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had not depth enough to float a trireme. At the same time it was
observed that some of the king's ships were getting their men on
board, and soldiers occupied the shore, so that it appeared impossible
to escape even if they changed their minds and made the attempt; and
besides, this want of confidence would give the murderers some excuse
for their crime. Accordingly, after embracing Cornelia who was
anticipating and bewailing his fate, he ordered two centurions to step
into the boat before him, and Philippus one of his freedmen and a
slave called Scythes, and while Achillas was offering him his hand out
of the boat, he turned round to his wife and son and repeated the
iambics of Sophocles,

"Whoever to a tyrant bends his way,
Is made his slave, e'en if he goes a freeman."

LXXIX.[392] These were the last words that he spoke to his friends
before he entered the boat: and as it was a considerable distance to
the land from the galley, and none of those in the boat addressed any
friendly conversation to him, looking at Septimius he said, "I am not
mistaken I think in recognising you as an old comrade of mine;" and
Septimius nodded without making any reply or friendly acknowledgment.
As there was again a profound silence, Pompeius who had a small roll
on which he had written a speech in Greek that he intended to address
to Ptolemæus, began reading it. As they neared the land, Cornelia with
her friends in great anxiety was watching the result from the galley,
and she began to have good hopes when she saw some of the king's
people collecting together at the landing as if to honor Pompeius and
give him a reception. In the mean time, while Pompeius was taking the
hand of Philippus that he might rise more easily, Septimius from
behind was the first to transfix him with his sword; and Salvius, and
after him Achillas drew their swords. Pompeius drawing his toga close
with both hands over his face, without saying or doing anything
unworthy of himself, but giving a groan only, submitted to the blows,
being sixty years of age save one, and ending his life just one day
after his birthday.

LXXX. Those in the ships seeing the murder uttered a shriek which
could be heard even to the land, and quickly raising their anchors,
took to flight: and a strong breeze aided them in their escape to the
open sea, so that the Egyptians, though desirous of pursuing, turned
back. They cut off the head of Pompeius, and throwing the body naked
out of the boat, left it for those to gaze at who felt any curiosity.
Philippus stayed by the body, till the people wore satisfied with
looking at it, and then washing it with sea-water he wrapped it up in
a tunic of his own; and as he had no other means, he looked about till
he found the wreck of a small fishing-boat, which was decayed indeed,
but enough to make a funeral pile in case of need for a naked body,
and that not an entire corpse. As he was collecting these fragments
and putting them together, a Roman, now an old man[393] who had served
his first campaigns in his youth under Pompeius, stood by him and
said: "Who are you, my friend, that are preparing to perform the
funeral rites to Pompeius Magnus?" Philippus replying that he was a
freedman, the man said: "But you shall not have this honour to
yourself: allow me too to share in this pious piece of good fortune,
that I may not altogether have to complain of being in a strange land,
if in requital for many sufferings I get this honour at least, to
touch and to tend with my hands the greatest of the Roman generals."
Such were the obsequies of Pompeius. On the next day Lucius Lentulus
who was on his voyage from Cyprus, not knowing what had happened, was
coasting along the shore, when he saw the pile and Philippus standing
by it before he was seen himself and said, "Who is resting here after
closing his career?" and after a slight interval, with a groan, he
added, "perhaps it is you, Pompeius Magnus." Presently he landed, and
being seized was put to death. This was the end of Pompeius. Not long
after Cæsar arriving in Egypt, which was filled with this horrid deed,
turned away from the man who brought him the head of Pompeius, as from
a murderer, and when he received the seal of Pompeius, he shed tears;
the device was a lion holding a sword. He put to death Achillas and
Potheinus, and the king himself being defeated in battle was lost
somewhere near the river. Theodotus the sophist escaped the vengeance
of Cæsar, for he fled from Egypt and wandered about in a miserable
state, the object of detestation; but Brutus Marcus, after he had
killed Cæsar and got the power in his hands, finding Theodotus in
Asia, put him to death with every circumstance of contumely. Cornelia
obtained the remains of Pompeius and had them carried to his Alban
villa and interred there.


[Footnote 189: This line is from the Prometheus Loosed ([Greek:
luomenos] λυόμενος) of Aeschylus which is lost. Prometheus Bound
([Greek: desmôtês] δεσμώτης) is extant. Hermann is of opinion that the
Prometheus Loosed did not belong to the same Tetralogy as the
Prometheus Bound.]

[Footnote 190: The Gens to which Pompeius belonged was Plebeian. Cn.
Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus, was consul B.C. 89.
Strabo, a name derived like many other Roman names from some personal
peculiarity, signifies one who squints, and it was borne by members of
other Roman Gentes also, as the Julia, and Fannia. It is said that the
father of Pompeius Magnus had a cook Menogenes, who was called Strabo,
and that the name was given to Cn. Pompeius because he resembled his
cook. However this may be, Cn. Pompeius adopted the name, and it
appears on his coins and in the Fasti. He had a bad character and
appears to have deserved it. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p.
306.) Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 6. Notes.

The latter part of this chapter is somewhat obscure in the original.
See the note of Coræs.]

[Footnote 191: L. Marcius Philippus, Consul B.C. 91 with Sextus Julius
Cæsar, was a distinguished orator.]

[Footnote 192: Some of the commentators have had strange opinions
about the meaning of this passage, which Kaltwasser has mistranslated.
It is rightly explained in Schaefer's note, and the learned Lambinus
has fully expounded it in a note on Horatius (_Od._ i. 13): but in
place of [Greek: adêktos] ἀδήκτος he has a wrong reading [Greek:
adêkto] ἀδήκτο. Flora was not the only courtesan who received the
distinction mentioned in the text. The gilded statue of Phryne, the
work of Praxiteles, was placed in the temple at Delphi, presented by
the lady herself. (Pausanias, x. 15).]

[Footnote 193: Pompeius Magnus was born B.C. 106. He was younger than
Marcus Crassus, of the same age as Cicero, and six years older than
the Dictator Cæsar. The event mentioned in the chapter belongs to the
year B.C 87, in which his father fought against L. Cinna. Pompeius
Strabo died in this year.]

[Footnote 194: This town, now Ascoli on the Tronto, in Picenum, was
taken by Pompeius Strabo B.C. 89 in the Marsic war, and burnt. The
inhabitants, who had killed the proconsul P. Servilius and other
Romans, were severely handled; and Pompeius Strabo had a triumph
(December 89) for his success against the Asculani and other
inhabitants of Picenum. (Velleius, ii. 21.)]

[Footnote 195: P. Antistius was prætor B.C. 86, the year after the
death of Pompeius Strabo.]

[Footnote 196: Compare the Life of Romulus, c. 14.]

[Footnote 197: Cinna was killed in his fourth consulate, B.C. 84.
Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 78) states that he was massacred by his
soldiers, but his account may be true and that of Plutarch also, which
is more particular, (See also Livius, _Epit._ 83.)]

[Footnote 198: The father of Pompeius had enriched himself during the
Social wars.]

[Footnote 199: Now Osimo, was one of the cities of Picenum, south of
Ancona. It was a Roman colony.]

[Footnote 200: The three commanders were C. Albius Carinnas, C. Cœlius
Caldus and M. Junius Brutus. The word Clœlius in Plutarch may be a
mistake of the copyists. Brutus was the father of M. Brutus, one of
Cæsar's assassins.]

[Footnote 201: L. Cornelius Scipio, consul B.C. 83. Plutarch speaks of
the same event in the Life of Sulla, c. 28, where he states that the
soldiers of Scipio came over to Sulla. The two statements are
contradictory, Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 85) tells the story of
Scipio's army going over to Sulla.]

[Footnote 202: A mistake for Æsis (Esino, or Finmesino), a river which
formed the boundary between Umbria and Picenum, and enters the sea
north of Ancona. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 87) states that Metellus
defeated Carinnas, the legatus of Carbo, on the Æsis (B.C. 82).]

[Footnote 203: This was Q. Metellus Pius who afterwards commanded in
Iberia against Sertorius. See the Life of Sertorius.]

[Footnote 204: The Greek writers often employ similes and metaphors
derived from the athletic contests. There were contests both for boys
and full-grown men. Compare the Life of Agesilaus, c. 13.]

[Footnote 205: The marriage arrangements mentioned in this chapter
took place after the capture of Præneste, B.C. 82. See the Life of
Sulla, c. 33. Sulla attempted to make Cæsar also part with his wife
(Cæsar, c. 1): but Cæsar would not. Sulla, who was a cunning man,
wished to gain over to his side all the young men of promise.

Antistius had been murdered in the Senate-house, by the order of the
consul, the younger Marius, who was then blockaded in Præneste. Q.
Mucius Scævola, the Pontifex, was murdered at the same time.
(Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 88.)]

[Footnote 206: His true name is Perperna. See the Life of Sertorius.]

[Footnote 207: Cn. Papirius Carbo was put to death, B.C. 82, in his
third consulship. Compare Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 96, and Life of
Sulla, c. 28, Notes. Valerius Maximus, ix. c. 13, gives the story of
his begging for a short respite, with some other particulars.]

[Footnote 208: Caius Oppius, an intimate friend of Cæsar. Some persons
believed that he was the author of the Books on the Alexandrine,
African, and Spanish campaigns, which are printed with the Gallic War
of Cæsar. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 56.) Hs wrote various biographies.
Oppius is often mentioned by Cicero. There is extant a letter of
Cicero to him _Ad Diversos_, xi. 29); but it is entitled in some
editions of Cicero 'To Appius.']

[Footnote 209: This was Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the father-in-law of
Cinna. He had been consul B.C. 96 with C. Cassius Longinus.]

[Footnote 210: C. Memmius, according to Drumann, the same who
afterwards fell in the war against Sertorius. (Life of Sertorius, c.

[Footnote 211: The expedition of Pompeius to Africa was in B.C. 81.
Iarbas is said to have been a descendant of Massinissa. He escaped
from the battle. The scene of the battle and the subsequent movements
of Pompeius cannot be collected from Plutarch's narrative, which here,
as in the case of military operations generally, is of no value. As to
the age of Pompeius, see the note in Clinton's Fasti B.C. 81.]

[Footnote 212: The lion is a native of North Africa, but it is
doubtful if the elephant is. The Carthaginians employed many elephants
in their armies, which they probably got from the countries south of
the great desert. Plutarch evidently considers the elephant as a
native of North Africa, or he would not speak of hunting it; yet in
chapter 14 he speaks of the elephants as the King's, or the King's
elephants, as if the elephants that Pompeius took were merely some
that belonged to Iarbas or some of the African kings, and had got
loose. Plinius (_N.H._ viii. 1) speaks of elephants in the forests of
Mauritania. They are enumerated by Herodotus (iv. 191) among the
beasts of North Africa.]

[Footnote 213: Drumann discusses at some length the question as to the
time and occasion on which Pompeius received the appellation: those
who are curious may consult his work, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p.

[Footnote 214: M. Valerius Maximus, a brother of Publicola. The
allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer, B.C. 494,
which was followed by the institution of the Tribunitian office.
Cicero (Brutus, 14) mentions this Valerius, and the secession to the
Mons Sacer. See Livius, ii. 30.]

[Footnote 215: Q. Fabius Maximus Rullus, who was five times consul,
and for the last time in B.C. 295. (Livius, x. 22.) He was afterwards
Dictator and Censor. It was in his capacity of Censor that he ejected
these persons from the Senate, B.C. 304. Compare the Life of Fabius
Maximus, c. 1.]

[Footnote 216: Kaltwasser observes that it was not so much a law (lex)
as a usage: but Plutarch's words by no means imply that he thought
there was a Lex to this effect. Livius (xxxi. c. 20) states that only
a dictator, consul, or prætor could have a triumph. The claim of
Pompeius was an impudent demand: but he felt his power. The 'first
Scipio' is the elder Africanus. See Life of Tiberius Gracchus, c. 1,

[Footnote 217: Plutarch may mean that Pompeius really attempted to
enter the gate in a chariot drawn by elephants, and finding that he
could not do it, he got out and mounted a chariot drawn by horses.
This is perhaps nearer the literal version of the passage, and agrees
better with Plinius (_N. H._ viii. 1).]

[Footnote 218: P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, consul for B.C. 79.
Pompeius triumphed B.C. 81, or in the beginning of 80 B.C., the first
of the class of Equites who ever had this honour. The review of the
Equites, which is spoken of at the end of this chapter, is explained
by c. 22.]

[Footnote 219: Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 31, &c. Sulla died in the
consulship of M. Æmilius Lepidus and Q. Lutatius Catulus, B.C. 78.]

[Footnote 220: This is the Roman expression, which Plutarch has
rendered by [Greek: hoi aristoi] οἱ άριστοι. Compare Life of Tib.
Gracchus, c. 10.]

[Footnote 221: On the site of Modena. The events of the consulship of
Lepidus are very confused. Drumann observes (Pompeii, p. 345) that
Plutarch incorrectly tells the story as if Pompeius was not present at
the attack of Lepidus on Rome (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 107; Floras,
iii. 23): but Plutarch's narrative does not of necessity imply that
Pompeius was not there.]

[Footnote 222: See the Life of Brutus.]

[Footnote 223: See the Life of Sertorius, and as to the conduct of
Pompeius in the war more particularly, chapter 12, &c.]

[Footnote 224: Pro Consule was the title of a Roman general who was
sent to a province with consular authority. It was not unusual to
appoint a man Pro Consule who had not been 'consul.' The point of the
reply lies in the form of the expression 'Pro Consule,' which was a
title, as contrasted with 'Pro Consulibus,' which means 'instead of
the consuls, to displace the consuls.' The expression of L. Philippus
is recorded by Cicero (_Pro Lege Manilia_, c. 21). Pompeius went to
Iberia B.C. 76.]

[Footnote 225: The death of Sertorius took place B.C. 72. As to the
death of Perperna, see the Life of Sertorius, c. 26. The allusion to
Sicily will be explained by referring to c. 10; but there is nothing
there stated for which Pompeius needed to show any gratitude to
Perperna. We may assume that Perperna left the island, because he
could not safely stay.]

[Footnote 226: The war in Spain was not quite settled by the death of
Perperna. There was still some work left to do. Several towns held
out, particularly in the country of the warlike Arevaci, who were on
the east coast of Spain. Pompeius burnt Uxama; and L. Afranius
conducted the war with unsparing severity against the Calaguritani who
made a desperate resistance. (Floras, iii. 22.) The capture of their
town ended the war. Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 376.]

[Footnote 227: The history of the Servile war is in the Life of
Crassus, c. 11, &c.]

[Footnote 228: This was in B.C. 71. In B.C. 70 Pompeius was consul for
the first time with M. Licinius Crassus.]

[Footnote 229: Sulla had not abolished the tribunitian office, but he
had deprived the tribunes of the chief part of their power. It does
not seem exactly certain what Sulla did. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i.
100) says 'that he weakened it very much and carried a law by which no
man after being tribune could hold any other office.' Cicero (_De
Legibus_, iii. 9) considers the extension of the tribunitian power as
unavoidable, and as effected with the least mischief by being the work
of Pompeius.]

[Footnote 230: A Cornelia Lex, passed in the time of Sulla, made the
Judices in the Judicia Publica eligible only out of the body of
Senators. That the Senators had acted corruptly in the administration
of justice, we have the authority of Cicero in one of his Verrine
orations (_In Verr._ A 1, 13 and 16). The measure for restoring the
Equites to a share in the judicial functions was proposed by the
prætor L. Aurelius Cotta, the uncle of C. Julius Cæsar, with the
approbation of Pompeius and Cæsar, who were now acting in concert. The
charges of corruption which Cotta made against the Senate are recorded
by Cicero (_In Verr._ iii. 96). The proposed law (rogatio), which was
carried, made the Judices eligible out of the Senators, Equites, and
Tribuni Ærarii, which three classes are mentioned by Cicero (_Ad
Atticum_, i. 16) as represented by the Judices who sat on the trial of
Clodius. The purity of the administration of justice was not hereby
improved. Cicero, on the occasion of the trial of Clodius, speaks of
all these classes having their dishonest representatives among the

[Footnote 231: Compare the Life of Crassus, c. 12.

The remarks at the end of the chapter may be useful to some men who
would meddle with matters political, when their only training has been
in camps. Pompeius was merely a soldier, and had no capacity for civil

[Footnote 232: The history of piracy in the Mediterranean goes as far
back as the history of navigation. The numerous creeks and islands of
this inland sea offer favourable opportunities for piratical posts,
and accordingly we read of pirates as early as we read of commerce by
sea. (Thucydides, i. 5.) The disturbances in the Roman State had
encouraged these freebooters in their depredations. Cæsar, when a
young man, fell into their hands (Life of Cæsar, c. 1); and also P.
Clodius. The insecure state of Italy is shown by the fact of the
pirates even landing on the Italian coast, and seizing the Roman
magistrates, Sextilius and Bellienus. Cicero in his oration in favour
of the Lex Manilia (c. 12, c. 17, &c.) gives some particulars of the
excesses of the pirates. Antonia, whom they carried off, was the
daughter of the distinguished orator, Marcus Antonius (Life of Marius,
c. 44), who had been sent against the Cilician pirates B.C. 102, and
had a triumph for his victory over them. If Cicero alludes (_Pro Lege
Manilia_) to the capture of the daughter of Antonius, that probably
took place before B.C. 87, for in that year Antonius was put to death.
But Cicero speaks of the daughter of 'a prætor' being carried off from
Misenum, and it is not improbable that he alludes to M. Antonius
Creticus, prætor B.C. 75. If this explanation is correct, the Antonia
was the grand-daughter of the orator Antonius.]

[Footnote 233: [Greek: stulides] στυλίδες. The meaning of this word is
uncertain. [Greek: Stulis] Στυλίς is a diminutive of [Greek: stulos]
στῦλος, and signifies a small pillar, or pole. It may be that which
carried the colours. But I do not profess to have translated the word,
for I do not know what is meant.]

[Footnote 234: From the places enumerated it appears that the pirates
had carried their ravages from the coast of Asia Minor to the shores
of Greece and up the Ionian Sea as far as the entrance of the Gulf of
Ambracia, now the Gulf of Arta, near the entrance of which Actium was
situated on the southern coast, and even to the Italian shores. The
temple of Juno Lacinia was on the south-eastern coast of Italy on a
promontory, now called Capo delle Colonne, from the ruins of the
ancient temple. The noted temples of antiquity were filled with works
of art and rich offerings, the gifts of pious devotees. Cicero (_Pro
Lege Manilia_), c. 18) speaks of the pirates as infesting even the Via

[Footnote 235: Not the mountain of that name, Kaltwasser remarks, but
a town of Lycia in Asia Minor, one of the headquarters of the pirates.
Strabo (p. 671) places Olympus in Cilicia. There was both a city and a
mountain named Olympus there; and I have accordingly translated 'on
Olympus.' (Beaufort, _Karamania_, p. 46.)]

[Footnote 236: Mithras was a Persian deity, as it appears. The name
occurs in many Persian compounds as Mithridates, Ithamitres, and
others. _Mitra_ is a Sanscrit name for the Sun. (Wilson, _Sanscrit

[Footnote 237: The Mediterranean. See the Life of Sertorius, c. 8,
note. As to the limits of the command of Pompeius, compare Velleius
Paterculus, ii. 31.]

[Footnote 238: Aulus Gabinius, one of the tribunes for the year B.C.
67, proposed the measure. The consuls of this year were C. Calpurnius
Piso and M. Acilius Glabrio.]

[Footnote 239: L. Roscius Otho, one of the tribunes, and the proposer
of the unpopular law (B.C. 67) which gave the Equites fourteen
separate seats at the theatre. (Velleius, ii. 32; Dion Cassius, 36, c.

[Footnote 240: Compare the Life of Flaminiaus, c. 10.]

[Footnote 241: [Greek: ekomizen] ἐκόμιζεν in the text. The reading is
perhaps wrong, and the sense is doubtful. Reiske conjectured that it
should be [Greek: ekolaze] ἐκόλαζε.]

[Footnote 242: This place is on the coast of the Rough or Mountainous
Cilicia, on a steep rock near the sea. (Strabo, p. 668; Beaufort's
_Karamania_, p. 174.)]

[Footnote 243: Soli was an Achæan and Rhodian colony. After being
settled by Pompeius, it received the name of Pompeiopolis, or the city
of Pompeius. It is on the coast of the Level Cilicia, twenty miles
west of the mouth of the river Cydnus, on which Tarsus stood. Soli was
the birthplace of the Stoic Chrysippus, and of Philemon the comic
writer. (Strabo, p. 671; Beaufort's _Kar._, p. 259.)]

[Footnote 244: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 26.]

[Footnote 245: One of the towns of Achæa in the Peloponnesus, near the
borders of Elis. Pausanias (vii. 17).

As to the number of the pirates who surrendered, see Appianus
(_Mithridatic War_, c. 96).]

[Footnote 246: Q. Cæcilius Metellus Creticus is stated by some modern
writers to have been a son of Metellus Dalmaticus; but it is unknown
who his father and grandfather were. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_.) He
had been consul B.C. 69. (Compare Velleius Paterculus, ii. 32.)]

[Footnote 247: The passage is in the Iliad, xxii. 207.]

[Footnote 248: Or as Plutarch writes it Mallius. The tribune C.
Manilius is meant, who carried the Lex Manilia, B.C. 66, which gave
Pompeius the command in the Mithridatic war. Cicero supported the law
in the speech which is extant, Pro Lege Manilia. It has been proposed
to alter Mallius in Plutarch's text into Manilius, but Sintenis refers
to Dion Cassius (36. c. 25, 26, 27).]

[Footnote 249: This was Glabrio the consul of B.C. 67 (see note on c.
25), who had been appointed to supersede Lucullus. (Life of Lucullus,
c. 34, notes.)]

[Footnote 250: The allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the
Mons Sacer, which is recorded in Livius (2. c. 32).]

[Footnote 251: See the Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 12, and the note.]

[Footnote 252: Pompeius was appointed to the command in the
Mithridatic war B.C. 66, when he was in Cilicia. (Appianus,
_Mithridatic War_, c. 97.)]

[Footnote 253: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 35, &c.]

[Footnote 254: As to the events in this chapter, compare Appianus,
_Mithridatic War_, c. 98, &c.]

[Footnote 255: Probably a Greek woman, as we may infer from the name.
The king seems to have had a liking for Greek women.]

[Footnote 256: This is probably a corrupted name. It is Sinorega in
Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 101). Coræs proposes Sinora. (Strabo,
p. 555.) The place is mentioned by Ammianus (quoted by Sintenis) under
the name of Sinhorium or Synorium. Strabo places Sinoria (as it is
written in Casaubon's text) on the borders of the Greater Armenia.]

[Footnote 257: Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 101) describes the
course which Mithridates took in his flight. He spent the winter in
Dioscuri, as Appianus calls it, or Dioscurias on the east coast of the
Euxine; and afterwards entered the countries bordering on the Mæotis

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