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after the battle. He also gave to each of his friends a deadly poison
to carry about with them, that none of them might fall into the hands
of the Romans against his will. Thence he set out towards Armenia to
Tigranes, but Tigranes forbade him to come and set a price of a
hundred talents upon him, on which Mithridates passed by the sources
of the Euphrates and continued his flight through Colchis.[257]
XXXIII. Pompeius invaded Armenia at the invitation of young
Tigranes,[258] who had now revolted from his father, and he met
Pompeius near the river Araxes,[259] which rises in the same parts
with the Euphrates, but turns to the east and enters the Caspian Sea.
Pompeius and Tigranes received the submission of the cities as they
advanced: but King Tigranes, who had been lately crushed by Lucullus,
and heard that Pompeius was of a mild and gentle disposition, admitted
a Roman garrison into his palace,[260] and taking with him his friends
and kinsmen advanced to surrender himself. As he approached the camp
on horseback, two lictors of Pompeius came up to him and ordered him
to dismount from his horse and to enter on foot: they told him that no
man on horseback had ever been seen in a Roman camp. Tigranes obeyed
their orders, and taking off his sword presented it to them; and
finally, when Pompeius came towards him, pulling off his
cittaris,[261] he hastened to lay it before his feet, and what was
most humiliating of all, to throw himself down at his knees. But
Pompeius prevented this by laying hold of his right hand and drawing
the king towards him; he also seated Tigranes by his side, and his son
on the other side, and said that Tigranes ought so far to blame
Lucullus only, who had taken from him Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia,
Galatia, and Sophene,[262] but that what he had kept up to that time,
he should still have, if he paid as a compensation to the Romans for
his wrongful deeds six thousand talents, and his son should be King of
Sophene. Tigranes assented to these terms, and being overjoyed by the
Romans saluting him as king, he promised to give every soldier half a
mina of silver,[263] to a centurion ten minæ, and to a tribune a
talent. But his son took this ill, and on being invited to supper he
said that he was not in want of Pompeius to show such honour as this,
for he would find another Roman.[264] In consequence of this he was
put in chains and kept for the triumph. No long time after Phraates
the Parthian sent to demand the young man, as his son-in-law, and to
propose that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the two powers.
Pompeius replied that Tigranes belonged to his father rather than to
his father-in-law, and that as to a boundary he should determine that
on the principles of justice.

XXXIV. Leaving Afranius in care of Armenia, Pompeius advanced through
the nations that dwell about the Caucasus,[265] as of necessity he
must do, in pursuit of Mithridates. The greatest of these nations are
Albani and Iberians, of whom the Iberians extend to the Moschic
mountains and the Pontus, and the Albani extend to the east and the
Caspian Sea. The Albani at first allowed a free passage to Pompeius at
his request; but as winter overtook the Romans in the country and they
were occupied with the festival of the Saturnalia,[266] mustering to
the number of forty thousand they attacked the Romans, after crossing
the Cyrnus[267] river, which rising in the Iberian mountains and
receiving the Araxes which comes down from Armenia, empties itself by
twelve mouths into the Caspian. Others say that the Araxes does not
join this stream, but that it has a separate outlet, though near to
the other, into the same sea. Pompeius, though he could have opposed
the enemy while they were crossing the river, let them cross quietly,
and then he attacked and put them to flight and destroyed a great
number. As the King begged for pardon, and sent ambassadors, Pompeius
excused him for the wrong that he had done, and making a treaty with
him, advanced against the Iberians, who were as numerous as the Albani
and more warlike, and had a strong wish to please Mithridates and to
repel Pompeius. For the Iberians had never submitted either to the
Medes or the Persians,[268] and they had escaped the dominion of the
Macedonians also, inasmuch as Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania. However
Pompeius routed the Iberians also in a great battle, in which nine
thousand of them were killed and above ten thousand taken prisoners,
and he entered Colchis; and on the Phasis[269] he was met by Servilius
with the vessels with which he was guarding the Pontus.

XXXV. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties,
as he had plunged among the nations around the Bosporus and the
Mæotis; and intelligence reached Pompeius that the Albani had again
revolted. Moved by passion and desire of revenge, Pompeius turned
against the Albani. He again crossed the Cyrnus with difficulty and
danger, for the river had been fenced off with stakes to a great
extent by the barbarians; and as the passage of the river was
succeeded by a long waterless and difficult march, he had ten thousand
skins filled with water and then advanced against the enemy, whom he
found posted on the river Abas[270] to the number of sixty thousand
foot and twelve thousand cavalry, but poorly armed, and for the most
part only with the skins of beasts. They were commanded by a brother
of the king, named Kosis, who, when the two armies had come to close
quarters, rushed against Pompeius and struck him with a javelin on the
fold[271] of his breastplate, but Pompeius with his javelin in his
hand pierced him through and killed him. In this battle it is said
that Amazons[272] also fought on the side of the barbarians, and that
they had come down hither from the mountains about the river
Thermodon. For after the battle, when the Romans were stripping the
barbarians, they found Amazonian shields and boots, but no body of a
woman was seen. The Amazons inhabit those parts of the Caucasus which
extend towards the Hyrcanian sea, but they do not border on the
Albani, for Gelæ and Leges dwell between; and they cohabit with these
people every year for two months, meeting them on the river Thermodon,
after which they depart and live by themselves.

XXXVI. After the battle Pompeius set out to advance to the
Hyrkanian[273] and Caspian sea, but he was turned from his route by
the number of deadly reptiles, when he was three days' march from it.
He retired to the Less Armenia; and he returned a friendly answer to
the Kings of the Elymæi[274] and Medes who sent ambassadors, but
against the Parthian king who had invaded Gordyene and was plundering
the people of Tigranes, he sent Afranius with a force who drove him
out and pursued him as far as the territory of Arbela. Of all the
concubines of Mithridates who were brought to him, he knew not one,
but sent all back to their parents and kin; for the greater part were
the daughters and wives of generals and princes. Stratonike,[275] who
was in the greatest repute and guarded the richest of the forts, was,
it is said, the daughter of a harp-player, who was not rich and was an
old man; and she made so sudden a conquest of Mithridates over his
wine by her playing, that he kept the woman and went to bed with her,
but sent away the old man much annoyed at not having been even civilly
spoken to by the king. In the morning, however, when he got up and saw
in his house tables loaded with silver and golden cups, and a great
train of attendants, with eunuchs and boys bringing to him costly
garments, and a horse standing before the door equipped like those
that carried the king's friends, thinking that this was all mockery
and a joke he made an attempt to escape through the door. But when the
slaves laid hold of him and told him that the king had made him a
present of the large substance of a rich man who had just died, and
that this was but a small foretaste and sample of other valuables and
possessions that were to come, after this explanation hardly convinced
he took the purple dress, and leaping on the horse rode through the
city exclaiming, "All this is mine." To those who laughed at him he
said, this was nothing strange, but it was rather strange that he did
not pelt with stones those who came in his way, being mad with
delight. Of this stock and blood was Stratonike. But she gave up this
place to Pompeius, and also brought him many presents, of which he
took only such as seemed suitable to decorate the temples and add
splendour to his triumph, and he told her she was welcome to keep the
rest. In like manner when the King of the Iberians sent him a couch
and a table and a seat all of gold, and begged him to accept them, he
delivered them also to the quæstors for the treasury.

XXXVII. In the fort Kænum[276] Pompeius found also private writings
of Mithridates, which he read through with some pleasure as they gave
him a good opportunity of learning the man's character. They were
memoirs,[277] from which it was discovered that he had taken off by
poison[278] among many others his son Ariarathes and Alkæus of Sardis
because he got the advantage over the King in riding racehorses. There
were registered also interpretations of dreams,[279] some of which he
had seen himself, and others had been seen by some of his women; and
there were lewd letters of Monime[280] to him and his answers to her.
Theophanes says that there was also found an address of Rutilius[281]
in which he urged the King to the massacre of the Romans in Asia. But
most persons with good reason suppose this to be a malicious story of
Theophanes, perhaps invented through hatred to Rutilius, who was a
man totally unlike himself, or perchance to please Pompeius, whose
father Rutilius in his historical writings had shown to be a
thoroughly unprincipled fellow.

XXXVIII. Thence Pompeius went to Amisus,[282] where his ambition led
him to reprehensible measures. For though he had abused Lucullus
greatly, because while the enemy was still alive, he published edicts
for the settlement of the countries and distributed gifts and honours,
things which victors are accustomed to do when a war is brought to a
close and is ended, he himself, while Mithridates was still ruling in
the Bosporus[283] and had got together a force sufficient to enable
him to take the field again, just as if everything was finished, began
to do the very things that Lucullus had done, settling the provinces,
and distributing gifts, many commanders and princes, and twelve
barbarous kings having come to him. Accordingly he did not even deign
when writing in reply to the Parthian,[284] as other persons did, to
address him by the title of King of Kings, and he neglected to do this
to please the other kings. He was also seized with a desire and a
passion to get possession of Syria and to advance through Arabia to
the Erythræan sea,[285] that in his victorious career he might reach
the ocean that encompasses the world on all sides; for in Libya he was
the first who advanced victoriously as far as the external sea, and
again in Iberia he made the Atlantic sea the boundary of the Roman
dominion; and thirdly, in his recent pursuit of the Albani he came
very near to reaching the Hyrkanian sea. Accordingly he now put his
army in motion that he might connect the circuit of his military
expeditions with the Erythræan sea; and besides, he saw that
Mithridates was difficult to be caught by an armed force, and was a
harder enemy to deal with when flying than when fighting.

XXXIX. Wherefore, remarking that he would leave behind him for
Mithridates an enemy stronger than himself, famine, he set vessels to
keep a guard on the merchants who sailed to the Bosporus; and death
was the penalty for those who were caught. Taking the great bulk of
his army he advanced on his march, and falling in with the bodies
still unburied of those who with Triarius[286] had fought
unsuccessfully against Mithridates and fallen in battle, he buried all
with splendid ceremonial and due honours. It was the neglect of this
which is considered to have been the chief cause of the hatred to
Lucullus. After subduing by his legate Afranius the Arabs in the
neighbourhood of the Amanus,[287] he descended into Syria, which he
made a province and a possession of the Roman people on the ground
that it had no legitimate kings; and he subdued Judæa[288] and took
King Aristobulus prisoner. He built some cities, and he gave others
their liberty and punished the tyrants in them. But he spent most time
in judicial business, settling the disputes of cities and kings, and
in those cases for which he had no leisure, sending his friends; as
for instance to the Armenians and Parthians, who referred to him the
decision as to the country[289] in dispute between them, he sent three
judges and conciliators. For great was the fame of his power, and no
less was the fame of his virtue and mildness; by reason of which he
was enabled to veil most of the faults of his friends and intimates,
for he did not possess the art of checking or punishing evil doers,
but he so behaved towards those who had anything to do with him, that
they patiently endured both the extortion and oppression of the

XL. The person who had most influence with Pompeius was Demetrius, a
freedman, a youth not without understanding, but who abused his good
fortune. The following story is told of him. Cato the philosopher, who
was still a young man, but had a great reputation and already showed a
lofty spirit, went up to Antioch,[290] when Pompeius was not there,
wishing to examine the city. Now Cato, as was his custom, walked on
foot, but his friends who were journeying with him were on horseback.
Observing before the gate a crowd of men in white vestments, and along
the road, on one side the ephebi, and on the other the boys, in
separate bodies, he was out of humour, supposing that this was done
out of honour and respect to him who wanted nothing of the kind.
However he bade his friends dismount and walk with him. As they came
near, the man who was arranging and settling all this ceremony, with a
crown on his head and a wand in his hand, met them and asked where
they had left Demetrius and when he would arrive. Now the friends of
Cato fell a-laughing, but Cato exclaimed, "O wretched city," and
passed by without making further answer. However Pompeius himself made
Demetrius less an object of odium to others by submitting to his
caprices without complaint. For it is said that frequently when
Pompeius at entertainments was waiting for and receiving his guests,
Demetrius would already have taken his place at the table, reclining
with haughty air, and with his vest[291] over his ears hanging down.
Before he had returned to Rome, Demetrius had got possession of the
most agreeable places in the suburbs, and the finest pleasure-grounds
and costly gardens were called Demetrian; and yet up to his third
triumph Pompeius was lodged in a moderate and simple manner. But
afterwards when he was erecting for the Romans that beautiful and
far-famed theatre,[292] he built, what may be compared to the small
boat that is towed after a big vessel, close by a house more
magnificent than he had before; and yet even this was so far from
being such a building as to excite any jealousy that the person who
became the owner of it after Pompeius, was surprised when he entered
it, and he asked where Pompeius Magnus used to sup. Such is the story
about these matters.

XLI. The King of the Arabians in the neighbourhood of Petra[293]
hitherto had not troubled himself at all about the Romans, but now
being much alarmed he wrote to say that he was ready to submit and to
do anything. Pompeius wishing to confirm him in this disposition made
an expedition against Petra, wherein he did not altogether escape
censure from most people. For they considered that this was evading
the pursuit of Mithridates, and they urged him to turn against him who
was his old antagonist and was fanning his flame and preparing
according to report to lead an army through the country of the
Scythians and Pæonians[294] against Italy. But Pompeius thinking it
would be easier to crush the forces of Mithridates in the field than
to overtake him when he was flying, did not choose to exhaust himself
to no purpose in a pursuit, and he contrived to find other occupations
in the interval of the war and he protracted the time. Fortune,
however, settled the difficulty; for when he was at no great distance
from Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and was
exercising himself with his horse around the camp, letter-bearers rode
up from Pontus with good tidings. This was manifest at once by the
points of their spears, for they were wreathed with bay. Pompeius at
first wished to finish his exercises, but as the men called out and
entreated him, he leapt from his horse and taking the letters advanced
into the camp. But as there was no tribunal[295] and there had not
been time to make even the kind of tribunal that is used in the camp,
which they are accustomed to form by digging out large lumps of earth
and putting them together upon one another, in their then zeal and
eagerness they piled together the loadings of the beasts of burden and
raised an elevated place. Pompeius ascending this announced to the
soldiers, that Mithridates was dead, having put an end to his own life
because his son Pharnakes[296] rebelled against him, and Pharnakes had
taken possession of everything in those parts, and put all under his
own dominion and that of the Romans, as he said in his letter.

XLII. Upon this the soldiers being delighted, as was natural, occupied
themselves with sacrifices and entertainments, considering that in the
person of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had expired. Pompeius
having brought his own undertakings and expeditions to a termination,
which he had not anticipated could be so easily done, immediately
retired from Arabia; and quickly traversing the intermediate provinces
he arrived at Amisus, where he found that many presents had been sent
by Pharnakes and many corpses of members of the royal family, and the
corpse of Mithridates also, which could not well be recognised by the
face (for those who had embalmed the body had neglected to destroy the
brain); but those who wished to see the body, recognised it by the
scars. Pompeius himself would not see the body, but fearing divine
retribution[297] he sent it off to Sinope.[298] He was amazed at the
dress and armour of Mithridates, both at the size and splendour of
what he saw; though the sword belt, which cost four hundred talents,
Publius stole and sold to Ariarathes, and the cittaris, a piece of
wonderful workmanship, Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates himself
gave to Faustus the son of Sulla who asked for it. Pompeius did not
know this at the time; but Pharnakes who afterwards discovered it
punished the thieves. After Pompeius had arranged and settled affairs
in those parts, he continued his march with more pomp. On arriving at
Mitylene[299] he gave the city its freedom for the sake of Theophanes,
and he witnessed the usual contest there among the poets, the sole
subject being his own exploits. Being pleased with the theatre he had
a sketch taken of it and a plan made, with the intention of making one
like it in Rome, but larger and more splendid. When he was in Rhodes,
he heard all the sophists and made each a present of a talent.
Poseidonius[300] put in writing the discourse which he read before
Pompeius in opposition to the rhetorician Hermagoras on the doctrine
of general invention. In Athens Pompeius behaved in like manner to the
philosophers, and after giving also to the city fifty talents towards
its restoration, he was in hopes to set foot in Italy with a
reputation above that of any man and to be received by his family with
the same eagerness that he had to see them. But the Dæmon[301] who
takes care always to mix some portion of ill with the great and
glorious good things which come from Fortune, had long been lurking on
the watch and preparing to make his return more painful to him. For
during the absence of Pompeius his wife Mucia[302] had been
incontinent. Indeed while Pompeius was at a distance he treated the
report with contempt, but when he had come near to Italy, and had
examined the charge with more deliberation, as it seems, he sent her
notice of divorce, though neither then nor afterwards did he say for
what reason he put her away: but the reason is mentioned in Cicero's

XLIII. All kinds of reports about Pompeius preceded his arrival at
Rome, and there was great alarm, as it was supposed that he would
forthwith lead his army against the city and that a monarchy[303]
would be firmly established. Crassus taking his sons and his money
secretly got away from Rome, whether it was that he really was afraid,
or, what is more probable, he wished to give credibility to the
calumny and to strengthen the odium against Pompeius. As soon,
however, as Pompeius landed[304] in Italy, he summoned his soldiers to
an assembly,and after saying what was suitable to the occasion and
expressing his affectionate thanks to them, he bade them disperse
among their several cities and each go to his home, remembering to
meet again for his triumph. The army being thus dispersed, and the
fact being generally known, a wonderful circumstance happened. For the
cities seeing Pompeius Magnus unarmed and advancing with a few
friends, as if he were returning from an ordinary journey, pouring
forth through good will and forming an escort brought him into Rome
with a larger force, so that if he had designed to make any change and
revolution at that time he would not have wanted the army which he had

XLIV. As the law did not allow a general to enter the city before his
triumph, Pompeius sent to the Senate to request they would put off the
consular elections and to grant him this favour, that he might in his
own person assist Piso in his canvass. As Cato opposed his request, he
did not attain his object. But Pompeius admiring Cato's boldness of
speech and the vigour which he alone openly displayed in behalf of the
law, desired in some way or other to gain the man; and as Cato had two
nieces, Pompeius wished to take one of them to wife and to marry the
other to his son. Cato saw his object, which he viewed as a way of
corrupting him and in a manner bribing him by a matrimonial alliance;
but his sister and wife took it ill that he should reject an alliance
with Pompeius Magnus. In the mean time Pompeius wishing to get
Afranius[305] made consul, expended money on his behalf among the
tribes, and the voters came down to the gardens of Pompeius where they
received the money, so that the thing became notorious and Pompeius
had an ill name for making that office which was the highest of all
and which he obtained for his services, venal for those who were
unable to attain to it by merit. "These reproaches however," said Cato
to the women, "we must take our share of, if we become allied to
Pompeius." On hearing this the women agreed that he formed a better
judgment than themselves as to what was proper.

XLV. Though the triumph[306] was distributed over two days, such was
its magnitude that the time was not sufficient, but much of the
preparation was excluded from the spectacle, and enough for the
splendour and ornament of another procession. The nations over which
Pompeius triumphed were designated by titles placed in front. The
nations were the following, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia,
Media, Colchis, the Iberians, Albani, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, the
parts about Phœnice and Palestine, Judæa, Arabia, and the whole body
of pirates by sea and land who had been subdued. Among these nations
fortified places not fewer than a thousand were taken, and cities not
far short of nine hundred, and eight hundred piratical ships; and
cities forty save one were founded. Besides this it was shown on
written tablets that 5000 myriads (fifty millions) were the produce of
the taxes, while from the additions that he had made to the state they
received 8500 myriads (eighty-five millions), and there were brought
into the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold and
silver twenty thousand talents, not including what had been given to
the soldiers, of whom he who received the least according to his
proportion received fifteen hundred drachmæ. The captives who appeared
in the procession, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranes
the Armenian with his wife and daughter, and Zosime a wife of King

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