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should in their old age be deprived of the fruits of their toils and
be forced to depend upon charity, or that their wives should pass a
third night in the enemy's camp. They at once hurried him away. When
he reached the enemy's quarters, Antigonus, fearing that he would be
crushed to death by the crowd (for not a man remained in the camp),
sent ten of the strongest elephants, and many Medes and Parthians,
armed with spears, to keep off the press from him. He himself could
not bear to see Eumenes, because they had once been friends and
comrades; and when he was asked by those who had charge of his person
how they were to treat him, answered, "Like an elephant, or a lion!"
After a while he felt compassion for his sufferings, and ordered his
heavy chains to be removed, appointed an attendant to anoint his
person, and allowed his friends to have free access to him and supply
him with provisions. A long debate took place for several days about
the fate of Eumenes, in which Nearchus, a Cretan, and the young
Demetrius, pleaded earnestly for him, while the other generals all
opposed them and pressed for his execution. It is said that Eumenes
himself inquired of his jailer, Onomarchus, what the reason was that
Antigonus, having got his enemy into his power, did not put him to
death quickly or else set him free honourably. When Onomarchus
insultingly answered that it was not then, but in the battle-field
that he ought to have shown how little he feared death, Eumenes
retorted, "I proved it there also; ask those whom I encountered; but I
never met a stronger man than myself." "Since then you have now met
with a stronger man than yourself," said Onomarchus; "why cannot you
patiently await his pleasure?"

XIX. When, therefore, Antigonus made up his mind to put Eumenes to
death, he ordered him to be kept without food. He lingered thus for
two or three days; but as the camp was suddenly broken up, men were
sent to despatch him. Antigonus restored his body to his friends, and
permitted them to burn it and collect the ashes in a silver urn to be
carried to his wife and children. The death of Eumenes was quickly
avenged by Heaven, which stirred up Antigonus to regard the
Argyraspids with abhorrence, as wicked and faithless villains. He
placed them under the command of Sibystius, the governor of Arachosia,
and gave him orders to employ them, by small parties at a time, upon
services which would ensure their destruction, so that not one of them
should ever return to Macedonia, or behold the Grecian sea.


[Footnote 170: Trebisond.]

[Footnote 171: Alexander.]

[Footnote 172: Plutarch tells us nothing of how Kleopatra came to
Sardis. See Thirlwall's 'History of Greece,' chap. lvii.]

[Footnote 173: Thirlwall's 'History,' chap. lvii.]


The above are all the particulars of the lives of Eumenes and
Sertorius which have come down to us, and which appear worth
recording. When we come to compare them, we find that each was an
exile from his native country, and commanded a numerous army of
foreign troops, although Sertorius enjoyed the great advantage of an
undisputed command, while Eumenes always had to contend with many
competitors for the first place, which nevertheless he always obtained
by his brilliant exploits. Sertorius was eagerly followed by men who
were proud to obey him, but Eumenes was only obeyed out of
self-interest, by men who were incompetent to lead. The Roman ruled
the tribes of Lusitania and Iberia, who had been long before conquered
by the Romans, while the Kardian led the Macedonians, when fresh from
the conquest of the world. Yet Sertorius was always looked up to as a
wise man and a consummate captain, whereas Eumenes was despised as a
mere quill-driver before he fought his way to the rank of general; so
that Eumenes not only started with less advantages, but met with much
greater difficulties, before he attained to distinction. Moreover,
Eumenes throughout his whole career was constantly opposed by open
enemies, and constantly had to make head against secret plots and
intrigues; whereas Sertorius was at first opposed by none of the
officers under his command, and at the very last only by a few. The
one had for his object merely to conquer his enemies, while the other,
after winning a victory, was obliged to defend himself against the
jealousy of his friends.

II. Their military achievements are pretty equally balanced; although
Eumenes was naturally fond of war and tumults, while Sertorius was of
a quiet and peaceful disposition. Thus it happened that Eumenes,
rather than dwell in comfortable and honourable retirement, passed his
whole life in war, because he could not be satisfied with anything
short of a throne; while Sertorius, who hated war, was forced to fight
for his own safety against foes who would not allow him to live in
peace. Antigonus would have made use of Eumenes as an officer with
pleasure, if the latter would have laid aside his designs upon the
throne of Macedonia; but Pompeius and his party would not so much as
allow Sertorius to live, although his only wish was to be at rest.

From this it resulted that the one of his own free will went to war to
obtain power, while the other was forced against his will to obtain
power in order to repel attacks.

The one died by an unexpected stroke, while the other long looked for
death, and at last even wished for it. In the first this shows a noble
and generous spirit, not to distrust his friends; while the latter
seems rather to argue weakness of purpose, for though Eumenes had long
intended to fly, yet he did not, and was taken. The death of Sertorius
did not disgrace his life, for he met at the hands of his friends with
that fate which none of his enemies could inflict upon him; but
Eumenes, who could not escape before he was taken prisoner, and yet
was willing to live after his capture, made a discreditable end; for
by his entreaties to be spared, he proved that his enemy had conquered
not merely his body but also his spirit.


Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedæmon, after a glorious
reign, left one son, Agis, by a noble lady named Lampito, and a much
younger one, named Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter of
Melesippides. As by the Spartan law Agis was the next heir, and
succeeded to the throne, Agesilaus was prepared for the life of a
private man, in that severe Spartan school by which obedience is
instilled into the youth of that country. For that reason it is said
that the epithet of 'man-subduing' is applied to Sparta by the poet
Simonides, because the Spartan customs render the citizens well
behaved, and amenable to discipline, like horses who are broken to
harness early in life. The direct heirs to the throne are not
subjected to this training; but in the case of Agesilaus it happened
that when he began to rule he had previously been taught to obey. This
rendered him by far the most popular of the kings of Sparta, because,
in addition to the haughty spirit that became a king, he had learned
to sympathize with the people over whom he ruled.

II. Agesilaus was an early and intimate friend of Lysander, as they
were both placed as boys in the same herd or troop for the purposes of
discipline. It was then that Lysander learned to admire the moderation
and self-restraint of Agesilaus, who, although he was ambitious and
high-spirited, with a most vehement and passionate desire to be first
in every kind of competition, was yet of a manageable and easily ruled
disposition, very sensitive to reproach, and far more afraid of blame
than of toils or dangers. The misfortune of his lame leg was almost
unnoticed, partly from the robust vigour of his frame, and also from
his own cheerful acknowledgment of this defect, being always the first
to joke about it. He sought by these means to remedy his lameness,
while his daring spirit never allowed it to prevent his undertaking
the most dangerous and laborious adventures. We have no record of his
appearance, for he himself never would consent to have his portrait
taken, and even when dying begged that no statue or painting of him
should be taken. We are, however, told that he was of small and mean
stature, but that his lively and cheerful temper, even in the most
trying situations, and the absence of anything harsh and overbearing
in his manners, made him more popular than many younger and handsomer
men even in extreme old age. The historian Theophrastus informs us
that the mother of Agesilaus was a very small woman, and that the
Ephors had fined Archidamus, on that special ground, for marrying her.
"She will not bring forth kings to rule us," said they, "but

III. During the reign of Agis, Alkibiades arrived in Lacedæmon as an
exile, having made his escape from the army in Sicily, and, after a
short sojourn, was universally believed to be carrying on an intrigue
with the king's wife, Timaea, insomuch that Agis refused to recognize
her child as his own, but declared that Alkibiades was its father. The
historian Douris tells us that Timaea was not altogether displeased at
this imputation, and that when nursing the child among her attendants
she was wont to call it Alkibiades instead of Leotychides. The same
authority states that Alkibiades himself declared that he seduced
Timaea, not out of wantonness, but with the ambitious design of
placing his own family upon the throne of Sparta. In consequence of
this, Alkibiades, fearing the wrath of Agis, left Sparta, and the
child was always viewed with suspicion by Agis, and never treated as
his own son, until in his last illness the boy by tears and entreaties
prevailed upon him to bear public witness to his legitimacy. But after
the death of Agis, Lysander, the conqueror of Athens, who was the most
important man in Sparta, began to urge the claims of Agesilaus to the
throne, on the ground that Leotychides was a bastard, and therefore
excluded from the succession. Many of the other citizens eagerly
espoused the cause of Agesilaus, because they had been brought up in
his company, and had become his intimate friends. There was, however,
one Diopeithes, a soothsayer, who was learned in prophetic lore, and
enjoyed a great reputation for wisdom and sanctity. This man declared
that it was wrong for a lame man to become king of Lacedæmon, and
quoted the following oracle: -

"Proud Sparta, resting on two equal feet,
Beware lest lameness on thy kings alight;
Lest wars unnumbered toss thee to and fro,
And thou thyself be ruined in the fight."

In answer to this, Lysander argued that the oracle really warned the
Spartans against making Leotychides king; for the god was not likely
to allude to actual lameness, which might not even be congenital, but
might arise from some accidental hurt, as disqualifying any one for
the office of king, but rather meant by a "lame reign," the reign of
one who was not legitimate, and not truly descended from Herakles.
Agesilaus also said that Poseidon bore witness to the illegitimacy of
Leotychides; for Agis was said to have been cast out of his
bed-chamber by an earthquake, after which he abstained from
approaching his wife, on religious grounds, for a period of more than
ten months, at the end of which Leotychides was born.

IV. Having been raised to the throne on those grounds, Agesilaus at
the same time acquired the large property left by the late king Agis,
as Leotychides was declared illegitimate and driven into exile. As his
own mother's family were respectable, but very poor, he distributed
half this property among them, thus making sure of their good will and
favour, and removing any jealousy which they might feel at his
elevation. Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, he gained the greatest
influence by always deferring to the wishes of his country, and thus
was really enabled to act exactly as he pleased. The whole power of
the state was at that time vested in the Ephors and the Senate of
Elders, of whom the Ephors are elected every year, while the Elders
sit for life. These two bodies were intended as a check upon the power
of the kings, who would otherwise have been absolute, as has been
explained in the Life of Lykurgus. Between these magistrates and the
kings there was generally a bad understanding; but Agesilaus adopted
an opposite line of conduct. He never attempted to oppose or thwart
the Ephors or the Senate, and even showed a marked deference to them,
referring the initiative of all state affairs to them, hurrying into
their presence when summoned, and rising from his royal throne
whenever they appeared, while he presented each senator, on his
election, with a cloak and an ox, to congratulate him on joining the
Senate. Thus he appeared to exalt the power of the Ephors and to court
their favour, but he himself was by far the greatest gainer, as his
own personal influence was greatly increased, and the power of the
crown much strengthened by the general good will which he inspired.

V. In his dealings with his fellow-citizens he is more to be praised
as an enemy than as a friend; for he would not act unjustly to injure
his enemies, but he sometimes disregarded justice in the interests of
his friends. He was of too generous a nature to refrain from
applauding even his enemies when they deserved it, but could not bear
to reproach his friends for their faults, which he delighted to share
with them, and to extricate them from the consequences, for he thought
nothing disgraceful if done to serve a friend.[174] He was also ever
ready to forgive and assist those with whom he had been at variance,
and thus won all hearts, and attained to a true popularity. The Ephors
indeed, perceiving this, imposed a fine upon him, alleging as a reason
for it that he was attaching the Spartans to his own person instead of
to the State. For just as physical philosophers tell us that if the
principle of strife and opposition were removed, the heavenly bodies
would stand still, and all the productive power of nature would be at
an end, so did the Laconian lawgiver endeavour to quicken the virtue
of his citizens by constructing a constitution out of opposing
elements, deeming that success is barren when there is none to resist,
and that the harmonious working of a political system is valueless if
purchased by the suppression of any important element. Some have
thought that the germ of this idea can be traced in Homer,[175] for he
would not have represented Agamemnon as rejoicing when Achilles and
Odysseus quarrel 'with savage words,' had he not thought that some
great public benefit would arise from this opposition and rivalry of
the bravest. But to this one cannot altogether agree; for party
strife, if carried to excess, proves most dangerous and ruinous to all

VI. Shortly after Agesilaus had been raised to the throne he received
news from Asia that the Persian king was preparing a large army with
which he intended to drive the Lacedæmonians into the sea. Upon
hearing this, Lysander was very eager to be sent out again to conduct
affairs in Asia, in order that he might be able to assist his own
friends and partizans, whom he had appointed as governors to many of
the cities in that country, but who had mostly been forcibly expelled
by the citizens for their insolent and tyrannical conduct. He
therefore urged Agesilaus to undertake a campaign in Asia as the
champion of Greece, and advised him to land upon some distant part of
the coast, so as to establish himself securely before the arrival of
the Persian army. At the same time he despatched instructions to his
friends in Asia, to send to Lacedæmon, and demand Agesilaus as their
general. In a public debate upon the subject, Agesilaus agreed to
conduct the war if he were furnished with thirty Spartans to act as
generals, and to form a council of war. He also demanded a force of
ten thousand picked men of the Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, and
six thousand hoplites, or heavy armed troops, from the allied cities
in Greece. By the active co-operation of Lysander all this was quickly
agreed upon, and Agesilaus was sent out with a council of thirty
Spartans, in which Lysander at once took the lead, not merely by his
own great name and influence, but by reason of his intimacy with
Agesilaus, through which it was supposed that this campaign would
raise him to more than kingly power. While the army was being
assembled at Geræstus, Agesilaus himself proceeded to Aulis with his
friends, and while sleeping there, he appeared in a dream to hear a
voice saying: "O king of the Lacedæmonians, since no one has ever been
commander-in-chief of all the Greeks, save you and Agamemnon alone, it
is fitting that you, since you command the same troops, start from the
same place, and are about to attack the same enemy, should offer
sacrifice to the same goddess to whom he sacrificed here before
setting out." Upon this there, at once, occurred to the mind of
Agesilaus the legend of the maiden who was put to death on that
occasion by her own father, in obedience to the soothsayers; but he
did not allow himself to be disturbed by this omen, but arose and told
the whole dream to his friends, observing that it was his intention to
pay all due honour to the goddess Artemis, but not to imitate the
barbarous conduct of Agamemnon. He now proceeded to hang garlands upon
a hind, and ordered his own soothsayer to offer it as a sacrifice,
disregarding the claims of the local Bœotian priest to do so. The
Bœotarchs, however, heard of this, and were greatly incensed at what
they considered an insult. They at once despatched a body of armed men
to the spot, who forbade Agesilaus to offer sacrifice there, contrary
to the ancestral customs of the Bœotians, and cast off the victim from
the altar where it lay. After this Agesilaus sailed away in great
trouble of mind, both from the anger he felt towards the Thebans, and
from the evil omen which had befallen him, as he feared that it
portended the failure of his Asiatic campaign.

VII. On his arrival at Ephesus, he was much offended by the great
power and influence possessed by Lysander, whose ante-chamber was
always crowded, and who was always surrounded by persons desirous of
paying their court to him. They evidently thought that although
Agesilaus might be nominally in command of the expedition, yet that
all real power and direction of affairs was enjoyed by Lysander, who
had made himself feared and respected throughout Asia, beyond any
other Greek commander, and had been able to benefit his friends and
crush his enemies more effectually than any one had previously done.
As all this was still fresh in the memory of all men, and especially
as they perceived the extreme simplicity and courteousness of
Agesilaus's manners and conversation, and observed, too, that Lysander
was still as harsh, rude, and imperious as before, they all looked up
to him alone as the virtual commander.

The other Spartan members of the council were deeply dissatisfied at
finding that Lysander treated them rather as though he were king and
they were merely there to ratify his decrees, than as their colleague
with powers no more extensive than their own; while Agesilaus himself,
who though he was above feeling any jealousy of the honours paid to
Lysander, yet was ambitious and covetous of honour, began to fear that
if any brilliant success should be achieved, the credit of it would be
given to Lysander alone. He therefore proceeded to oppose all
Lysander's plans, and if he knew that Lysander was interested in any
enterprise, he took care to put it off and neglect it, while he
successively rejected the petitions of every person in whom he knew
Lysander to take an interest. In judicial decisions also he invariably
acquitted those whom Lysander wished to punish, and condemned to pay
heavy fines those whom he endeavoured to serve. As this took place so
frequently that it could not be attributed to chance, but to a
systematic purpose, Lysander was forced to warn his partizans that his
intervention was an injury and not a benefit to them, and that they
must desist from their obsequious attentions to him, and address
themselves directly to the king.

VIII. As these remarks seemed intended to place the king's policy in
an invidious light, Agesilaus determined to humble him still further,
and appointed him his carver. He then said aloud in the hearing of
many persons, "Let them now go and pay their court to my carver."
Vexed at this insult, Lysander remonstrated with him, saying, "Truly,
Agesilaus, you know how to degrade your friends." "Ay, to be sure,"
answered he, "those among them who want to appear greater than I
am."[176] "Perhaps," replied Lysander, "you have spoken the truth, and
I have not acted rightly. Bestow on me, however, some post in which I
may be usefully employed without wounding your feelings."

Upon this, Lysander was despatched on a mission to the Hellespont,
where he found means to gain over a Persian noble named Spithridates,
who had received some offence from Pharnabazus, the satrap of that
province. Lysander induced this man to join Agesilaus with all his
property, and with a regiment of two hundred horse; yet he himself did
not forget his quarrel, and for the rest of his life assiduously
plotted to remove the succession to the throne of Sparta from the two
royal families, and to throw it open to all Spartans alike. It is
indeed probable that he would have raised an important commotion in
Sparta, had he not been slain in an expedition in Bœotia. Thus do
ambitious men do more harm than good in a state, unless they have an
unusual power of self-restraint. Lysander no doubt acted very
offensively, and made a very unreasonable display of his pride; yet
Agesilaus might have discovered some better method of correcting the
faults of so great a man. Indeed, in my opinion they were both equally
blinded by the same passion for personal aggrandizement, so that the
one forgot the power of his prince, and the other could not bear with
the shortcomings of his friend.

IX. Tissaphernes was at first afraid of Agesilaus, and began to treat
with him about setting free the Greek cities on the Ionian coast from
the power of the king of Persia. Afterwards, however, he imagined that
the force at his disposal justified him in breaking off these
negotiations, and he declared war, to the great delight of Agesilaus.
Great expectations had indeed been formed in Greece of the army of
Agesilaus, and it was thought a strange thing that ten thousand Greeks
under Xenophon should march through Persia to the sea, and defeat the
king of Persia's troops as often as they pleased, while Agesilaus, the
commander of the Lacedæmonians, the leading people in Greece, who were
all-powerful both by sea and land, should accomplish nothing. He now
revenged himself on the faithless Tissaphernes for his perjury by an
equal piece of deceit, and gave out that he was about to march into
Karia. When, however, the Persian army was assembled there, he
proceeded north-wards to Phrygia, where he took many cities, and
gained much plunder, pointing out to his friends that although to
solemnly plight one's word and then to break it is wrong, yet that to
out-manœuvre one's enemies is not only lawful, but profitable and
glorious. Being, however, deficient in cavalry, and warned by the omen
of a victim being found with an imperfect liver, he retired to
Ephesus, and there collected a cavalry force, giving rich men the
alternative of either serving themselves in his army, or of furnishing
a horse soldier instead. Many preferred to do so, and Agesilaus soon
possessed a force of warlike cavalry in the place of worthless foot
soldiers; for those who did not wish to serve personally hired men who
were willing to fight, and those who could not ride hired those who
could. Just so did Agamemnon act very wisely in receiving a valuable
mare, and thereby allowing a rich man to purchase his discharge from
military service. Agesilaus now gave orders that the heralds who
conducted the sale of captives by auction, should strip them of their
clothes, and put them up for sale in a state of perfect nudity. Their
clothes were sold separately, and the Greek soldiers laughed heartily
at the white and soft skins, which never had felt the sun or wind,
displayed by these Asiatics, and began to feel contempt for such
effeminate adversaries. Agesilaus himself, pointing first to the
captives themselves, and then to their clothes and other property,
observed, "These are the men with whom you have to fight, and these

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