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consulship of Poppæus, when she was 103 years old, 91 years after her
first appearance. (Plinius, _H.N_. vii. 49.) Drumann says, when
speaking of the games of Pompeius, "a woman of unusually advanced age
was brought forward;" but the words of Plinius "anus pro miraculo
reducta," apply to her last appearance. A woman of one-and-forty was
no uncommon thing then, nor is it now. The pointing in the common
texts is simply the cause of the blunder.]

[Footnote 327: See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, notes, Julia died B.C.
54, in the consulship of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and Ap. Claudius
Pulcher (See the Life of Cæsar. c. 23.) Crassus lost his life B.C.

[Footnote 328: A quotation from the Iliad, xv. 189.]

[Footnote 329: Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messala, the
consuls of B.C. 53, were not elected till seven months after the
proper time, so that there was during this time an anarchy [Greek:
anarchia] ἀναρχία, which is Plutarch's word). This term 'anarchy' must
be taken in its literal and primary sense of a time when there were no
magistrates, which would be accompanied with anarchy in the modern
sense of the term. Dion Cassius (40. c. 45) describes this period of
confusion. The translation in the text may lead to a misunderstanding
of Plutarch's meaning; it should be, "he allowed an anarchy to take
place." Kaltwasser's translation: "so liess er es zu einer Anarchie
kommen," is perfectly exact.]

[Footnote 330: In the year B.C. 52 in which year Clodius was killed.]

[Footnote 331: She was the daughter of Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius
Scipio, who was the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and of Licinia,
the daughter of the orator L. Crassus. He was adopted (B.C. 64 or 63)
by the testament of Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius, who fought in Spain
ngainst Sertorius; but his daughter must have been born before this,
as she bore the name Cornelia. Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, Cæcilii, p.
49) thinks that the story of her attempting to destroy herself when
she heard of the death of her husband (Life of Pompeius, c. 74) is
suspicious, because she married Pompeius the year after. If Cornelia
were the only woman that was ever said to have done so, we might doubt
the story; but as she is not, we need not suspect it on that account.]

[Footnote 332: Corruption is [Greek: dorodokia] δοροδοκία in Plutarch,
'gift receiving,' and it ought to correspond to the Roman Peculatus.
But [Greek: dorodokia] δοροδοκία also means corruption by bribes.
Bribery is [Greek: dekasmos] δεκασμός in Plutarch, which is expressed
generally by the Roman Ambitus, and specially by the verb 'decuriare.'
(See Cicero's Oration Pro Cn. Plancio, Ed. Wunder.) The offence of
Scipio was Ambitus. (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 51, &c.; Appianus, _Civil
Wars_, ii. 24.) As to Roman Bribery, see the article BRIBERY,
'Political Dictionary,' by the author of this note, whose contribution
begins p. 416.]

[Footnote 333: These 360 Judices appear to have been chosen for the
occasion of these trials. (Velleius Pater. ii. 76; Goettling,
_Roemische Staatsverfassung_, p. 482.)]

[Footnote 334: T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, a tribune of the Plebs. In
B.C. 52 Milo and Clodius with their followers had an encounter in
which Clodius was killed. Tho people, with whom he was a favourite,
burnt his body in the Curia Hostilia, and the Curia with it. (Dion
Cassius, 40, c. 48.) Plancus was charged with encouraging this
disorder, and he was brought to trial. Cicero was his accuser; he was
condemned and exiled. (Cicero, _Ad Diversos_, vii. 2.)]

[Footnote 335: Plautius Hypsæus was not a consular. He had been the
quæstor of Pompeius. He and Scipio had been candidates for the
consulship this year, and were both charged with bribery. (Dion
Cassius, 40, c. 53.) Hypsæus was convicted.]

[Footnote 336: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 29. Pompeius had lent Cæsar
two legions (c. 52). Compare Dion Cassius, 40. c. 65, and Appianus,
_Civil Wars_, ii. 29. The illness of Pompeius and the return of the
legions from Gaul took place in the year B.C. 50. Appius Claudius (c.
57) was sent by the Senate to conduct the legions from Gaul. Dion
Cassius (40. c. 65) says that Pompeius had lent Cæsar only one legion,
but that Cæsar had to give up another also, inasmuch as Pompeius
obtained an order of the Senate that both he and Cæsar should give a
legion to Bibulus, who was in Syria, for the Parthian war. (Appianus,
_Civil Wars_, ii. 29; _Bell. Gall._ viii. 54.) Thus Pompeius in effect
gave up nothing, but Cæsar parted with two legions. The legions were
not sent to Syria, but both wintered in Capua. The consul C. Claudius
Marcellus (B.C. 50) gave both these legions to Pompeius.]

[Footnote 337: L. Æmilius Paulus was consul B.C. 50, with C. Claudius
Marcellus a violent opponent of Cæsar. He built the Basilica Pauli
(Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 26). Basilica is a Greek word ([Greek:
basilikê] βασιλική); a basilica was used as a court of law, and a
place of business for merchants. The form of a Roman basilica is known
from the description of Vitruvius (v. 1), the ground-plan of two
Basilicæ at Rome, and that of Pompeii which is in better preservation.
Some of the great Roman churches are called Basilicæ, and in their
construction bear some resemblance to the antient Basilicæ. ('Penny
Cyclopædia,' _Basilica_.)]

[Footnote 338: C. Scribonius Curio. Compare the Life of M. Antonius,
c. 2. He was a man of ability, but extravagant in his habits (Dion
Cassius, 40. c. 60): -

"Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum,
Gallorum captus spoliis et Cæsaris auro." -

Lucanus, _Pharsalia_, iv. 819

As to the vote on the proposition of Curio, Appianus (_Civil Wars_,
ii. 30) agrees with Plutarch. Dion Cassius (40. c. 64: and 41. c. 2)
gives a different account of this transaction.]

[Footnote 339: C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus
were consuls for the year B.C. 49, in which the war broke out, This
Marcellus was the cousin of the consul Marcellus of the year B.C. 50,
who (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 30) presented Pompeius with a sword
when he commissioned him to fight against Cæsar. Plutarch appears (c.
58, 59) to mean the same Marcellus; but he has confounded them. The
Marcellus of c. 58 is the consul of B.C. 49; and the Marcellus of c.
59 is the consul of B.C. 50, according to Dion Cassius (40. c. 66 41.
c. 1, &c.) and Appianus.]

[Footnote 340: Cicero returned from his government of Cilicia B.C.

[Footnote 341: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 32.]

[Footnote 342: L. Volcatius Tullus who had been consul B.C. 66
('Consule Tullo'), Horatius (_Od._ iii. 8).]

[Footnote 343: The reply of Pompeius is given by Appianus (_Civil
Wars_, ii. 37). As to the confusion in Rome see Dion Cassius (42. c.
6-9); and the references in Clinton, _Fasti_, B.C. 49.]

[Footnote 344: Plutarch here omits the capture of Corfinium, which
took place before Cæsar entered Rome. See Dion Cassius (41. c. 10),
and the Life of Cæsar, c. 34.]

[Footnote 345: L. Metullus, of whom little is known. Kaltwasser makes
Cæsar say to Metellus, "It was not harder for him to say it than to do
it;" which has no sense in it. What Cæsar did say appears from the
Life of Cæsar, c. 35. Cæsar did not mean to say that it was as easy
for him to do it as to say it. He meant that it was hard for him to be
reduced to say such a thing; as to doing it, when he had said it, that
would be a light matter. Sintenis suspects that the text is not quite
right here. See the various readings and his proposed alteration; also
Cicero, _Ad Attic._ x. 4.]

[Footnote 346: Cæsar (_Civil War_, i. 25, &c.) describes the
operations at Brundisium and the escape ot Pompeius. Compare also Dion
Cassius (41. c. 12); Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 39). The usual
passage from Italy to Greece was from Brundisium to Dyrrachium
(Durazzo), which in former times was called Epidamnus (Thucydides, i.
24; Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 39).]

[Footnote 347: This does not appear in Cæsar's Civil War.]

[Footnote 348: This opinion of Cicero is contained in a letter to
Atticus (vii. 11). When Xerxes invaded Attica (B.C. 480), Themistokles
advised the Athenians to quit their city and trust to their ships. The
naval victory of Salamis justified his advice. In the Peloponnesian
War (B.C. 431) Perikles advised the Athenians to keep within their
walls and wait for the Cæsar invaders to retire from Attica for want
of supplies; in which also the result justified the advice of
Perikles. Cicero in his letters often complains of the want of
resolution which Pompeius displayed at this crisis.]

[Footnote 349: Plutarch means that Cæsar feared that Pompeius had
everything to gain if the war was prolonged.

In his Civil War (i. 24) Numerius is called Cneius Magius, 'Præfectus
fabrorum,' or head of the engineer department. Sintenis observes that
Oudendorp might have used this passage for the purpose of restoring
the true prænomen in Cæsar's text, 'Numerius' in place of 'Cneius.']

[Footnote 350: These vessels took their name from the Liburni, on the
coast of Illyricum. They were generally biremes, and well adapted for
sea manœuvres.]

[Footnote 351: A town in Macedonia west of the Thermaic Gulf or Bay of
Saloniki. It appears from this that Pompeius led his troops from the
coast of the Adriatic nearly to the opposite coast of Macedonia (Dion
Cassius, 41. c. 43). His object apparently was to form a junction with
the forces that Scipio and his son were sent to raise in the East (c.

[Footnote 352: The Romans were accustomed to such exercises as these
in the Campus Martius.

- - - "cur apricum
Oderit campum patiens pulveris atque solis?

* * * * *

- - - sæpe disco
Sæpe trans finem jaculo nobilis expedito." - Horatius, _Od_. i. 8.

Compare the Life of Marius (34).

The Romans maintained their bodily vigour by athletic and military
exercises to a late period of life. The bath, swimming, riding, and
the throwing of the javelin were the means by which they maintained
their health and strength. A Roman commander at the age of sixty was a
more vigorous man than modern commanders at the like age generally

[Footnote 353: Pompeius passed the winter at Thessalonica (Saloniki)
on the Thermaic Gulf and on the Via Egnatia, which ran from Dyrrachium
to Thessalonica, and thence eastward. He had with him two hundred
senators. The consuls, prætors, and quæstors of the year B.C. 49 were
continued by the Senate at Thessalonica for the year B.C. 48 under the
names of Proconsuls, Proprætors, Proquæstors. Cæsar and P. Servillus
Isauricus were elected consuls at Rome for the year B.C. 48 (Life of
Cæsar, c. 37). The party of Pompeius could not appoint new magistrates
for want of the ceremony of a Lex Curiata (Dion Cassius, 41. c. 43).]

[Footnote 354: His name is Titus Labienus (Life of Cæsar, c. 34).
'Labeo' is a mere blunder of the copyists. Dion Cassius (41. c. 4)
gives the reasons for Labienus passing over to Pompeius. Labienus had
served Cæsar well in Gaul, and he is often mentioned in Cæsar's Book
on the Gallic War. He fell at the battle of Munda in Spain B.C. 45.
(See the Life of Cæsar, c. 34, 56.)]

[Footnote 355: M. Junius Brutus. See the Life of Brutus.]

[Footnote 356: Cicero was not in the Senate at Thessalonica, though he
had come over to Macedonia. (See the Life of Cicero, c. 38.)]

[Footnote 357: Tidius is not a Roman name. It should be Didius.]

[Footnote 358: The defeats of Afranius and Petreius in Iberia, in the
summer of B.C. 49, are told by Cæsar in his Civil War, i. 41-81.

Cæsar reached Brundisium at the close of the year B.C. 49. See the
remarks on the time in Clinton, _Fasti_, B.C. 49. Oricum or Oricus was
a town on the coast of Epirus, south of Apollonia.]

[Footnote 359: L. Vibillius Rufus appears to be the person intended.
He is often mentioned by Cæsar (_Civil War_, i. 15, 23, &c.); but as
the readings in Cæsar's text are very uncertain (Jubellius, Jubilius,
Jubulus) Sintenis has not thought it proper to alter the text of
Plutarch here.

'On the third day.' Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 10) says 'triduo
proximo," and the correction of Moses du Soul, [Greek: hêmera rhêtê]
ἡμέρα ῥητῆ, is therefore unnecessary. Pompeius had moved westward from
Thessalonica at the time when Rufus was sent to him, and was in
Candavia on his road to Apollonia and Dyrrachium (Cæsar, _Civil War_,
iii. 11).]

[Footnote 360: Pompeius returned to Dyrrachium, which it had been the
object of Cæsar to seize. As he had not accomplished this, Cæsar
posted himself on the River Apsus between Apollonia and Dyrrachium.
The fights in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium are described by Cæsar
(_Civil War_, iii. 34, &c.).]

[Footnote 361: The Athamanes were on the borders of Epirus and
Thessalia. In place of the Athamanes the MSS. of Cæsar (_Civil War_,
iii. 78) have Acarnania, which, as Drumann says, must be a mistake in
the text of Cæsar.]

[Footnote 362: Q. Metellus Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, who
had been appointed to the government of Syria by the Senate. Scipio
had now come to Thesaalia (Cæsar, _Civil War_, iii. 33, and 80).]

[Footnote 363: Cato was left with fifteen cohorts in Dyrrachium. See
the Life of Cato, c. 55; Dion Cassius (12. c. 10).]

[Footnote 364: Or Tusculanum, as Plutarch calls it, now Frascati,
about 12 miles S.E. of Rome, where Cicero had a villa.]

[Footnote 365: Lentulus Spinther, consul of B.C. 57, and L. Domitius
Ahenobarbus, consul B.C. 54. This affair is mentioned by Cæsar himself
(_Civil War_, iii. 83, &c.). We have the best evidence of the bloody
use that the party of Pompeius would have made of their victory is the
letters of Cicero himself (_Ad Atticum_, xi. 6). There was to be a
general proscription, and Rome was to see the times of Sulla revived.
But the courage and wisdom of one man defeated the designs of these
senseless nobles. Cæsar (c. 83) mentions their schemes with a
contemptuous brevity.]

[Footnote 366: The town of Pharsalus was situated near the Enipeus, in
one of the great plains of Thessalia, called Pharsalia. Cæsar (iii.
88) does not mention the place where the battle was fought. See
Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 75.]

[Footnote 367: Pompeius had dedicated a temple at Rome to Venus
Victrix. The Julia (Iulia) Gens, to which Cæsar belonged, traced their
deecent from Venus through Iulus, the son of Æneas. (See the Life of
Cæsar, c. 42.)]

[Footnote 368: Cæsar does not mention this meteor in his Civil War.
See Life of Cæsar, c. 43, and Dion Cassius, 41. c. 61.]

[Footnote 369: A place in Thessalia north of Pharsalus where Titus
Quinctius Flaminius defeated King Philip of Macedonia, B.C. 197.]

[Footnote 370: [Greek: ton phoinikoun chitôna] τὸν φοινικοῦν χιτῶνα.
Shakspere has employed this in his Julius Cæsar, Act V. Sc. 1:

"Their bloody sign of battle is hung out."

Plutarch means the Vexillum. He has expressed by his word ([Greek:
protheinai] προθεῖναι) the 'propono' of Cæsar (_Bell. Gall._ ii. 20;
_Bell. Hispan._ c. 28, _Bell. Alexandr._ c. 45). The 'hung out' is a
better translation than 'unfurled.']

[Footnote 371: Plutarch in this as in some other instances places the
Prænomen last, instead of first which he ought to do; but immediately
after he writes Lucius Domitius correctly. The error may be owing to
the copyists.

The order of the battle is described by Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 89).
Plutarch here and in the Life of Cæsar (c. 44) says that Pompeius
commanded the right, but Cæsar says that he was on the left. Domitius,
that is, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (Consul B.C. 54), may have commanded
under him. Cn. Domitius Calvinus (Consul B.C. 53), whom Plutarch calls
Calvinus Lucius, commanded Cæsar's centre. The account of Appianus
(_Civil Wars_, ii. 76) does not agree with Cæsar's.]

[Footnote 372: See Cæsar B.C. (iii. 88), and Appianus (ii. 79), who
quotes Cæsar's letters.]

[Footnote 373: The whole number of Italian troops on both sides was
about 70,000, as Plutarch says in the next chapter. There were also
other troops on both sides (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 70). The
battle was fought on the ninth of August, B.C. 48, according to the
uncorrected calendar.]

[Footnote 374: Dion Cassius has some like reflections (41. c. 53-58);
and Appianus (ii. 77), who says that both the commanders-in-chief shed
tears; which we need not believe.]

[Footnote 375: Lucan, i. 6.]

[Footnote 376: Crassinius, in the Life of Cæsar, c. 44. Cæsar (iii.
91, 99) names him Crastinus. Compare Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 82).
Crastinus received an honourable interment after the battle.]

[Footnote 377: The passage is from the Iliad, xi. 544.]

[Footnote 378: C. Asinius Pollio was a soldier, a poet, and an
historical writer. His history of the Civil Wars was comprised in
seventeen books. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 79) quotes this
circumstance from Pollio. Horatius (_Od._ ii. 1) addresses this
Pollio, and Virgilius in his fourth Eclogue. The first part of the ode
of Horatius contains an allusion to Pollio's historical work.]

[Footnote 379: Cæsar (iii. 96) describes the appearance of the camp of
Pompeius, and adds that his hungry soldiers found an entertainment
which their enemies had prepared for themselves.]

[Footnote 380: Pompeius passed by Larissa, the chief town of
Thessalia, on his road to the vale of Tempe, in which the river
Peneius flows between the mountain range of Olympus and Ossa. In
saying that Pompeius "let his horse go," I have used an expression
that may be misunderstood. Cæsar(iii. 96) will explain
it - "protinusque equo citato Larissam contendit," and he continued his
flight at the same rate.]

[Footnote 381: These were L. Lentulus Spinther, Consul B.C. 57, and
Lentulus Crus, Consul B.C. 49. Deiotarus was king or tetrarch of
Galatia in Asia Minor, and had come to the assistance of Pompeius with
a considerable force. Pompeius had given him Armenia the Less, and the
title of King. Cæsar after the battle of Pharsalus took Armenia from
him, but allowed him to retain the title of King.]

[Footnote 382: The verse is from Euripides. It is placed among the
Fragmenta Incerta CXIX. ed. Matthiæ.]

[Footnote 383: This town was near the mouth of the Strymon, a river of
Thrace, and out of the direct route to Lesbos. The reason of Pompeius
going there is explained by Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 102). Cornelia
was at Mitylene in Lesbos with Sextus, the younger son of Pompeius.]

[Footnote 384: Kratippus was a Peripatetic, and at this time the chief
of that sect. Cicero's son Marcus afterwards heard his lectures at
Athens (Cicero, _De Officiis_, i. 1), B.C. 44.

The last sentence of this chapter is somewhat obscure, and the
opinions of the critics vary as to the reading. See the note of

[Footnote 385: This city was on the coast of Pamphylia. It took its
name from Attalus Philadelphus, the king of Pergamum of that name, who
built it.

Lucanus (viii. 251) makes Pompeius first land at Phaselis in Lycia.]

[Footnote 386: Dion Cassius (43. c. 2) discusses this matter. He
thinks that Pompeius could never have thought of going to Parthia.
Compare Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 83).]

[Footnote 387: This is the King Juba mentioned in the Life of Cæsar,
c. 52.]

[Footnote 388: This is Ptolemæus Dionysius, the last of his race, and
the son of the Ptolemæus Auletes mentioned in c. 49. Auletes had been
restored to his kingdom through the influence of Pompeius by A.
Gabinius B.C. 55.]

[Footnote 389: This Arsakes is called Hyrodes or Orodes in the Life of
Crassus (c. 18). Arsakes seems to have been a name common to the
Parthian kings, as the representatives of Arsakes, the founder of the
dynasty. Orodes had already refused his aid to Pompeius in the
beginning of the war, and put in chains Hirrus, who had been sent to
him. The Parthian demanded the cession of Syria, which Pompeius would
not consent to.]

[Footnote 390: Probably Seleukeia in Syria at the mouth of the

[Footnote 391: He was now thirteen years of age, and according to his
father's testament, he and his sister Kleopatra were to be joint kings
and to intermarry after the fashion of the Greek kings of Egypt. The
advisers of Ptolemæus had driven Kleopatra out of Egypt, and on the
news of her advancing against the eastern frontiers with an army, they
went out to meet her. Pelusium, on the eastern branch of the Nile, had
for many centuries been the strong point on this frontier. (Cæsar,
_Civil War_, iii. 103; Dion Cassius, 42. c. 3, &c.) Pompeius
approached the shore of Egypt with several vessels and about 2000

As to the circumstances in this chapter, compare Dion Cassius (42. c.
3), Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 84), and Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii.
104). Cæsar simply mentions the assassination of Pompeius. He says no
more about it.]

[Footnote 392: The death of Pompeius is mentioned by Cicero (_Ad
Atticum_, xi. 6). As to his age, Drumann observes, "He was born B.C.
106, and was consequently 58 years old when he was killed, on the 29th
of September, or on the day before his birthday, about the time of the
autumnal equinox according to the unreformed calendar." (Lucanus, viii

[Footnote 393: He is called Cordus by Lucanus (viii. 715), and had
formerly been a quæstor of Pompeius.]


I. As both these men's lives are now before us, let us briefly
recapitulate them, observing as we do so the points in which they
differ from one another. These are as follows: - First, Pompeius
obtained his power and renown by the most strictly legitimate means,
chiefly by his own exertions when assisting Sulla in the liberation of
Italy; while Agesilaus obtained the throne in defiance of both human
and divine laws, for he declared Leotychides to be a bastard, although
his brother had publicly recognised him as his own son, and he also by
a quibble evaded the oracle about a lame reign.

Secondly, Pompeius both respected Sulla while he lived, gave his body
an honourable burial, in spite of Lepidus, when he died, and married
Sulla's daughter to his own son Faustus; while Agesilaus, on a
trifling pretext, disgraced and ruined Lysander. Yet Sulla gave
Pompeius nothing more than he possessed himself, whereas Lysander made
Agesilaus king of Sparta, and leader of the united armies of Greece.

Thirdly, the political wrong-doings of Pompeius were chiefly committed
to serve his relatives, Cæsar and Scipio; while Agesilaus saved
Sphodrias from the death which he deserved for his outrage upon the
Athenians merely to please his son, and vigorously supported Phœbidas
when he committed a similar breach of the peace against the Thebans.
And generally, we may say that while Pompeius only injured the Romans
through inability to refuse the demands of friends, or through
ignorance, Agesilaus ruined the Lacedæmonians by plunging them into
war with Thebes, to gratify his own angry and quarrelsome temper.

II. If it be right to attribute the disasters which befel either of
those men to some special ill-luck which attended them, the Romans had
no reason whatever to suspect any such thing of Pompeius; but
Agesilaus, although the Lacedæmonians well knew the words of the
oracle, yet would not allow them to avoid "a lame reign." Even if
Leotychides had been proved a thousand times to be a bastard, the
family of Eurypon could have supplied Sparta with a legitimate and
sound king, had not Lysander, for the sake of Agesilaus, deceived them
as to the true meaning of the oracle. On the other hand, we have no
specimen of the political ingenuity of Pompeius which can be compared
with that admirable device of Agesilaus, when he readmitted the
survivors of the battle of Leuktra to the privileges of Spartan
citizens, by permitting the laws to sleep for one day. Pompeius did
not even think it his duty to abide by the laws which he had himself
enacted, but broke them to prove his great power to his friends.
Agesilaus, when forced either to abolish the laws or to ruin his
friends, discovered an expedient by which the laws did his friends no
hurt, and yet had not to be abolished in order to save them. I also
place to the credit of Agesilaus that unparalleled act of obedience,
when on receiving a despatch from Sparta he abandoned the whole of his
Asian enterprise. For Agesilaus did not, like Pompeius, enrich the
state by his own exploits, but looking solely to the interests of his

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