him, and he lived to
old age, in some barbarian village, in poverty and contempt.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 101: If this is obscure, the fault is Plutarch's. His word
for Fortune is [Greek: tuchê] τύχη which he has often used in the Life
of Sulla. The word for Spontaneity is [Greek: to automaton] τὸ
αὐτόματον, the Self-moved. The word for Elemental things is [Greek: ta
hupokeimena] τὰ ὑποκειμένα. The word [Greek: hupokeimenon] ὑποκειμένον
is used by Aristotle to signify both the thing of which something is
predicated, the Subject of grammarians, and for the Substance, which
is as it were the substratum on which actions operate. Aristotle
(_Metaphys._ vi. vii. 3) says "Essence ([Greek: ousia] οὐσία) or Being
is predicated, if not in many ways, in four at least; for the formal
cause ([Greek: to ti ên einai] τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι), and the universal, and
genus appear to be the essence of everything; and the fourth of these
is the Substance ([Greek: to hupokeimenon] τὸ ὑποκειμένον). And the
Substance is that of which the rest are predicated, but it is not
predicated of any other thing. And Essence seems to be especially the
first Substance; and such, in a manner, matter ([Greek: hulê] ὕλη) is
said to be; and in another manner, form; and in a third, that which is
from these. And I mean by matter ([Greek: hulê] ὕλη), copper, for
instance; and by form, the figure of the idea; and by that which is
from them, the statue in the whole," &c. I have translated [Greek: to
ti ên einai] τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι by "formal cause," as Thomas Taylor has
done, and according to the explanation of Trendelenburg, in his
edition of Aristotle _On the Soul_, i. 1, § 2. It is not my business
to explain Aristotle, but to give some clue to the meaning of
Plutarch.

The word "accidentally" ([Greek: kata tuchên] κατὰ τύχην) is opposed
to "forethought" ([Greek: pronoia] προνοία), "design," "providence."
How Plutarch conceived Fortune, I do not know; nor do I know what
Fortune and Chance mean in any language. But the nature of the
contrast which he intends is sufficiently clear for his purpose.]

[Footnote 102: As to Attes, as Pausanias (vii. 17) names him, his
history is given by Pausanias. There appears to be some confusion in
his story. Herodotus (i. 36) has a story of an Atys, a son of Crœsus,
who was killed while hunting a wild boar; and Adonis, the favourite of
Venus, was killed by a wild boar. It is not known who this Arcadian
Atteus was.

Actæon saw Diana naked while she was bathing, and was turned by her
into a deer and devoured by his dogs. (Apollodorus, _Biblioth_. iii.
4; Ovidius, _Metamorph_. iii. 155.) The story of the other Actæon is
told by Plutarch (_Amator. Narrationes_, c. 2).]

[Footnote 103: The elder Africanus, P. Cornelius Scipio, who defeated
Hannibal B.C. 202, and the younger Africanus, the adopted son of the
son of the elder Africanus, who took Carthage B.C. 146. See Life of
Tib. Gracchus, c. 1, Notes.]

[Footnote 104: Ios, a small island of the Grecian Archipelago, now
Nio, is mentioned among the places where Homer was buried. The name
Ios resembles that of the Greek word for violet, ([Greek: ion] ίον).
Smyrna, one of the members of the Ionian confederation, is mentioned
among the birth places of Homer. It was an accident that the name of
the town Smyrna was the same as the name for myrrh, _Smyrna_ ([Greek:
smurnê] σμύρνη),x which was not a Greek word. Herodotus (iii. 112)
says that it was the Arabians who procured myrrh.]

[Footnote 105: This Philippus was the father of Alexander the Great.
He is said to have lost an eye from a wound by an arrow at the siege
of Pydna Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander, was named
Cyclops, or the one-eyed. He accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic
expedition, and in the division of the empire after Alexander's death
he obtained a share and by his vigour and abilities he made himself
the most powerful of the successors of Alexander. It is said that
Apelles, who painted the portrait of Antigonus, placed him in profile
in order to hide the defect of the one eye. Antigonus closed his long
career at the battle of Ipsus B.C. 301, where he was defeated and
killed. He was then eighty-one years of age.]

[Footnote 106: Plutarch's form is Annibas. I may have sometimes
written it Hannibal. Thus we have Anno and Hanno. I don't know which
is the true form. [I prefer to write it Hannibal. - A.S.]]

[Footnote 107: Plutarch has written the Life of Eumenes, whom he
contrasts with Sertorius. Eumenes was one of the generals of Alexander
who accompanied him to Asia. After Alexander's death, he obtained for
his government a part of Asia Minor bordering on the Euxine, and
extending as far east as Trapezus. The rest of his life is full of
adventure. He fell into the hands of Antigonus B.C. 315, who put him
to death.]

[Footnote 108: Nursia was in the country of the Sabini among the
Apennines, and near the source of the Nar. It is now Norcia. The MSS.
of Plutarch have Nussa.]

[Footnote 109: The date is B.C. 105. See the Life of Marius, c. 10,
and Notes.]

[Footnote 110: Titus Didius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos were
consuls B.C. 98. In B.C. 97 Didius was in Spain as Proconsul, and
fought against the Celtiberi. Gellius (ii. 27) quotes a passage from
the Historiæ of Sallustius, in which mention is made of Sertorius
serving under Didius in Spain, and the character of Sertorius is given
pretty nearly in the terms of Plutarch, who may have used Sallustius
as one of his authorities. Didius is mentioned by Cicero, _Pro Cn.
Plancio_, c. 25; and by Frontinus, i. 8. 5; ii. 10. 1; and by Appian
(_Iberica_, c. 99). The passage in the text should be translated, "he
was sent out under Didius as commander, and wintered in Iberia, in
Castlo," &c. Plutarch has used the word [Greek: stratêgos] στρατηγός,
which means prætor; but to make the statement correct, we must
translate it Proconsul, or commander. See Life of Crassus, c. 4,
Notes.]

[Footnote 111: Castlo, Castalo, or Castulo, is placed on the north
bank of the Bætis, the Guadalquivir.]

[Footnote 112: See the Life of Marius, c. 32, Notes. The events that
are briefly alluded to at the end of this chapter are described in the
Lives of Marius and Sulla. The battle in the Forum is spoken of in the
Life of Marius, c. 41.]

[Footnote 113: The same story is told in the Life of Marius, c. 44,
where it is stated that Cinna and Sertorius combined to put these
scoundrels out of the way; but the number that were massacred is not
stated there.]

[Footnote 114: Compare the Life of Marius, c. 45, and of Sulla, c. 28,
&c. Cinna was murdered by his soldiers two years after the death of
Marius, and in his fourth consulship, B.C. 84. The younger Marius was
Consul in B.C. 82, with Cn. Papirius Carbo for his colleague. This was
Carbo's third consulship. According to Plutarch, Sertorius left Italy
after the younger Marius was consul, and therefore not earlier than
B.C. 82, unless we understand the passage in Plutarch as referring to
the election of Marius, and not to the commencement of his consulship.
Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 86) places the departure of Sertorius in the
year B.C. 83.]

[Footnote 115: Sertorius had not been Consul, and therefore he was not
now Proconsul. It is true that a man, who had not been Consul, might
receive the government of a Province with the title of Proconsul. (See
c. 7.) Sertorius may have assumed the title.]

[Footnote 116: If Sertorius stayed at Rome till the younger Marius was
elected Consul, as Plutarch states in the sixth chapter, he probably
saw what he is here represented as hearing.]

[Footnote 117: This Annius, surnamed Luscus, served under Q. Metellus
in the Jugurthine War B.C. 107. (Sallust, _Jug. War_, c. 77.) Sulla
gave him the command in Spain with the title of Proconsul B.C. 81. An
extant medal seems to have been struck in honour of his Proconsulship.
(Eckhel, _Doct. Num. Vet._ v. 134.)]

[Footnote 118: This town, which the Romans called Nova Carthago, was
built by the Carthaginians at the close of the first Punic War B.C.
235, and so long as they kept possession of Spain it was their chief
city. Livius (26. c. 42), describes the situation of New Carthage, now
Cartagena, and one of the best harbours in Spain. Its position on the
S.E. coast is favourable for communication with Africa.]

[Footnote 119: The maritime towns of Cilicia were for a long time the
resort of a bold set of seamen and adventurers who scoured the
Mediterranean and were as formidable to the people of Italy as the
Barbary Corsairs were in the middle ages. It was one of the great
merits of Cn. Pompeius Magnus that he cleared the seas of these
scoundrels. See Lucullus, c. 37.]

[Footnote 120: The two islands of Yviça or Ibiça and Formentera, which
belong to the Balearic group, were sometimes comprehended under the
name of the Pityussæ or the Pine Islands (Strabo, 167, ed. Casaub.).
The Greeks and Romans called Yviça, Ebusus. Iviça is hilly, and the
high tracts are well covered with pine and fir.]

[Footnote 121: This is the old name of the Straits of Gibraltar, which
is still retained in the modern form Cadiz. Gadeira, which the Romans
called Gades, was an old Phœnician town, on the island of Leon, where
Cadiz now stands. Strabo (p. 168, ed. Casaub.) says that Gades in his
time (the beginning of the reign of Tiberius) was not inferior in
population to any city except Rome, and was a place of great trade, as
it is now.]

[Footnote 122: This river, now the Guadalquivir, gave the name of
Bætica to one of the three provinces into which the Spanish Peninsula
was ultimately divided by the Romans for the purposes of
administration.]

[Footnote 123: This was the name for so much of the ocean that washes
the west coast of Europe and Africa as the Greeks and Romans were
acquainted with. The Greeks and Romans had no name for the
Mediterranean.]

[Footnote 124: The only islands in the Atlantic that correspond to
this description are Madeira and Porto Santo, but Porto Santo is forty
miles north-east of Madeira. The distance of Madeira from the coast of
Africa is about 400 miles or about 4000 stadia. The climate of Madeira
is very temperate: the thermometer seldom sinks below 60°, though it
sometimes rises as high as 90° of Fahrenheit. On the high and
mountainous parts there are heavy dews, and rain falls at all seasons.
Owing to the variety of surface and elevation the island produces both
tropical products and those of temperate countries. The fame of this
happy region had spread to all parts of the ancient world, though we
cannot safely conclude that the islands were known by report to Homer.
Horace in his 16th _Epode_ is probably alluding to these islands when
he is speaking of the Civil Wars and of flying from their horrors in
those beautiful lines:

Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva beata
Petamus arva divites et insulas, &c.

]

[Footnote 125: The passage is in the fourth book of the 'Odyssey,' v.
563, and is quoted by Strabo (p. 31):

And there in sooth man's life is easiest;
Nor snow, nor raging storm, nor rain is there,
But ever gently breathing gales of zephyr
Oceanus sends up.

Strabo in another passage expresses an opinion that the Elysian fields
were in the southern parts of Spain. That would at least be a good
place for them.]

[Footnote 126: This region is the Mauritania of the Roman Geographers,
the modern Marocco, and the town of Tigennis is the Roman Tingis, the
modern Tangier, which is on the Atlantic coast of Africa,
south-south-east of Gades. The circumstance of Tingis being attacked
shows that the African campaign of Sertorius was in the north-western
part of Marocco. Strabo mentions Tinga (p. 825). See also Plin. _H.N._
v. 1.]

[Footnote 127: The story of this giant is in the mythographers. Tumuli
are found in many parts of the old and new world, and it seems
probable that they were all memorials to the dead. The only surprising
thing in this story is the size of the body; which each man may
explain in his own way. There are various records in antient writers
of enormous bones being found. Those found at Tegea under a smithy,
which were supposed to be the bones of Orestes, were seven cubits long
(Herodotus, i. 68), little more than the ninth part of the dimensions
of Antæus: but Antæus was a giant and Orestes was not. See Strabo's
remarks on this story (p. 829).]

[Footnote 128: See Life of Sulla, c. 17. I am not sure that I have
given the right meaning of this passage. Plutarch may mean to say that
he has said so much on this matter in honour of Juba.]

[Footnote 129: I have translated this passage literally and kept the
word dæmon, which is the best way of enabling the reader to judge of
the meaning; of the text. If the word "dæmon" is here translated
"fortune," it may mislead. A like construction to the words [Greek: tô
daimoni summetabalein to êthos] τῶ δαιμόνι συμμεταβαλεῖν τὸ ἧθος
occurs in the Life of Lucullus, c. 39. The meaning of the whole
passage must be considered with reference to the sense of dæmon, which
is explained in the notes of the Life of Sulla, c. 6.]

[Footnote 130: The Lusitani occupied a part of the modern kingdom of
Portugal.]

[Footnote 131: This story of the deer is told by Frontinus
(_Stratagem,_ i. 11, 13), and by Gellius (xv. 22).]

[Footnote 132: He was of the Aurelia Gens.]

[Footnote 133: Is a small town on the coast, east of the mouth of the
Bætis (Guadalquivir) and near the Straits of Gibraltar. The channel
must be the Straits of Gibraltar.]

[Footnote 134: This is undoubtedly the right name, though it is
corrupted in the MSS. See the various readings in Sintenis, and
_Sulla_ (c. 31), to which he refers. However, the corrupt readings of
some MSS. clearly show what the true reading is.]

[Footnote 135: Sintenis reads Domitius Calvisius. But it should be
Calvinus: Calvinus was a cognomen of the Domitii. (See Livius,
_Epitome_, lib. 90.) The person who is meant is L. Domitius
Ahenobarbus. He fell in this battle on the Guadiana, where he was
defeated by Hirtuleius. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Ahenobarbi, 19.)]

[Footnote 136: That is the province which the Romans called
Tarraconensis, from the town of Tarraco, Tarragona. The Tarraconensis
was the north-eastern part of the Spanish peninsula. The true name of
Thoranius is Thorius.]

[Footnote 137: This was Q. Metellus Pius, the son of Numidicus, who
was banished through the artifices of C. Marius. (Life of Marius, c.
7, &c.) He was Proconsul in Spain from B.C. 78 to 72, and was sent
there in consequence of the success of Sertorius against Cotta and
Fufidius.]

[Footnote 138: Some critics read Lucius Lollius. See the various
readings in Sintenis: his name was L. Manilius.]

[Footnote 139: I should rather have translated it "Gaul about Narbo."
Plutarch means the Roman Province in Gaul, which was called
Narbonensis, from the town of Narbo Martius.]

[Footnote 140: Commonly called Pompey the Great, whose name occurs in
the Lives of Sulla, Lucullus, and Crassus. Plutarch has written his
Life at length.]

[Footnote 141: Probably the philosopher and pupil of Aristotle.]

[Footnote 142: Some writers would connect this name of a people with
Langobriga, the name of a place. There were two places of the name, it
is said, and one is placed near the mouth of the Douro. It is useless
to attempt to fix the position of the Langobritæ from what Plutarch
has said.]

[Footnote 143: Or Aquinus or Aquilius. Cornelius Aquinus was his
name.]

[Footnote 144: Osca was a town in the north-east of Spain, probably
Huesca in Aragon. Mannert observes that this school must have greatly
contributed to fix the Latin language in Spain. Spain however already
contained Roman settlers, and at a later period it contained numerous
Roman colonies: in fact the Peninsula was completely Romanized, of
which the Spanish language and the establishment of the Roman Law in
Spain are the still existing evidence. The short-lived school of
Sertorius could not have done much towards fixing the Latin language
in Spain.]

[Footnote 145: The Bulla was of a round form. See the copy of one from
the British Museum in Smith's 'Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities.'
Kaltwasser refers to Plutarch's Life of Romulus, c. 20, and his 'Roman
Questions,' Part 3, in which he explains what the Bulla is.]

[Footnote 146: The Greek word [Greek: kataspeisis] κατάσπεισις
signifies a "pouring out." Kaltwasser refers to a passage in Cæsar's
'Gallic War,' iii. 22, in which he speaks of the "devoted" (devoti),
whom the Aquitani called Soldurii. As the Aquitani bordered on the
Pyrenees, it is not surprising that the like usage prevailed among
them and the Iberians.]

[Footnote 147: The orthography is Perperna, as is proved by
inscriptions. M. Perperna, the grandfather of this Perperna, was
consul B.C. 130. (see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 20, Notes.) The son of
M. Perperna also was consul B.C. 92: he did not die till B.C. 49, and
consequently survived his son, this Perperna of Plutarch. Perperna
Vento had been prætor. He associated himself with Lepidus after the
death of Sulla, and was like M. Lepidus driven from Rome (Life of
Sulla, c. 34, Notes).]

[Footnote 148: This is the Ebro, which the Romans called Iberus, the
large river which flows in a south-east direction and enters the
Mediterranean.

It seems that Plutarch here means the nations between the Ebro and the
Pyrenees, or the modern Aragon, Navarre, and Catalonia.]

[Footnote 149: The story is told by Frontinus, _Stratagemata_, i. 10,
as Kaltwasser observes, and again, in iv. 7, in the very same words.
It has been often remarked that Horatius probably alludes to this
story (ii. _Epist._ I, 45).]

[Footnote 150: The Tagonius is either the Tagus (Tajo), or a branch of
that large river, on the banks of which the Carpetani are placed by
geographers, who also mark Caraca, a position on the Henares, a branch
of the Tagus. If Caraca represents the country of the Charicatani, the
Tagonius is the Nares or Henares, on which stood Complutum, the modern
Alcalá de Henarea. But all this is merely conjecture.]

[Footnote 151: Lauron is placed near the coast, and near the outlet of
the Sucro river, the modern Xucar. There was also a town Sucro near
the mouth of the Sucro. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 109) says that when
the city was captured, a soldier attempted violence on a woman
([Greek: para phusin] παρὰ φύσιν), who tore out his eyes with her
fingers. Sertorius, who knew that the whole cohort was addicted to
infamous practices, put them all to death though they were Romans.
Frontinus (_Stratagem._ ii. 5) has a long account of this affair at
Lauron, for which he quotes Livius, who says that Pompeius lost ten
thousand men and all his baggage.

Pompeius began his Spanish campaign B.C. 76.]

[Footnote 152: These names are very uncertain in Plutarch. Tuttia may
be the Turia, now the Guadalaviar, the river of Valencia, the outlet
of which is about twenty-five miles north of the outlet of the Sucro.
Other readings are Duria and Dusia (see the notes of Sintenis). If
these rivers are properly identified, this campaign was carried on in
the plains of the kingdom of Valencia. Tutia is mentioned by Florus
(iii. 22) as one of the Spanish towns which surrendered to Pompeius
after the death of Sertorius and Perperna.

Kaltwasser refers to Frontinus, who speaks of one Hirtuleius, or
Herculeius in some editions, as a general of Sertorius who was
defeated by Metellus (_Stratagem_, ii. 1). In another passage (ii. 7)
Frontinus states that Sertorius during a battle being informed by a
native that Hirtuleius hod fallen, stabbed the man that he might not
carry the news to others, and so dispirit his soldiers. Plutarch (Life
of Pompeius c. 18) states that Pompeius defeated Herennius and
Perperna near Valentia, and killed above ten thousand of their men.
This is apparently the same battle that Plutarch is here speaking of.]

[Footnote 153: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 19; and Appian (_Civil
Wars_, i. 110), who states that the battle took place near the town of
Suero (which would be the more correct translation of the text of
Plutarch), and that the wing which Perperna commanded was defeated by



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