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[Footnote 154: This L. Afranius is the man whom Cicero calls "Auli
filius" (_Ad Attic,_ i. 16), by which he meant that he was of obscure
origin. He was consul with Q. Metellus Celer B.C. 60. Afranius and
Petreius commanded for Pompeius in Spain B.C. 49, but C. Julius Cæsar
compelled them to surrender, and pardoned them on the condition that
they should not again serve against him. Afranius broke his promise
and again joined Pompeius. He was in the battle of Thapsus in Africa
B.C. 46, and after the defeat he attempted to escape into Mauritania,
but was caught and given up to Cæsar, and shortly afterwards put to
death by the soldiers.]

[Footnote 155: Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 110) has the same story about
the dear being found.]

[Footnote 156: Seguntum, or Saguntia, as it is written in Appian (i.
110). It is not certain what place is meant. Some critics would read
"in the plains of the Saguntini," by which might be meant the
neighbourhood of Saguntum, a town on the east coast between the mouths
of the Ebro and the Xucar, which was taken by Hannibal in the second
Punic War (Liv. 21, c. 15). The maps place a Segontia on the Tagonius,
another on the Salo (Xalon), a branch of the Ebro, and a Saguntia in
the country of the Vaccæi on the northern branch of the Douro.
Pompeius in his letter to the Senate speaks of the capture of the camp
of Sertorius near Sucro, his defeat on the Durius, and the capture of
Valentia. If the Durius be the Douro, this Segontia may be one of the
towns called Segontia in the north-west of Spain. But the Durius may
be the Turia, the river of Valentia, and Segontia may be Saguntum. The
fact of Pompeius wintering among the Vaccæi is perhaps in favour of a
north-west Segontia; but still I think that Saguntum was the
battle-field. This battle is mentioned by Appian (_Civil Wars_, i.
110), who says that Pompeius lost six thousand men, but that Metellus
defeated Perperua, who lost about five thousand men.]

[Footnote 157: The Vaccæi occupied part of the country immediately
north of the Durius (Douro); but the limits cannot be accurately

[Footnote 158: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 5, and the Life of
Crassus, c. 11. The letter of Pompeius to the Senate is in the third
book of the Fragments of the Roman History of Sallustius. The letter
concludes with the following words, which Plutarch had apparently
read: "Ego non rem familiarem modo, verum etiam fidem consumpsi.
Reliqui vos estis, qui nisi subvenitis, invito et praedicente me,
exercitus hinc et cum eo omne bellum Hispaniae in Italiam

[Footnote 159: This appears to be the event which is described in the
fragment of the Second Book of the History of Sallustius, which is
preserved by Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, ii. 9, in the chapter "De

[Footnote 160: Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 11.]

[Footnote 161: See the Life of Sulla, c. 24.]

[Footnote 162: Kaltwasser quotes Reiske, who observes that Plutarch,
who wrote under the Empire, expresses himself after the fashion of his
age, when the Roman Cæsars lived on the Palatine.]

[Footnote 163: The treaty with Mithridates was made B.C. 75. This
Marius is mentioned in the Life of Lucullus, c. 8. Appian
(_Mithridatic War_, c. 68) calls him Marcus Varius, and also states
that Sertorius agreed to give Mithridates, Asia, Bithynia,
Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia. In the matter of Asia the
narratives of Plutarch and Appian are directly opposed to one

[Footnote 164: This may be literally rendered "Marcus Marius together
with whom Mithridates having captured some of the Asiatic cities;"
Kaltwasser renders it, "in connection with him (Marcus Marius)
Mithrdates conquered some towns in Asia." But the context shows that
Marcus Marius was to be considered the principal, and that the towns
were not conquered in order to be given to Mithridates.]

[Footnote 165: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 20.]

[Footnote 166: Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 112) does not mention this
massacre of the Iberian boys; but he states that Sertorius had become
odious to the Romans whom he now distrusted, and that he employed
Iberians instead of the Romans as his body-guard. He also adds that
the character of Sertorius was changed, that he gave himself up to
wine and women, and was continually sustaining defeats. These
circumstances and fear for his own life, according to Appian, led
Perperna to conspire against Sertorius (i. 113).]

[Footnote 167: Perhaps Octavius Gracimus, as the name appears in
Frontinus (_Stratagem._ ii. 5, 31).]

[Footnote 168: [Greek: tê bradutêti tês lalias.] τῆ βραδυτῆτι τῆς
λαλιᾶς The meaning of these words may be doubtful; but what I have
given is perhaps consistent with the Greek and with the circumstances.
There was some hesitation about beginning the attack, and the flagging
of the conversation was a natural consequence.

Sertorius was murdered B.C. 72, in the consulship of L. Gellius
Publicola and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, in the eighth year of
his command in Spain. (Livius, _Epitom._ 96.) Accordingly this places
the commencement of his command in B.C. 80; but he went to Spain in
B.C. 82, or at the end of B.C. 83. See Notes on c. 6. Appian (_Civil
Wars_, i. 114) states that when the will of Sertorius was opened it
was discovered that he had placed Perperna among his heredes, a
circumstance which throws doubt on the assertion of Appian that
Perperna was afraid that Sertorius intended to take his life. Appian
adds that when this was known, it created great enmity against
Perperna among his followers.

Plutarch's estimate of Sertorius may be a favourable one; yet he does
not omit to mention that act of his life which was most blamable, the
massacre of the youths at Osca. From the slight indications in
Frontinus, who found some material for his work on Military Stratagems
in the campaigns of Sertorius, and from other passages, we may collect
that, however mild the temper of Sertorius was, circumstances must
often have compelled him to acts of severity and even cruelty. The
difficulties of his position can only be estimated when we reflect on
the nature of a campaign in many parts of Spain and the kind of
soldiers he had under him. Promptitude and decision were among his
characteristics; and in such a warfare promptitude and decision cannot
be exercised at the time when alone they are of any use, if a man is
swayed by any other considerations than those of prudence and
necessity in the hour of danger. A general who could stab one of his
own men in the heat of battle, to prevent him dispiriting the army by
news of a loss, proved that his judgment was as clear as his
determination was resolved.

Plutarch's narrative is of no value as a campaign, and his apology
must be that he was not writing a campaign, but delineating a man's
character. Drumann _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeius, p. 350, &c.) has
attempted to give a connected history of this campaign against
Sertorius, and he has probably done it as well as it can be done with
such materials as we possess. The map of Antient Spain and Portugal
published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, will
be useful for reading the sketch in Drumann. Plutarch had no good map,
and, as already observed, he was not writing a campaign. Some modern
historical writers, who have maps, seem to have made very little use
of them; and their narrative of military transactions is often us
confused as Plutarch's.

The nature of Guerilla warfare in Spain may be learned from the
history of the Peninsular War. The difficulties of a campaign in
Navarre and the Basque provinces are well shown in the campaigns of
Zumalacarregui, the Carlist chief, a modern Sertorius, whose
extraordinary career was cut short by a chance ball before the walls
of Bilbao, in 1835. (Henningsen, _The most striking Events of a
Twelve-month's Campaign with Zumalacarregui_, London, 1836.)]

[Footnote 169: Metellus marched to another part of Spain, and left
Pompeius to deal with Perperna. According to Appian's narrative the
decisive action between Pompeius and Perperna took place "on the tenth
day," probably the tenth from the death of Sertorius. Pompeius would
not see Perperna after he was taken, and prudently put him to death.
"The death of Sertorius," says Appian, "was the end of the Spanish
war, and it is probable that if Sertorius had lived, it would not have
been terminated so soon, or so easily."]


I. The historian Douris tells us that the father of Eumenes of Kardia
was so poor that he was obliged to act as a waggoner; yet he gave his
son a liberal education both in mental and bodily exercises. While
Eumenes was yet a lad, Philip, King of Macedon, happened to come to
the city of Kardia, where he amused his leisure time by witnessing the
gymnastic exercises of the young men. Perceiving that Eumenes was one
of the most athletic, and that he was a manly and clever boy, Philip
took him away and attached him to his own person. A more probable
story is that Philip gave the boy this advancement out of regard for
his father, whose friend and guest he was. After the death of Philip,
Eumenes continued in the service of his son Alexander, and was thought
to be as wise and as faithful as any of that prince's servants. His
position was nominally that of chief secretary, but he was treated
with as much honour and respect as the king's most intimate friends,
and was entrusted with an independent command during the Indian
campaign. On the death of Hephæstion, Perdikkas was appointed to
succeed him, and Eumenes was given the post of commander of the
cavalry, vacated by Perdikkas. Upon this Neoptolemus, the chief of the
men-at-arms, sneered at Eumenes, saying that he himself bore a spear
and shield in Alexander's service, but that Eumenes bore a pen and
writing-tablets. However the Macedonian chiefs laughed him to scorn,
as they well knew the worth of Eumenes, and that he was so highly
esteemed that Alexander himself had done him the honour to make him
his kinsman by marriage. He bestowed upon him Barsine, the sister of
that daughter of Artabazus by whom he himself had a son named
Herakles, and gave her other sister Apame to Ptolemæus at the time
when he distributed the other Persian ladies among his followers.

II. Eumenes however was often in danger of incurring the displeasure
of Alexander, because of his favourite Hephæstion. On one occasion a
house was assigned to Evion, Hephæstion's flute-player, which the
servants of Eumenes had previously claimed for their master's lodging.
Hearing this, Eumenes went to Alexander in a rage, and complained that
it was better to be a flute-player than a soldier. At first Alexander
agreed with him, and blamed Hephæstion for his conduct. But afterwards
he changed his mind, and attributed what Eumenes had done to a desire
to insult himself, rather than to vindicate his rights against
Hephæstion. At another time, when Alexander was about to despatch
Nearchus with a fleet to explore the Atlantic, he asked his friends to
subscribe some money, as he had none in his treasury. The sum for
which Eumenes was asked was three hundred talents, of which he only
paid one hundred, and said that he had had great difficulty in
collecting even that amount. Alexander did not reproach him, nor take
the money from him; but he ordered his slaves secretly to set the tent
of Eumenes on fire, hoping when his property was brought out of it to
prove him to have lied in saying that he possessed so little money.
However the tent burned quicker than was expected, and Alexander was
sorry that he had destroyed all the papers and writings which it
contained. There was found in the ruins more than a thousand talents'
worth of gold and silver, melted by the heat of the fire. Of this
Alexander refused to take any, but sent orders to all the officers of
his kingdom to replace the accounts and writings which had been
destroyed. Once again too he quarrelled with Hephæstion about some
present to which each laid claim. They each abused the other roundly,
but Eumenes came off the victor. Shortly afterwards, however,
Hephæstion died, to the great grief of Alexander, who was enraged with
all those who had disliked Hephæstion when alive, and were pleased at
his death. He regarded Eumenes with especial hatred, and frequently
referred to his quarrels with Hephæstion. Eumenes, however, being a
shrewd man, determined that what seemed likely to become his ruin
should prove his salvation. He won Alexander's favour by inventing new
and extravagant modes of showing honour to his friend, and spent money
profusely in providing him with a splendid funeral.

III. When Alexander himself died, and the Macedonian army quarrelled
with its chiefs, he in reality espoused the cause of the latter,
although he declared that he belonged to neither party, modestly
observing that it was not for him, a stranger, to interfere in the
quarrels of Macedonians with one another. In the general division of
Alexander's conquests which then took place, Eumenes obtained
Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the coast of the Euxine sea as far as
Trapezus.[170] This country was not yet conquered by the Macedonians,
but was ruled by Ariarathes, and Leonnatus and Antigonus were
requested by Perdikkas to come with a large army to put Eumenes in
possession of his principality. Antigonus took no heed of this
command, as he was already revolving immense schemes of conquest, and
beginning to despise his colleagues. Leonnatus, however, did begin to
march an army towards Phrygia, intending to help Eumenes, but on the
way he was met by Hekatæus the despot of Kardia, who besought him to
assist the Macedonians under Antipater, who were being besieged in the
city of Lamia. Leonnatus on hearing this became eager to cross his
army over the straits into Europe; and consequently he sent for
Eumenes and reconciled him with Hekatæus. These two men had always
been at enmity with one another on political grounds. Eumenes had
often endeavoured to use his influence with Alexander to crush
Hekatæus, and restore liberty to the oppressed citizens of Kardia, and
never ceased accusing him of tyranny and injustice. On this occasion
Eumenes refused to take part in the expedition into Europe, stating
that he feared Antipater, who had always been his enemy, and who would
be very likely to assassinate him to please Hekatæus. In answer to
these objections Leonnatus unfolded to him his secret plans. His march
to relieve Antipater was merely intended as a pretence to cover his
real object, which was to attempt to make himself master of
Macedonia. He also showed Eumenes several letters which he had
received from Pella, in which Kleopatra offered to marry him if he
would march thither. However Eumenes, either because he feared
Antipater, or because he thought Leonnatus to be embarked upon a rash
and crazy enterprise, left him by night, taking with him all his
property. He was attended by three hundred horsemen, and two hundred
armed slaves, and had with him treasure to the amount of five thousand
talents. He fled at once to Perdikkas, and betrayed all Leonnatus's
plans to him, by which treachery he gained great favour with
Perdikkas, and soon afterwards was established in his government of
Cappadocia by an army led by Perdikkas himself. Ariarathes was taken
prisoner, the country subdued and Eumenes proclaimed satrap over it.
He distributed the government of the various cities amongst his
friends, established garrisons, courts of justice, and receivers of
revenue, as an absolute ruler, without any interference from
Perdikkas. But when Perdikkas left the country Eumenes followed him,
as he did not wish to be away from the court of that prince.

IV. However, Perdikkas considered that he was well able to carry out
his own designs abroad, but required an active and faithful lieutenant
to guard what he already possessed at home. Consequently when he
reached Cilicia he sent Eumenes back, nominally to his own government,
but really to observe Armenia where Neoptolemus was endeavouring to
raise a revolt. Eumenes had frequent interviews with this man, who was
of a flighty and vainglorious character, and tried to restrain him
from any act of open rebellion. Perceiving also that the Macedonian
phalanx was grown very strong, and gave itself most insolent airs, he
determined to raise up some counterpoise to it, in the shape of a
force of cavalry.

He set free from all taxes and state payments whatever those men of
his province who were able to serve as horse soldiers, and bestowed
fine horses, purchased by himself, upon their officers and those whom
he especially trusted. He divided them into regiments, frequently
bestowed upon them honours and rewards, and constantly exercised them
in the performance of military manœuvres. Some of the Macedonians
were alarmed, but others were delighted to see in how short a time he
had raised a force of no less than six thousand three hundred cavalry

V. When Kraterus and Antipater, having made themselves masters of
Greece, crossed over into Asia to destroy the kingdom of Perdikkas,
and were about to invade Cappadocia, Eumenes was appointed by
Perdikkas, who was absent on a campaign against Ptolemy, to be
commander-in-chief of the forces in Cappadocia and Armenia. He also
sent letters, ordering Neoptolemus and Alketas to place themselves
under the orders of Eumenes. Alketas at once refused to serve under
him, alleging that the Macedonian troops which he commanded would be
ashamed to fight against Antipater, and were willing to receive
Kraterus as their king. Neoptolemus also no longer concealed the
treachery which he had so long meditated, and when summoned by Eumenes
to join him, answered by drawing up his men in order of battle. Now
did Eumenes reap the fruits of his prudence and foresight; for though
his infantry was vanquished, yet his cavalry completely overthrew
Neoptolemus, and captured all his baggage. He also caught the phalanx
of the enemy when disordered by its victory, and forced it to
surrender at discretion, and swear allegiance to himself. Neoptolemus
fled with a few followers and joined Kraterus and Antipater, by whom
an embassy had been sent to Eumenes to offer him the peaceful
enjoyment of his government if he would join them, and likewise a
large accession of territory and force, on condition that he would
cease to regard Antipater with dislike and would not become an enemy
to his friend Kraterus. To these overtures Eumenes answered that he
had long hated Antipater, and was not likely to begin to love him now,
when he saw him making war against his own friends, but that he was
willing to act as mediator between Kraterus and Perdikkas, if they
wished to arrange a fair and honourable peace. He declared that as
long as he had breath in his body he would resist all unjust schemes
of spoliation, and would rather lose his life than betray the
confidence bestowed upon him by Perdikkas.

VI. When Eumenes returned this answer to Antipater, he was
deliberating what was the next step to take, when suddenly Neoptolemus
arrived bringing the news of his defeat, and begging for immediate
assistance. He wished one of the chiefs to accompany him, but
especially Kraterus, declaring that he was so popular with the
Macedonians that if they so much as caught sight of his broad-brimmed
Macedonian hat, and heard his voice, they would go over to him in a
body. Indeed the name of Kraterus had great influence with the
Macedonians, and he was their favourite general now that Alexander was
dead, for they remembered how steadfast a friend Kraterus had proved
to them, and how he had often incurred the anger of Alexander by
opposing his adoption of Persian habits, and standing by his
countrymen when they were in danger of being neglected and despised by
a corrupt and effeminate court. Kraterus accordingly sent Antipater
into Cilicia, and himself with the greater part of the army marched
with Neoptolemus to fight Eumenes, whom he imagined he should catch
unawares, engaged in feasting and celebrating his late victory. It did
not argue any very great skill in Eumenes, that he soon became aware
of the march of Kraterus to attack him; but to conceal his own weak
points, not only from the enemy, but also from his own troops, and
actually to force them to attack Kraterus without knowing against whom
they fought, appears to me to have been the act of a consummate
general. He gave out that Neoptolemus and Pigres were about to attack
him a second time, with some Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. On
the night when he intended to start he fell asleep and dreamed a
strange dream. He seemed to see two Alexanders, each at the head of a
phalanx, preparing to fight one another. Then Athena came to help the
one, and Demeter the other. After a hard fight, that championed by
Athena was overcome, and then Demeter gathered ears of corn, and
crowned the victorious phalanx with them. He at once conceived that
this dream referred to himself because he was about to fight for a
most fertile land and one that abounded in corn; for at that time the
whole country was sown with wheat, as if it were time of peace, and
the fields promised an abundant harvest. He was confirmed in his idea
of the meaning of his dream when he heard that the watchword of the
enemy was 'Athena,' with the countersign 'Alexander.' Hearing this, he
himself gave the word 'Demeter,' with the countersign 'Alexander,' and
ordered all his soldiers to crown themselves and adorn their arms with
ears of wheat. He was often tempted to explain to his officers who it
was against whom they were about to fight; but in spite of the
inconvenience of such a secret, he decided finally to keep it to

VII. He was careful not to send any Macedonians to attack Kraterus,
but entrusted this duty to two divisions of cavalry, which he placed
under the command respectively of Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus and
Phœnix of Tenedos. These he ordered, as soon as they saw the enemy, to
charge at full speed, and not to give them time for any parley, or to
send a herald; for he was grievously afraid that if the Macedonians
recognized Kraterus they would desert to him. He himself formed three
hundred of the best of his cavalry into a compact mass with which he
proceeded towards the right, to engage the detachment under
Neoptolemus. The main body, as soon as it had passed a small hill,
came in sight of the enemy and at once charged at full gallop.
Kraterus at this broke out into violent abuse of Neoptolemus, saying
that he had been deceived by him about the Macedonians who were to
have deserted. However, he called upon those about him to quit them
like men, and advanced to meet the horsemen.

The shock was terrible. Their spears were soon broken, and the fight
was continued with swords. Kraterus proved no unworthy successor of
Alexander, for he slew many and often rallied his troops, until a
Thracian rode at him sideways and struck him from his horse. No one
recognized him as he lay on the ground except Gorgias, one of the
generals of Eumenes, who at once dismounted and kept guard over him,
although he was grievously hurt and almost in the death-agony.

Meanwhile Eumenes encountered Neoptolemus. Each had a long-standing
grudge against the other; but it chanced that in the first two charges
which took place they did not see one another. The third time they
recognized one another, and at once drew their daggers and rode
together with loud shouts of defiance. With their reins flowing loose
they drove their horses against one another like two triremes, and
each clutched at the other as he passed, so that each tore the helmet
from the other's head, and burst the fastenings of the corslet upon
his shoulder. Both fell from their horses, and wrestled together in
deadly strife on the ground. As Neoptolemus strove to rise, Eumenes
struck him behind the knee, and leaped upon his own feet, but
Neoptolemus rested upon his other knee, and continued the fight until
he received a mortal stab in the neck. Eumenes through the mortal hate
which he bore him at once fell to stripping him of his armour and
abusing him, forgetting that he was still alive. He received a slight
stab in the groin, but the wound frightened Eumenes more than it hurt
him, as the hand that dealt it was almost powerless. Yet when Eumenes
had finished despoiling the corpse he found that he was severely cut
about the arms and thighs, in spite of which he remounted his horse,
and rode to the other side of the battle-field, where he thought the

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