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was greatly pleased.

XLVII. There were many prognostics of the victory, but the most
remarkable is that which is reported as having appeared at
Tralles.[542] In the temple of Victory there stood a statue of Cæsar,
and the ground about it was naturally firm and the surface was also
paved with hard stone; from this, they say, there sprung up a
palm-tree by the pedestal of the statue. In Patavium, Caius Cornelius,
a man who had reputation for his skill in divination, a fellow-citizen
and acquaintance of Livius the historian, happened to be sitting that
day to watch the birds. And first of all, as Livius says, he
discovered the time of the battle, and he said to those who were
present that the affair was now deciding and the men were going into
action. Looking again and observing the signs, he sprang up with
enthusiasm and called out, "You conquer, Cæsar." The bystanders being
surprised, he took the chaplet from his head and said with an oath,
that he would not put it on again till facts had confirmed his art.
Livius affirms that these things were so.

XLVIII. Cæsar after giving the Thessalians their liberty[543] in
consideration of his victory, pursued Pompeius. On reaching Asia[544]
he made the Cnidians free to please Theopompus,[545] the collector of
mythi, and he remitted to all the inhabitants of Asia the third of
their taxes. Arriving at Alexandria[546] after the death of Pompeius,
he turned away from Theodotus who brought him the head of Pompeius,
but he received his seal ring[547] and shed tears over it. All the
companions and intimate friends of Pompeius who were rambling about
the country and had been taken by the King, he treated well and gained
over to himself. He wrote to his friends in Rome, that the chief and
the sweetest pleasure that he derived from his victory, was to be able
to pardon any of those citizens who had fought against him. As to the
war[548] there, some say that it might have been avoided and that it
broke out in consequence of his passion for Kleopatra and was
discreditable to him and hazardous; but others blame the King's party
and chiefly the eunuch Potheinus,who possessed the chief power, and
having lately cut off Pompeius and driven out Kleopatra, was now
secretly plotting against Cæsar; and on this account they say that
Cæsar from that time passed the nights in drinking in order to protect
himself. But in his public conduct Pothinus was unbearable, for he
both said and did many things to bring odium on Cæsar and to insult
him. While measuring out to the soldiers the worst and oldest corn he
told them they must be satisfied with it and be thankful, as they were
eating what belonged to others; and at the meals he used only wooden
and earthen vessels, alleging that Cæsar had got all the gold and
silver vessels in payment for a debt.[549] For the father of the then
King owed Cæsar one thousand seven hundred and fifty times ten
thousand, of which Cæsar had remitted the seven hundred and fifty to
the King's sons before, but he now claimed the one thousand to
maintain his army with. Upon Pothinus now bidding him take his
departure and attend to his important affairs and that he should
afterwards receive his money back with thanks, Cæsar said, that least
of all people did he want the Egyptians as advisers, and he secretly
sent for Kleopatra from the country.

XLIX. Kleopatra,[550] taking Apollodorus the Sicilian alone of all her
friends with her, and getting into a small boat, approached the
palace as it was growing dark; and as it was impossible for her to
escape notice in any other way, she got into a bed sack and laid
herself out at full length, and Apollodorus, tying the sack together
with a cord, carried her through the doors to Cæsar. Cæsar is said to
have been first captivated by this device of Kleopatra, which showed a
daring temper, and being completely enslaved by his intercourse with
her and her attractions, he brought about an accommodation between
Kleopatra and her brother on the terms of her being associated with
him in the kingdom. A feast was held to celebrate the reconciliation,
during which a slave of Cæsar, his barber, owing to his timidity in
which he had no equal, leaving nothing unscrutinized, and listening
and making himself very busy, found out that a plot against Cæsar was
forming by Achillas the general and Potheinus the eunuch. Cæsar being
made acquainted with their design, placed a guard around the
apartment, and put Potheinus to death. Achillas escaped to the camp,
and raised about Cæsar a dangerous and difficult war for one who with
so few troops had to resist so large a city and force. In this contest
the first danger that he had to encounter was being excluded from
water, for the canals[551] were dammed up by the enemy; and, in the
second place, an attempt being made to cut off his fleet, he was
compelled to repel the danger with fire, which spreading from the
arsenals to the large library[552] destroyed it; and, in the third
place, in the battle near the Pharos[553] he leaped down from the
mound into a small boat and went to aid the combatants; but as the
Egyptians were coming against him from all quarters, he threw himself
into the sea and swam away with great difficulty. On this occasion it
is said that he had many papers in his hands, and that he did not let
them go, though the enemy were throwing missiles at him and he had to
dive under the water, but holding the papers above the water with one
hand, he swam with the other; but the boat was sunk immediately. At
last, when the King had gone over to the enemy, Cæsar attacked and
defeated them in a battle in which many fell and the King[554] himself
disappeared. Leaving Kleopatra[555] Queen of Egypt, who shortly after
gave birth to a child that she had by Cæsar, which the Alexandrines
named Cæsarion, he marched to Syria.

L. From Syria continuing his march through Asia he heard that Domitius
had been defeated by Pharnakes[556] son of Mithridates, and had fled
from Pontus with a few men; and that Pharnakes, who used his victory
without any moderation, and was in possession of Bithynia and
Cappadocia, also coveted Armenia, called the Little, and was stirring
up all the kings and tetrarchs in this part. Accordingly Cæsar
forthwith advanced against the man with three legions and fighting a
great battle near Zela drove Pharnakes in flight from Pontus, and
completely destroyed his army. In reporting to one of his friends at
Rome, Amantius,[557] the celerity and rapidity of this battle, he
wrote only three words: "I came, I saw, I conquered." In the Roman
language the three words ending in the like form of verb, have a
brevity which is not without its effect.

LI. After this, passing over to Italy he went up to Rome at the close
of the year for which he had been chosen Dictator[558] the second
time, though that office had never before been for a whole year; and
he was elected consul for the following year. He was much blamed about
a mutiny[559] that broke out among the soldiers in which they killed
two men of prætorian rank, Cosconius and Galba, because he reproved
his men no further than by calling them citizens instead of soldiers,
and he gave to each of them a thousand drachmæ, and allotted to them
much land in Italy. He also bore the blame of the madness of
Dolabella,[560] the covetousness of Amantius, and the drunkenness of
Antonius, and the greedy tricks of Corfinius in getting the house of
Pompeius, and his building it over again as if it were not fit for
him; for the Romans were annoyed at these things. But Cæsar, in the
present state of affairs, though he was not ignorant of these things,
and did not approve of them, was compelled to employ such men in his

LII. As Cato[561] and Scipio, after the battle near Pharsalus, had
fled to Libya, and there, with the assistance of King Juba, got
together a considerable force, Cæsar determined to go against them;
and about the winter solstice passing over to Sicily and wishing to
cut off from the officers about him all hopes of delay and tarrying
there, he placed his own tent on the margin of the waves,[562] and as
soon as there was a wind he went on board and set sail with three
thousand foot-soldiers and a few horsemen. Having landed them
unobserved he embarked again, for he was under some apprehension about
the larger part of his force; and having fallen in with it on the sea,
he conducted all to the camp. Now there was with him in the army a man
in other respects contemptible enough and of no note, but of the
family of the Africani, and his name was Scipio Sallutio;[563] and as
Cæsar heard that the enemy relied on a certain old oracular answer,
that it was always the privilege of the family of the Scipios to
conquer in Libya, either to show his contempt of Scipio as a general
by a kind of joke, or because he really wished to have the benefit of
the omen himself (it is difficult to say which), he used to place this
Sallutio in the front of the battles as if he were the leader of the
army; for Cæsar was often compelled to engage with the enemy and to
seek a battle, there being neither sufficient supply of corn for the
men nor fodder for the animals, but they were compelled to take the
sea-weed after washing off the salt and mixing a little grass with it
by way of sweetening it, and so to feed their horses. For the
Numidians, by continually showing themselves in great numbers and
suddenly appearing, kept possession of the country; and on one
occasion while the horsemen of Cæsar were amusing themselves with a
Libyan, who was exhibiting to them his skill in dancing and playing on
a flute at the same time in a surprising manner, and the men, pleased
with the sight, were sitting on the ground and the boys holding their
horses, the enemy suddenly coming round and falling upon them killed
some, and entered the camp together with the rest, who fled in
disorderly haste. And if Cæsar himself and Asinius Pollio had not come
out of the camp to help the men, and checked the pursuit, the war
would have been at an end. In another battle, also, the enemy had the
advantage in the encounter, on which occasion it is said that Cæsar,
seizing by the neck the man who bore the eagle and was running away,
turned him round, and said, "There is the enemy!"

LIII. However Scipio[564] was encouraged by these advantages to hazard
a decisive battle; and leaving Afranius and Juba[565] encamped each
separately at a short distance, he commenced making a fortified camp
above a lake near the city Thapsus, intending it as a place for the
whole army to sally forth from to battle and a place of refuge also.
While he was thus employed, Cæsar with incredible speed making his way
through woody grounds which contained certain approaches that had not
been observed, surrounded part of the enemy and attacked others in
front. Having put these to flight he availed himself of the critical
moment and the career of fortune, by means of which he captured the
camp of Afranius on the first assault, and at the first assault also
he broke into the camp of the Numidians from which Juba fled; and in a
small part of a single day he made himself master of three camps and
destroyed fifty thousand of the enemy without losing as many as fifty
of his own men. This is the account that some writers give of that
battle; but others say that Cæsar was not in the action himself, but
that as he was marshalling and arranging his forces, he was attacked
by his usual complaint, and that perceiving it as soon as it came on,
and before his senses were completely confounded and overpowered by
the malady, just as he was beginning to be convulsed, he was carried
to one of the neighbouring towers and stayed there quietly. Of the men
of consular and prætorian rank who escaped from the battle, some
killed themselves when they were being taken, and Cæsar put many to
death who were captured.

LIV. Being ambitious to take Cato[566] alive, Cæsar hastened to Utica,
for Cato was guarding that city and was not in the battle. Hearing
that Cato had put an end to himself, Cæsar was evidently annoyed, but
for what reason is uncertain. However, he said, "Cato, I grudge you
your death, for you also have grudged me the preservation of your
life." But the work which be wrote against Cato after his death cannot
be considered an indication that he was mercifully disposed towards
him or in a mood to be easily reconciled. For how can we suppose that
he would have spared Cato living, when he poured out against him after
he was dead so much indignation? However, some persons infer from his
mild treatment of Cicero and Brutus and ten thousand others of his
enemies that this discourse also was composed not from any enmity, but
from political ambition, for the following reason. Cicero wrote a
panegyric on Cato and gave the composition the title "Cato"; and the
discourse was eagerly read by many, as one may suppose, being written
by the most accomplished of orators on the noblest subject. This
annoyed Cæsar, who considered the panegyric on a man whose death he
had caused to be an attack upon himself. Accordingly in his treatise
he got together many charges against Cato; and the work is entitled
"Anticato."[567] Both compositions have many admirers, as well on
account of Cæsar as of Cato.

LV. However, on his return[568] to Rome from Libya, in the first place
Cæsar made a pompous harangue to the people about his victory, in
which he said that he had conquered a country large enough to supply
annually to the treasury two hundred thousand Attic medimni of corn,
and three million litræ of oil. In the next place he celebrated
triumphs,[569] the Egyptian, the Pontic, and the Libyan, not of
course for his victory over Scipio, but over Juba.[570] On that
occasion Juba also, the son of King Juba, who was still an infant, was
led in the triumphal procession, most fortunate in his capture, for
from being a barbarian and a Numidian he became numbered among the
most learned of the Greek writers. After the triumphs Cæsar made large
presents to the soldiers, and entertained the people with banquets and
spectacles, feasting the whole population at once at twenty-two
thousand triclina,[571] and exhibiting also shows of gladiators and
naval combats in honour of his daughter Julia who had been dead for
some time. After the shows a census[572] was taken, in which instead
of the three hundred and twenty thousand of former enumerations, there
were enrolled only one hundred and fifty thousand. So much desolation
had the civil wars produced and so large a proportion of the people
had been destroyed in them, not to reckon the miseries that had
befallen the rest of Italy and the provinces.

LVI. All this being completed, Cæsar was made consul[573] for the
fourth time, and set out to Iberia to attack the sons of Pompeius, who
were still young, but had got together a force of amazing amount and
displayed a boldness that showed they were worthy to command, so that
they put Cæsar in the greatest danger. The great battle was fought
near the city of Munda,[574] in which Cæsar, seeing that his men were
being driven from their ground and making a feeble resistance, ran
through the arms and the ranks calling out, "If they had no sense of
shame, to take and deliver him up to the boys." With difficulty and
after great exertion he put the enemy to flight and slaughtered above
thirty thousand of them, but he lost a thousand of his own best
soldiers. On retiring after the battle he said to his friends, that he
had often fought for victory, but now for the first time he had fought
for existence. He gained this victory on the day of the festival of
Bacchus, on which day it is said that Pompeius Magnus also went out to
battle; the interval was four years. The younger of the sons[575] of
Pompeius escaped, but after a few days Didius[576] brought the head of
the elder. This was the last war that Cæsar was engaged in; but the
triumph[577] that was celebrated for this victory vexed the Romans
more than anything else. For this was no victory over foreign leaders
nor yet over barbarian kings, but Cæsar had destroyed the children of
the bravest of the Romans, who had been unfortunate, and had
completely ruined his family, and it was not seemly to celebrate a
triumph over the calamities of his country, exulting in these things,
for which the only apology both before gods and men was that they had
been done of necessity; and that too when he had never before sent
either messenger or public letters to announce a victory gained in the
civil wars, but had from motives of delicacy rejected all glory on
that account.

LVII. However, the Romans, gave way before the fortune of the man and
received the bit, and considering the monarchy to be a respite from
the civil wars and miseries they appointed him dictator[578] for life.
This was confessedly a tyranny, for the monarchy received in addition
to its irresponsibility the character of permanency; and when
Cicero[579] in the Senate had proposed the highest honours[580] to
him, which though great were still such as were befitting a human
being, others by adding still further honours and vying with one
another made Cæsar odious and an object of dislike even to those who
were of the most moderate temper, by reason of the extravagant and
unusual character of what was decreed; and it is supposed that those
who hated Cæsar cooperated in these measures no less than those who
were his flatterers, that they might have as many pretexts as possible
against him and might be considered to make their attempt upon him
with the best ground of complaint. For in all other respects, after
the close of the civil wars, he showed himself blameless; and it was
not without good reason that the Romans voted a temple to Clemency to
commemorate his moderate measures. For he pardoned many of those who
had fought against him, and to some he even gave offices and honours,
as to Brutus and Cassius, both of whom were Prætors. He also did not
allow the statues of Pompeius to remain thrown down, but he set them
up again, on which Cicero said that by erecting the statues of
Pompeius, Cæsar had firmly fixed his own. When his friends urged him
to have guards and many offered their services for this purpose, he
would not consent, and he said, that it was better to die at once than
to be always expecting death. But for the purpose of surrounding
himself with the affection of the Romans as the noblest and also the
securest protection, he again courted the people with banquets and
distribution of corn, and the soldiers with the foundation of
colonies, of which the most conspicuous were Carthage[581] and
Corinth, to both of which it happened that their former capture and
their present restoration occurred at once and at the same time.

LVIII. To some of the nobles he promised consulships and prætorships
for the future, and others he pacified with certain other offices and
honours, and he gave hopes to all, seeking to make it appear that he
ruled over them with their own consent, so that when Maximus[582] the
consul died, he appointed Caninius Revilius consul for the one day
that still remained of the term of office. When many persons were
going, as was usual, to salute the new consul and to form part of his
train Cicero said, "We must make haste, or the man will have gone out
of office." Cæsar's great success did not divert his natural
inclination for great deeds and his ambition to the enjoyment of that
for which he had laboured, but serving as fuel and incentives to the
future bred in him designs of greater things and love of new glory, as
if he had used up what he had already acquired; and the passion was
nothing else than emulation of himself as if he were another person,
and a kind of rivalry between what he intended and what he had
accomplished; and his propositions and designs were to march against
the Parthians,[583] and after subduing them and marching through
Hyrkania and along the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, and so
encompassing the Euxine, to invade Scythia, and after having overrun
the countries bordering on the Germans and Germany itself to return
through Gaul to Italy, and so to complete his circle of the empire
which would be bounded on all sides by the ocean. During this
expedition he intended also to dig through the Corinthian
Isthmus,[584] and he had already commissioned Anienus to superintend
the work; and to receive the Tiber[585] immediately below the city in
a deep cut, and giving it a bend towards Circæum to make it enter the
sea by Tarracina, with the view of giving security and facility to
those who came to Rome for the purpose of trade: besides this he
designed to draw off the water from the marshes about Pomentium and
Setia,[586] and to make them solid ground, which would employ many
thousands of men in the cultivation; and where the sea was nearest to
Rome he designed to place barriers to it by means of moles, and after
clearing away the hidden rocks and dangerous places on the shore of
Ostia[587] to make harbours and naval stations which should give
security to the extensive shipping. And all these things were in

LIX. But the arrangement of the Kalendar[588] and the correction of
the irregularity in the reckoning of time were handled by him
skilfully, and being completed were of the most varied utility. For it
was not only in very ancient times that the Romans had the periods of
the moon in confusion with respect to the year, so that the feasts and
festivals gradually changing at last fell out in opposite seasons of
the year, but even with respect to the solar year at that time nobody
kept any reckoning except the priests, who, as they alone knew the
proper time, all of a sudden and when nobody expected it, would insert
the intercalary month named Mercedonius, which King Numa is said to
have been the first to intercalate, thereby devising a remedy, which
was slight and would extend to no great period, for the irregularity
in the recurrence of the times, as I have explained in the Life of
Numa. But Cæsar laying the problem before the ablest philosophers and
mathematicians, from the methods that were laid before him compounded
a correction of his own which was more exact, which the Romans use to
the present time, and are considered to be in less error than other
nations as to the inequality. However, even this furnished matter for
complaint to those who envied him and disliked his power; for Cicero,
the orator, as it is said, when some observed that Lyra would rise
to-morrow, "Yes," he replied, "pursuant to the Edict," meaning that
men admitted even this by compulsion.

LX. But the most manifest and deadly hatred towards him was produced
by his desire of kingly power, which to the many was the first, and to
those who had long nourished a secret hatred of him the most specious,
cause. And indeed those who were contriving this honour for Cæsar
spread about a certain report among the people, that according to the
Sibylline writings[589] it appeared that Parthia could be conquered by
the Romans if they advanced against it with a king, but otherwise
could not he assailed. And as Cæsar was going down from Alba to the
city, they ventured to salute him as King, but as the people showed
their dissatisfaction, Cæsar was disturbed and said that he was not
called King but Cæsar; and as hereupon there was a general silence, he
passed along with no great cheerfulness nor good humour on his
countenance. When some extravagant honours had been decreed to him in
the Senate, it happened that he was sitting above the Rostra,[590] and
when the consuls and prætors approached with all the Senate behind
them, without rising from his seat, but just as if he were transacting
business with private persons, he answered that the honours required
rather to be contracted than enlarged. This annoyed not the Senate
only, but the people also, who considered that the State was insulted
in the persons of the Senate; and those who were not obliged to stay
went away forthwith with countenance greatly downcast, so that Cæsar
perceiving it forthwith went home, and as he threw his cloak from his
shoulders he called out to his friends, that he was ready to offer his
throat to anyone who wished to kill him; but afterwards he alleged his
disease as an excuse for his behaviour, saying that persons who are so
affected cannot usually keep their senses steady when they address a
multitude standing, but that the senses being speedily convulsed and
whirling about bring on giddiness and are overpowered. However, the

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