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fact was not so, for it is said that he was very desirous to rise up
when the Senate came, but was checked by one of his friends, or rather
one of his flatterers, Cornelius Balbus,[591] who said, "Will you not
remember that you are Cæsar, and will you not allow yourself to be
honoured as a superior?"

LXI. There was added to these causes of offence the insult offered to
the tribunes. It was the festival of the Lupercalia,[592] about which
many writers say that it was originally a festival of the shepherds
and had also some relationship to the Arcadian Lykæa. On this occasion
many of the young nobles and magistrates run through the city without
their toga, and for sport and to make laughter strike those whom they
meet with strips of hide that have the hair on; many women of rank
also purposely put themselves in the way and present their hands to be
struck like children at school, being persuaded that this is
favourable to easy parturition for those who are pregnant, and to
conception for those who are barren. Cæsar was a spectator, being
seated at the Rostra on a golden chair in a triumphal robe; and
Antonius was one of those who ran in the sacred race, for he was
consul. Accordingly, when he entered the Forum and the crowd made way
for him, he presented to Cæsar a diadem[593] which he carried
surrounded with a crown of bay; and there was a clapping of hands,
not loud, but slight, which had been already concerted. When Cæsar put
away the diadem from him all the people clapped their hands, and when
Antonius presented it again, only a few clapped; but when Cæsar
declined to receive it, again all the people applauded. The experiment
having thus failed, Cæsar rose and ordered the crown to be carried to
the Capitol. But as Cæsar's statues were seen crowned with royal
diadems, two of the tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went up to them
and pulled off the diadems, and having discovered those who had been
the first to salute Cæsar as king they led them off to prison. The
people followed clapping their hands and calling the tribunes Bruti,
because it was Brutus who put down the kingly power and placed the
sovereignty in the Senate and people instead of its being in the hands
of one man. Cæsar being irritated at this deprived Flavius and
Marullus of their office, and while rating them he also insulted the
people by frequently calling the tribunes Bruti and Cumæi.[594] LXII.
In this state of affairs the many turned to Marcus Brutus,[595] who on
his father's side was considered to be a descendant of the ancient
Brutus, and on his mother's side belonged to the Servilii, another
distinguished house, and he was the son-in-law and nephew of Cato. The
honours and favours which Brutus had received from Cæsar dulled him
towards attempting of his own proper motion the overthrow of the
monarchical power; for not only was his life saved at the battle of
Pharsalus after the rout of Pompeius, and many of his friends also at
his entreaty, but besides this he had great credit with Cæsar. He had
also received among those who then held the prætorship[596] the chief
office, and he was to be consul in the fourth year from that time,
having been preferred to Cassius who was a rival candidate. For it is
said that Cæsar observed that Cassius urged better grounds of
preference, but that he could not pass over Brutus. And on one
occasion when some persons were calumniating Brutus to him, at a time
when the conspiracy was really forming, he would not listen to them,
but touching his body with his hand he said to the accusers, "Brutus
waits[597] for this dry skin," by which he intended to signify that
Brutus was worthy of the power for his merits, but for the sake of the
power would not be ungrateful and a villain. Now, those who were eager
for the change and who looked up to him alone, or him as the chief
person, did not venture to speak with him on the subject, but by night
they used to fill the tribunal and the seat on which he sat when
discharging his functions as prætor with writings, most of which were
to this purport, "You are asleep, Brutus," and "You are not Brutus."
By which Cassius,[598] perceiving that his ambition was somewhat
stirred, urged him more than he had done before, and pricked him on;
and Cassius himself had also a private grudge against Cæsar for the
reasons which I have mentioned in the Life of Brutus. Indeed Cæsar
suspected Cassius, and he once said to his friends, "What think ye is
Cassius aiming at? for my part, I like him not over much, for he is
over pale." On the other hand it is said that when a rumour reached
him, that Antonius and Dolabella were plotting, he said, "I am not
much afraid of these well-fed,[599] long-haired fellows, but I rather
fear those others, the pale and thin," meaning Cassius and Brutus.

LXIII. But it appears that destiny is not so much a thing that gives
no warning as a thing that cannot be avoided, for they say that
wondrous signs and appearances presented themselves. Now, as to lights
in the skies and sounds by night moving in various directions and
solitary birds descending into the Forum, it is perhaps not worth
while recording these with reference to so important an event: but
Strabo[600] the Philosopher relates that many men all of fire were
seen contending against one another, and that a soldier's slave
emitted a great flame from his hand and appeared to the spectators to
be burning, but when the flame went out, the man had sustained no
harm; and while Cæsar himself was sacrificing the heart of the victim
could not be found, and this was considered a bad omen, for naturally
an animal without a heart cannot exist. The following stories also are
told by many; that a certain seer warned him to be on his guard
against great danger on that day of the month of March, which the
Romans call the Ides;[601] and when the day had arrived, as Cæsar was
going to the Senate-house, he saluted the seer and jeered him saying,
"Well, the Ides of March are come;" but the seer mildly replied, "Yes,
they are come, but they are not yet over." The day before, when Marcus
Lepidus was entertaining him, he chanced to be signing some letters,
according to his habit, while he was reclining at table; and the
conversation having turned on what kind of death was the best, before
any one could give an opinion he called out, "That which is
unexpected!" After this, while he was sleeping, as he was accustomed
to do, by the side of his wife, all the doors and windows in the house
flew open at once, and being startled by the noise and the brightness
of the moon which was shining down upon him, he observed that
Calpurnia[602] was in a deep slumber, but was uttering indistinct
words and inarticulate groans in the midst of her sleep; and indeed
she was dreaming that she held her murdered husband in her arms and
was weeping over him. Others say this was not the vision that
Calpurnia had, but the following: there was attached to Cæsar's house
by way of ornament and distinction pursuant to a vote of the Senate an
acroterium,[603] as Livius says, and Calpurnia in her dream seeing
this tumbling down lamented and wept. When day came accordingly she
entreated Cæsar, if it were possible, not to go out, and to put off
the meeting of the Senate; but if he paid no regard to her dreams, she
urged him to inquire by other modes of divination and by sacrifices
about the future. Cæsar also, as it seems, had some suspicion and
fear; for he had never before detected in Calpurnia any womanish
superstition, and now he saw that she was much disturbed. And when the
seers also after sacrificing many victims reported to him that the
omens were unfavourable, he determined to send Antonius to dismiss the

LXIV. In the mean time Decimus Brutus,[604] surnamed Albinus, who was
in such favour with Cæsar that he was made in his will his second
heir,[605] but was engaged in the conspiracy with the other Brutus and
Cassius, being afraid that if Cæsar escaped that day, the affair might
become known, ridiculed the seers and chided Cæsar for giving cause
for blame and censure to the Senate who would consider themselves
insulted: he said, "That the Senate had met at his bidding and that
they were all ready to pass a decree, that he should be proclaimed
King of the provinces out of Italy and should wear a diadem whenever
he visited the rest of the earth and sea; but if any one shall tell
them when they are taking their seats, to be gone now and to come
again, when Calpurnia shall have had better dreams, what may we not
expect to be said by those who envy you? or who will listen to your
friends when they say that this is not slavery and tyranny; but if,"
he continued, "you are fully resolved to consider the day
inauspicious, it is better for you to go yourself and address the
Senate and then to adjourn the business." As he said this, Brutus took
Cæsar by the hand and began to lead him forth: and he had gone but a
little way from the door, when a slave belonging to another person,
who was eager to get at Cæsar but was prevented by the press and
numbers about him, rushing into the house delivered himself up to
Calpurnia and told her to keep him till Cæsar returned, for he had
important things to communicate to him.

LXV. Artemidorus,[606] a Knidian by birth, and a professor of Greek
philosophy, which had brought him into the familiarity of some of
those who belonged to the party of Brutus, so that he knew the greater
part of what was going on, came and brought in a small roll the
information which he intended to communicate; but observing that Cæsar
gave each roll as he received it to the attendants about him, he came
very near, and said, "This you alone should read, Cæsar, and read it
soon; for it is about weighty matters which concern you." Accordingly
Cæsar received the roll, but he was prevented from reading it by the
number of people who came in his way, though he made several attempts,
and he entered the Senate holding that roll in his hand and retaining
that alone among all that had been presented to him. Some say that it
was another person who gave him this roll, and that Artemidorus did
not even approach him, but was kept from him all the way by the
pressure of the crowd.

LXVI. Now these things perchance may be brought about by mere
spontaneity; but the spot that was the scene of that murder and
struggle, wherein the Senate was then assembled, which contained the
statue of Pompeius[607] and was a dedication by Pompeius and one of
the ornaments that he added to his theatre, completely proved that it
was the work of some dæmon to guide and call the execution of the deed
to that place. It is said also that Cassius[608] looked towards the
statue of Pompeius before the deed was begun and silently invoked it,
though he was not averse to the philosophy of Epikurus; but the
critical moment for the bold attempt which was now come probably
produced in him enthusiasm and feeling in place of his former
principles. Now Antonius,[609] who was faithful to Cæsar and a robust
man, was kept on the outside by Brutus Albinus, who purposely engaged
him in a long conversation. When Cæsar entered, the Senate rose to do
him honour, and some of the party of Brutus stood around his chair at
the back, and others presented themselves before him, as if their
purpose was to support the prayer of Tillius Cimber[610] on behalf of
his exiled brother, and they all joined in entreaty, following Cæsar
as far as his seat. When he had taken his seat and was rejecting their
entreaties, and, as they urged them still more strongly, began to show
displeasure towards them individually, Tillius taking hold of his toga
with both his hands pulled it downwards from the neck, which was the
signal for the attack. Casca[611] was the first to strike him on the
neck with his sword, a blow neither mortal nor severe, for as was
natural at the beginning of so bold a deed he was confused, and Cæsar
turning round seized the dagger and held it fast. And it happened that
at the same moment he who was struck cried out in the Roman language,
"You villain, Casca, what are you doing?" and he who had given the
blow cried out to his brother in Greek, "Brother, help." Such being
the beginning, those who were not privy to the conspiracy were
prevented by consternation and horror at what was going on either from
flying or going to aid, and they did not even venture to utter a word.
And now each of the conspirators bared his sword, and Cæsar, being
hemmed in all round, in whatever direction he turned meeting blows and
swords aimed against his eyes and face, driven about like a wild
beast, was caught in the hands of his enemies; for it was arranged
that all of them should take a part in and taste of the deed of blood.
Accordingly Brutus[612] also gave him one blow in the groin. It is
said by some authorities, that he defended himself against the rest,
moving about his body hither and thither and calling out, till he saw
that Brutus had drawn his sword, when he pulled his toga over his face
and offered no further resistance, having been driven either by chance
or by the conspirators to the base on which the statue of Pompeius
stood. And the base was drenched with blood, as if Pompeius was
directing the vengeance upon his enemy who was stretched beneath his
feet and writhing under his many wounds; for he is said to have
received three and twenty wounds. Many of the conspirators were
wounded by one another, while they were aiming so many blows against
one body.

LXVII. After Cæsar was killed, though Brutus came forward as if he was
going to say something about the deed, the Senators,[613] without
waiting to listen, rushed through the door and making their escape
filled the people with confusion and indescribable alarm, so that some
closed their houses, and others left their tables and places of
business, and while some ran to the place to see what had happened,
others who had seen it ran away. But Antonius and Lepidus,[614] who
were the chief friends of Cæsar, stole away and fled for refuge to
the houses of other persons. The partizans of Brutus, just as they
were, warm from the slaughter, and showing their bare swords, advanced
all in a body from the Senate-house to the Capitol, not like men who
were flying, but exultant and confident, calling the people to liberty
and joined by the nobles who met them. Some even went up to the
Capitol with them and mingled with them as if they had participated in
the deed, and claimed the credit of it, among whom were Caius Octavius
and Lentulus Spinther.[615] But they afterwards paid the penalty of
their vanity, for they were put to death by Antonius and the young
Cæsar, without having enjoyed even the reputation of that for which
they lost their lives, for nobody believed that they had a share in
the deed. For neither did those who put them to death, punish them for
what they did, but for what they wished to do. On the next day Brutus
came down and addressed the people, who listened without expressing
disapprobation or approbation of what had been done, but they
indicated by their deep silence that they pitied Cæsar and respected
Brutus. The Senate, with the view of making an amnesty and
conciliating all parties, decreed that Cæsar should be honoured as a
god and that not the smallest thing should be disturbed which he had
settled while he was in power; and they distributed among the
partisans of Brutus provinces and suitable honours, so that all people
supposed that affairs were quieted and had been settled in the best

LXVIII. But when the will[616] of Cæsar was opened and it was
discovered that he had given to every Roman a handsome present, and
they saw the body, as it was carried through the Forum, disfigured
with the wounds, the multitude, no longer kept within the bounds of
propriety and order, but heaping about the corpse benches, lattices
and tables taken from the Forum, they set fire to it on the spot and
burnt it; then taking the flaming pieces of wood they ran to the
houses of the conspirators to fire them, and others ran about the city
in all directions seeking for the men to seize and tear them in
pieces. But none of the conspirators came in their way, and they were
all well protected. One Cinna,[617] however, a friend of Cæsar,
happened, as it is said, to have had a strange dream the night
before; for he dreamed that he was invited by Cæsar to sup with him,
and when he excused himself, he was dragged along by Cæsar by the
hand, against his will and making resistance the while. Now, when he
heard that the body of Cæsar was burning in the Forum, he got up and
went there out of respect, though he was somewhat alarmed at his dream
and had a fever on him. One of the multitude who saw Cinna told his
name to another who was inquiring of him, and he again told it to a
third, and immediately it spread through the crowd that this man was
one of those who had killed Cæsar; and indeed there was one of the
conspirators who was named Cinna: and taking this man to be him the
people forthwith rushed upon him and tore him in pieces on the spot.
It was principally through alarm at this that the partisans of Brutus
and Cassius after a few days left the city. But what they did and
suffered before they died is told in the Life of Brutus.[618] LXIX. At
the time of his death Cæsar was full fifty-six years old, having
survived Pompeius not much more than four years, and of the power and
dominion which all through his life he pursued at so great risk and
barely got at last, having reaped the fruit in name only, and with the
glory of it the odium of the citizens. Yet his great dæmon,[619] which
accompanied him through life, followed him even when he was dead, the
avenger of his murder, through every land and sea hunting and tracking
out his murderers till not one of them was left, and pursuing even
those who in any way whatever had either put their hand to the deed or
been participators in the plot. Among human events the strangest was
that which befell Cassius, for after his defeat at Philippi he killed
himself with the same dagger that he had employed against Cæsar; and
among signs from heaven, there was the great comet, which appeared
conspicuous for seven nights after Cæsar's assassination and then
disappeared, and the obscuration of the splendour of the sun. For
during all that year the circle of the sun rose pale and without rays,
and the warmth that came down from it was weak and feeble, so that the
air as it moved was dark and heavy owing to the feebleness of the
warmth which penetrated it, and the fruits withered and fell off when
they were half ripened and imperfect on account of the coldness of the
atmosphere. But chief of all, the phantom that appeared to Brutus
showed that Cæsar's murder was not pleasing to the gods; and it was
after this manner. When Brutus was going to take his army over from
Abydus[620] to the other continent, he was lying down by night, as his
wont was, in his tent, not asleep, but thinking about the future; for
it is said that Brutus of all generals was least given to sleep, and
had naturally the power of keeping awake longer than any other person.
Thinking that he heard a noise near the door, he looked towards the
light of the lamp which was already sinking down, and saw a frightful
vision of a man of unusual size and savage countenance. At first he
was startled, but observing that the figure neither moved nor spoke,
but was standing silent by the bed, he asked him who he was. The
phantom replied, "Thy bad dæmon, Brutus; and thou shalt see me at
Philippi." Upon which Brutus boldly replied, "I shall see;" and the
dæmon immediately disappeared. In course of time having engaged with
Antonius and Cæsar at Philippi, in the first battle he was victorious,
and after routing that part of the army which was opposed to him he
followed up his success and plundered Cæsar's camp. As he was
preparing to fight the second battle, the same phantom appeared again
by night, without speaking to him, but Brutus, who perceived what his
fate was, threw himself headlong into the midst of the danger. However
he did not fall in the battle, but when the rout took place, he fled
to a precipitous spot, and throwing himself with his breast on his
bare sword, a friend also, as it is said, giving strength to the blow,
he died.[621] FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 435: It has been remarked by Niebuhr (_Lectures on the
History of Rome_, ii. 33) that the beginning of the Life of Cæsar is
lost. He says, "Plutarch could not have passed over the ancestors, the
father, and the whole family, together with the history of Cæsar's
youth, &c." But the reasons for this opinion are not conclusive. The
same reason would make us consider other lives imperfect, which are
also deficient in such matters. Plutarch, after his fashion, gives
incidental information about Cæsar's youth and his family. I conceive
that he purposely avoided a formal beginning; and according to his
plan of biography, he was right. Niebuhr also observes that the
beginning of the Life of Cæsar in Suetonius is imperfect; "a fact well
known, but it is only since the year 1812, that we know that the part
which is wanting contained a dedication to the præfectus prætorio of
the time, a fact which has not yet found its way into any history of
Roman Literature." It is an old opinion that the Life of Cæsar in
Suetonius is imperfect. The fact that the dedication alone is wanting,
for so Niebuhr appears to mean, shows that the Life is not incomplete,
and there is no reason for thinking that it is.

C. Julius Cæsar, the son of C. Julius Cæsar and Aurelia, was born on
the twelfth of July, B.C. 100, in the sixth consulship of his uncle C.
Marius. His father, who had been prætor, died suddenly at Pisa when
his son was in his sixteenth year.]

[Footnote 436: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 9, and notes.]

[Footnote 437: Cæsar was first betrothed to Cossutia, the daughter of
a rich Roman Eques, but he broke off the marriage contract, and
married Cornelia, B.C. 83.]

[Footnote 438: A different story is told by Suetonius (_Cæsar_, c. 1),
and Velleius Paterculus (ii. 43).]

[Footnote 439: Cornelius Phagita (Suetonius, c. 1, 74.) The words of
Sulla are also reported by Suetonius (c. 1).]

[Footnote 440: Nicomedes III. Cæsar was sent to him by Thermus to get
ships for the siege of Mitylene. Suetonius, a lover of scandal, has
preserved a grievous imputation against Cæsar, which is connected with
this visit to Nicomedes (_Cæsar_, c. 2, 49). Cæsar in a speech for the
Bithynians (Gellius, v. 13) calls Nicomedes his friend. He felt the
reproach keenly, and tried to clear himself (Dion Cassius, 43, c. 20).
But it is easier to make such charges than to confute them.

M. Minucius Thermus, Proprætor. Cæsar served his first campaign under
him at the siege and capture of Mitylene B.C. 80. Cæsar gained a civic
crown. See the note in Burmaun's edition of Suetonius.]

[Footnote 441: This island was near Miletus. Stephan. Byzant., [Greek:
Pharmakoussa] Φαρμακοῦσσα.]

[Footnote 442: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 26. Cæsar served a short
time against the Cilician pirates under P. Servilius Isauricus
(Sueton. _Cæsar_, 2) B.C. 77, or perhaps later.]

[Footnote 443: He was now in Bithynia according to Vell. Paterculus
(ii. 42). This affair of the pirates happened according to Drumann in
B.C. 76. Plutarch places it five years earlier.]

[Footnote 444: Plutarch should probably have called him only Molo. He
was a native of Alabanda in Caria. Cicero often mentions his old
master, but always by the name of Molo only. He calls the rhetorician,
who was the master of Q. Mucius Scævola, consul B.C. 117. Apollonius,
who was also a native of Alabanda.]

[Footnote 445: See c. 54.]

[Footnote 446: See the first chapter of the Life of Lucullus.]

[Footnote 447: Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, consul B.C. 81, afterwards was
governor of Macedonia as proconsul, in which office he was charged
with maladministration. Cicero (_Brutus_, c. 71, 92) mentions this
trial. Drumann places it in B.C. 77. Cicero (_Brutus_, c. 72) gives
his opinion of the eloquence of Cæsar. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 4; Vell.
Paterculus, ii. 42.)]

[Footnote 448: His name was Caius. He was consul B.C. 63 with Cicero.
The trial, which was in B.C. 76, of course related to misconduct prior
to that date. The trial was not held in Greece. M. Lucullus was the
brother of L. Lucullus, and was Prætor in Rome at the time of the

[Footnote 449: Some amplification is necessary here in order to

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