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preserve Plutarch's metaphor. He was fond of such poetical turns.

Nec poterat quemquam placidi pellacia ponti
Subdola pellicere in fraudem ridentibus undis.

_Lucretius_, v. 1002.]

[Footnote 450: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 48.]

[Footnote 451: The military tribunes, it appears, were now elected by
the people, or part of them at least. Comp. Liv. 43, c. 14.]

[Footnote 452: His aunt Julia and his wife Cornelia died during his
quæstorship, probably B.C. 68.]

[Footnote 453: The Roman word is Imagines. There is a curious passage
about the Roman Imagines in Polybius (vi. 53, ed. Bekker) - "Viginti
clarissimarum familiarum imagines antelatæ sunt." Tacit. _Annal._ iii.
76.]

[Footnote 454: The origin of this custom with respect to women is told
by Livius (5. c. 50). It was introduced after the capture of the city
by the Gauls, as a reward to the women for contributing to the ransom
demanded by the enemy.]

[Footnote 455: Antistius Vetus (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 18) was Prætor
of the division of Iberia which was called Bætica. His son C.
Antistius Veius was Quæstor B.C. 61 under Cæsar in Iberia.]

[Footnote 456: She was a daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus, the son-in-law
of Sulla, who lost his life B.C. 88, during the consulship of his
father. See the Life of Sulla, c. 6 notes. The daughter who is here
mentioned was Julia, Cæsar's only child.]

[Footnote 457: This was the road from Rome to Capua, which was begun
by the Censor Appius Claudius Cæcus B.C. 312, and afterwards continued
to Brundisium. It commenced at Rome and ran in nearly a direct line to
Terracina across the Pomptine marshes.

The appointment as commissioner (curator) for repairing and making
roads was an office of honour, and one that gave a man the opportunity
of gaining popular favour.]

[Footnote 458: Cæsar was Curule Ædile B.C. 65.]

[Footnote 459: Q. Metellus Pius, Consul B.C. 80. Cæsar's competitors
were P. Servilius Isauricus, consul B.C. 79, under whom Cæsar had
fought against the pirates, and Q. Lutatius Catulus, consul B.C. 78,
the son of the Catulus whom Marius put to death. Cæsar was already a
Pontifex, but the acquisition of the post of Pontifex Maximus, which
places him at the head of religion, was an object of ambition to him
in his present position. The office was for life, it brought him an
official residence in the Via Sacra, and increased political
influence.]

[Footnote 460: The conspiracy of Catiline happened B.C. 63, when
Cicero was consul. See the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &c. Sallustius
(_Catilina_, c. 51, &c.) has given the speeches of Cæsar and Cato in
the debate upon the fate of the conspirators who had been seized. If
we have not the words of Cæsar, there is no reason for supposing that
we have not the substance of his speech. Whatever might be Cæsar's
object, his proposal was consistent with law and a fair trial. The
execution of the conspirators was a violent and illegal measure.]

[Footnote 461: This circumstance is mentioned by Sallustius
(_Catilina_, 49), apparently as having happened when Cæsar was leaving
the Senate, after one of the debates previous to that on which it was
determined to put the conspirators to death. Sallustius mentions
Catulus and C. Piso as the instigators. He also observes that they had
tried to prevail on Cicero to criminate Cæsar by false testimony. (See
Drumann, _Tullii_, § 40, p. 531.)]

[Footnote 462: C. Scribonius Curio, consul B.C. 76, father of the
Curio mentioned in the Life of Pompeius, c. 58, who was a tribune B.C.
50.]

[Footnote 463: Cicero wrote his book on his Consulship B.C. 60, in
which year Cæsar was elected consul, and it was published at that
time. Cæsar was then rising in power, and Cicero was humbled. It would
be as well for him to say nothing on this matter which Plutarch
alludes to (_Ad Attic._ ii. 1).

Cicero wrote first a prose work on his consulship in Greek (_Ad
Attic._ i. 19), and also a poem in three books in Latin hexameters
(_Ad Attic._ ii. 3).]

[Footnote 464: Attic drachmæ, as usual with Plutarch, when he omits
the denomination of the money. In his Life of Cato (c. 26) Plutarch
estimates the sum at 1250 talents. This impolitic measure of Cato
tended to increase an evil that had long been growing in Rome, the
existence of a large body of poor who looked to the public treasury
for part of their maintenance. (See the note on the Life of Caius
Gracchus, c. 5.)]

[Footnote 465: Cæsar was Prætor B.C. 62. He was Prætor designatus in
December B.C. 63, when he delivered his speech on the punishment of
Catiline's associates.]

[Footnote 466: Some notice of this man is contained in the Life of
Lucullus, c. 34, 38, and the Life of Cicero, c. 29. The affair of the
Bona Dea, which made a great noise in Rome, is told very fully in
Cicero's letters to Atticus (i. 12, &c.), which were written at the
time.

The feast of the Bona Dea was celebrated on the first of May, in the
house of the Consul or of the Prætor Urbanus. There is some further
information about it in Plutarch's Romanæ Quæstiones (ed. Wyttenbach,
vol. ii.). According to Cicero (_De Haruspicum Responsis_, c. 17), the
real name of the goddess was unknown to the men; and Dacier considers
it much to the credit of the Roman ladies that they kept the secret so
well. For this ingenious remark I am indebted to Kaltwasser's citation
of Dacier; I have not had curiosity enough to look at Dacier's notes.]

[Footnote 467: The divorce of Pompeia is mentioned by Cicero (_Ad
Attic._ i. 13).]

[Footnote 468: Clodius was tried B.C. 61, and acquitted by a corrupt
jury (judices). (See Cicero, _Ad Attic._ i. 16.) Kaltwasser appears to
me to have mistaken this passage. The judices voted by ballot, which
had been the practice in Rome in such trials since the passing of the
Lex Cassia B.C. 137. Drumanu remarks (_Geschichte Roms_, Claudii, p.
214, note) that Plutarch has confounded the various parts of the
procedure at the trial; and it may be so. See the Life of Cicero, c.
29. There is a dispute as to the meaning of the term Judicia Populi,
to which kind of Judicia the Lex Cassia applied. (Orelli,
_Onomasticon_, Index Legum, p. 279.)]

[Footnote 469: Cæsar was Prætor (B.C. 60) of Hispania Ulterior or
Bætica, which included Lusitania.]

[Footnote 470: A similar story is told by Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 7) and
Dion Cassius (37. c. 52), but they assign it to the time of Cæsar's
quæstorship in Spain.]

[Footnote 471: The Calaici, or Callaici, or Gallæci, occupied that
part of the Spanish peninsula which extended from the Douro north and
north-west to the Atlantic. (Strabo, p. 152.) The name still exists in
the modern term Gallica. D. Junius Brutus, consul B.C. 138, and the
grandfather of one of Cæsar's murderers, triumphed over the Callaici
and Lusitani, and obtained the name Callaicus. The transactions of
Cæsar in Lusitania are recorded by Dion Cassius (37. c. 52).]

[Footnote 472: Many of the creditors were probably Romans. (Velleius
Pat. ii 43, and the Life of Lucullus, c. 7.)]

[Footnote 473: Cæsar was consul B.C. 59.]

[Footnote 474: The measure was for the distribution of Public land
(Dion Cassius, 38. c. 1, &c. &c.) and it was an Agrarian Law. The law
comprehended also the land about Capua (Campanus ager). Twenty
thousand Roman citizens were settled on the allotted lands (Vell.
Pater, ii. 44; Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 10). Cicero, who was
writing to Atticus at the time, mentions this division of the lands as
an impolitic measure. It left the Romans without any source of public
income in Italy except the Vicesimæ (_Ad Attic._ ii. 16, 18).

The Romans, who were fond of jokes and pasquinades against those who
were in power, used to call the consulship of Cæsar, the consulship of
Caius Cæsar and Julius Cæsar, in allusion to the inactivity of
Bibulus, who could not resist his bolder colleague's measures. (Dion
Cassius, 38. c. 8.)]

[Footnote 475: The marriage with Pompeius took place in Cæsar's
consulship. _Life of Crassus_, c. 16.

This Servilius Cæpio appears to be Q. Servilius Cæpio, the brother of
Servilia, the mother of M. Junius Brutus, one of Cæsar's assassins.
Servilius Cæpio adopted Brutus, who is accordingly sometimes called Q.
Cæpio Brutus. (Cicero, _Ad Divers._ vii. 21; _Ad Attic._ ii. 24.) Piso
was L. Calpurnius Piso, who with Aulus Gabinius was consul B.C. 58.]

[Footnote 476: Q. Considius Gallus. He is mentioned by Cicero several
times in honourable terms (_Ad Attic._ ii. 24).]

[Footnote 477: Cicero went into exile B.C. 58. See the Life of Cicero,
c. 30.

Dion Cassius (38. c. 17) states that Cæsar was outside of the city
with his army, ready to march to his province, at the time when
Clodius proposed the bill of penalties against him. Cicero says the
same (_Pro Sestio_, c. 18). Cæsar, according to Dion, was not in
favour of the penalties contained in the bill; but he probably did not
exert himself to save Cicero. Pompeius, who had presided at the
comitia in which Clodius was adrogated into a Plebeian family, in
order to qualify him to be a tribune, treated Cicero with neglect
(Life of Pompeius, c. 46). Cæsar owed Cicero nothing. Pompeius owed
him much. And Cicero deserved his punishment.]

[Footnote 478: Cæsar's Gallic campaign began B.C. 58.

He carried on the war actively for eight years, till the close of B.C.
51. But he was still proconsul of Gallia in the year B.C. 50. Plutarch
has not attempted a regular narrative of Cæsar's campaigns, which
would have been foreign to his purpose (see the Life of Alexander, c.
1); nor can it be attempted in these notes. The great commander has
left in his Commentary on the Gallic War an imperishable record of his
subjugation of Gaul.]

[Footnote 479: Plutarch here, after his fashion, throws in a few
anecdotes without any regard to the chronological order.]

[Footnote 480: Massalia, an ancient Greek settlement, now Marseilles,
was called Massilia by the Romans. The siege of Massalia is told by
Cæsar (_Civil War_, ii. 1, &c.). It took place after Pompeius had fled
from Brundisium.]

[Footnote 481: The story of Scæva is told by Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii.
53). The missiles were arrows. As to the exact number of arrows that
the brave centurion Scæva received in his shield, see the note in
Oudendorp's Cæsar. Scæva was promoted to the first class of centurions
(Suetonius. _Cæsar_, 68).]

[Footnote 482: Cordoba or Cordova in Hispania Bætica. Cæsar must
therefore have been subject to these attacks during his quæstorship,
or at least his prætorship in Spain.

Of Cæsar's endurance and activity, Suetonius also (_Cæsar_, 57) has
preserved several notices.]

[Footnote 483: Kaltwasser translates this: "He travelled with such
speed that he did not require more than eight days to reach the Rhone
after leaving Rome;" as if this was his habit. But Kaltwasser is
mistaken.]

[Footnote 484: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 10.

In the time of Gellius (xvii. 9) there was extant a collection of
Cæsar's letters to C. Oppius and Cornelius Balbus, written in a kind
of cipher. (See Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 56.) Two letters of Cæsar to
Oppius and Balbus are extant in the collection of Cicero's letters
(_Ad Atticum_, ix. 8, 16), both expressed with admirable brevity and
clearness. One of them also shows his good sense and his humanity.]

[Footnote 485: The story is also told by Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 54).
Instead of using plain oil, Leo thought he should please his guests by
mixing it with a fragrant oil (conditum oleum pro viridi). He was an
ill-bred fellow for his pains; but a well-bred man would affect not to
notice his blunder.]

[Footnote 486: This campaign belongs to B.C. 58. The Helvetii occupied
the country between the Rhine, the Jura, the Rhone, and the Rhætian
Alps. The history of the campaign is given by Cæsar (_Gallic War_, i.
2-29; Dion Cassius, 38, c. 31). The Arar is the Saone, which joins the
Rhone at Lyons.]

[Footnote 487: This German chief had been acknowledged as king and
ally (rex et amicus) during Cæsar's consulship, B.C. 59. What
territory the Romans considered as belonging to his kingdom does not
appear. The campaign with Ariovistus and the circumstances which
preceded it are told by Cæsar (_Gallic War_, i. 31, &c.).

The speech of Cæsar in which he rated the men for their cowardice is
reported by himself (_Gallic War_, i. 40). The pursuit of the Germans
was continued for five miles according to the MSS. of Cæsar; but some
editors in place of 'five' have put 'fifty.' Plutarch's 400 stadia are
equal to 50 Roman miles.]

[Footnote 488: Cæsar (_Gallic War_, i. 54). The army wintered in the
country between the Jura, the Rhone and Saone, and the Rhine; which
was the country of the Sequani. Cæsar says that he went into Citerior
Gallia, that is, North Italy, 'ad conventus agendos,' to make his
circuits for the administration of justice and other civil business.
He may be excused for not saying anything of his political intrigues.]

[Footnote 489: The rising of the Belgæ is the subject of Cæsar's
Second Book. This campaign was in B.C. 57. It was not a rebellion of
the Belgæ, for they had not been conquered, but they feared that the
Romans would attack them after completing the subjugation of the
Galli. The Belgæ were defeated on the Axona, the Aisne, a branch of
the Seine (_Gallic War_, ii. 9-11). There is no mention in Cæsar of
lakes and rivers being filled with dead bodies.]

[Footnote 490: The Nervii considered themselves of German origin. They
occupied Hainault in Belgium, and the modern cities of Cambray and
Tournay in France were within their limits. The Nervii were on the
Sabis, the Sambre. Cæsar (ii. 25) speaks of seizing a shield and
restoring the battle. Plutarch has taken from Cæsar (c. 29) the amount
of the enemy's loss. See Dion Cassius (39. c. 1, &c.)]

[Footnote 491: "Ob easque res ex litteris Cæsaris dies xv subplicatio
decreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli." (Cæsar, _Gallic War_,
ii. 35.)]

[Footnote 492: See the Life of Crassus, c. 14; Life of Pompeius, c.
51. The meeting at Luca was at the end of B.C. 56, and Plutarch has
omitted the campaign of that year, which is contained in Cæsar's Third
Book of the Gallic War.]

[Footnote 493: Csasar (iv. 1) names them Usipetes and Tenetheri. The
events in this chapter belong to B.C. 55, when Cn. Pompeius Magnus and
M. Licinius Crassus were consuls for the second time.]

[Footnote 494: Cæsar, iv. c. 12. Plutarch here calls the Commentaries
[Greek: ephêmerides] ἐφημερίδες, which means a Diary or Day-book. The
proper Greek word would be [Greek: hypomnêmata] ὑπομνήματα. Kaltwasser
accordingly concludes that Plutarah appears to have confounded the
Ephemerides and the Commentarii, or at least to have used the word
[Greek: ephêmerides] ἐφημερίδες improperly instead of [Greek:
hypomnêmata] ὑπομνήματα. There is no proof that Cæsar kept a diary.
That kind of labour is suited to men of a different stamp from him.
Plutarch means the Commentarii. It is true that Servius (_Ad Æneid._
xi. 743) speaks of a diary (Ephemeris) of Cæsar, which records his
being once captured by the Gauls. But see the note of Davis on this
passage (Cæsar, ed. Oudendorp, ii. 999). Suetonius, who enumerates
Cæsar's writings (Cæsar, 55, 56), mentions no Ephemeris. There were
abundant sources for anecdotes about Cæsar. The Roman himself wrote as
an historian: he was not a diary keeper.]

[Footnote 495: Tanusius Geminus wrote a history which is mentioned by
Suetonius (Cæsar, 9). Cato's opinion on this occasion was merely
dictated by party hostility and personal hatred. His proposal was
unjust and absurd. Cæsar had good reason for writing his Anticato.]

[Footnote 496: Or Sigambri, a German tribe on the east bank of the
Lower Rhine. They bordered on the Ubii, and were north of them. The
name probably remains in the Sieg, a small stream which enters the
Rhine on the east bank, nearly opposite to Bonn.]

[Footnote 497: Cæsar describes the construction of this bridge (iv.
17) without giving any particulars as to the place where it was made.
The situation can only be inferred from a careful examination of the
previous part of his history, and it has been subject of much
discussion, in which opinions are greatly divided. The narratives of
Dion Cassius (39. c. 48) and Florus (iii. 10) give some assistance
towards the solution of the question. Professor Müller, in an
excellent article in the 'Jahrbücher des Vereins von
Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande' (vii. 1845), has proved that the
bridge must have been built near Coblenz. Cæsar defeated the Germans
in the angle between the Moselle and the Rhine. He must have crossed
the Moselle in order to find a convenient place for his bridge, which
he would find near Neuwied. The bridge abutted on the east bank on the
territory of the Ubii, who were his friends. The narrative of Cæsar,
when carefully examined, admits of no other construction than that
which Müller has put upon it; and if there were any doubt, it is
removed by Cæsar himself in another passage (_Gallic War_, vi. 9)
where he speaks of his second bridge, which gave him a passage from
the territory of the Treviri into that of the Ubii, and he adds that
the site of the second bridge was near that of the first.

In the Gallic War (iv. 15) Cæsar speaks of the junction (ad
confluentem Mosæ et Rheni) of the Mosa and the Rhine, where Müller
assumes that he means the Moselle, as he undoubtedly does. Either the
reading Mosa is wrong, or, what is not improbable, both the Moselle
and the Maas had the same name, Mosa. Mosella or Mosula is merely the
diminution of Mosa. At this confluence of the Moselle and Rhine the
town of Coblenz was afterwards built, which retains the ancient name.
Cæsar indicates which Mosa he means clearly enough by the words 'ad
confluentem.' There was no 'confluens' of the Great Mosa and the
Rhenus.]

[Footnote 498: The first expedition of Cæsar to Britain was in the
autumn of B.C. 55, and is described in his fourth book of the Gallic
War, c. 20, &c. He landed on the coast of Kent, either at Deal or
between Sandgate and Hythe. His second expedition was in the following
year B.C. 54, which is described in the fifth book, c. 8 &c. He
crossed the Thamesis (Thames) in face of the forces of Cassivelaunus,
whose territories were bounded on the south by the Thames.

There has been some discussion on the place where Cæsar crossed the
Thames. Camden (p. 882, ed. Gibson) fixes the place at Cowey Stakes
near Oatlands on the Thames, opposite to the place where the Wey joins
the Thames. Bede, who wrote at the beginning of the eighth century,
speaks of stakes in the bed of the river at that place, which so far
corresponds to Cæsar's description, who says that the enemy had
protected the ford with stakes on the banks and across the bed of the
river. Certain stakes still exist there, which are the subject of a
paper in the Archæologia, 1735, by Mr. Samuel Gale. The stakes are as
hard as ebony; and it is evident from the exterior grain that the
stakes were the entire bodies of young oak trees. Cæsar places the
ford eighty miles from the coast of Kent where he landed, which
distance agrees very well with the position of Oatlands, as Camden
remarks.

Cassivelaunus had been appointed Commander-in-chief of all the British
forces. This is the king whom Plutarch means. He agreed to pay an
annual tribute to the Romans (_Gallic War_, v. 22), and gave them
hostages. Compare Cicero, _Ad Attic._ iv. 17.

Cæsar wrote two letters to Cicero while he was in Britain. He wrote
one letter on the 1st of September, which Cicero received on the 28th
of September (_Ad Quintum Fratrem,_ iii. 1). Cicero here alludes to
Cæsar's sorrow for his daughter's death, of which Cæsar had not
received intelligence when he wrote to Cicero; but Cicero knew that
the news had gone to him. On the 24th of October, Cicero received
another letter written from the British coast from Cæsar, and one from
his brother Quintus who was with Cæsar. This letter was written on the
26th of September. Cæsar states (_Gallic War_, v. 23) that it was near
the time of the equinox when he was leaving Britain.]

[Footnote 499: See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, and the Life of
Pompeius, c. 53.]

[Footnote 500: L. Aurunculeius Cotta and Q. Titurius Sabinus were sent
into the country of the Eburones, the chief part of which was between
the Maas and the Rhine, in the parallels of Namur and Liege. This
king, who is called Abriorix, is named Ambiorix by Cæsar (_Gallic
War_, 24, &c.) The Gauls, after an unsuccessful attempt on the camp,
persuaded the Romans to leave it under a promise that they should have
a safe passage through the country of the Eburones. Ambiorix made them
believe that there was going to be a general rising of the Gauls, and
that their best plan was to make their way to the camp of Q. Cicero or
Labienus. When they had left their camp, the Gauls fell upon them in a
convenient spot and massacred most of them.]

[Footnote 501: Quintus Cicero was encamped in the country of the
Nervii in Hainault. The attack on his camp is described by Cæsar
(_Gallic War_, v. 39, &c.) Cæsar says, when he is speaking of his own
camp (v. 50), 'Jubet ... ex omnibus partibus castra altiore vallo
muniri portasque obstrui, &c.... cum simulatione terroris;' of which
Plutarch has given the meaning.]

[Footnote 502: Kaltwasser remarks that Plutarch passes over the events
in Cæsar's Sixth Book of the Gallic War, as containing matters of less
importance for his purpose.]

[Footnote 503: Cæsar (vii. 4) calls him Vercingetorix. He was of the
nation of the Arverni, whom Plutarch (as his text stands) calls
Arvenni in c. 25, and Aruveni in c. 26. The Arverni were on the Upper
Loire in Auvergne. The Carnunteni, whom Cæsar calls Carnutes, were
partly in the middle basin of the same river. Orleans (Genapum) and
Chartres (Autricum) were their headquarters.]

[Footnote 504: [Greek: tais autais hodois] ταῖς αὐταῖς ὁδοῖς in the
MSS., which gives no sense. I have adopted Reiske's alteration [Greek:
autais tais hodois] αὐταῖς ταῖς ὁδοῖς. Cæsar (vii. 8) describes his
march over the Cevenna, the Cevennes, in winter. He had to cut his
road through snow six feet deep. The enemy, who considered the
Cevennes as good a protection as a wall, were surprised by his sudden
appearance.]

[Footnote 505: So Plutarch writes it. It is Ædui in Cæsar's text, or
Hædui. The Ædui, one of the most powerful of the Gallic tribes, were
situated between the Upper Loire and the Saone, and possessed the
chief part of Burgundy. The Saone separated them from the Sequani on
the east.]

[Footnote 506: The Lingones were on the Vosges, which contain the
sources of the Marne and the Moselle. The Saone separated them from
the Sequani on the south-east. The account of this campaign is
unintelligible in Plutarch. It is contained in Cæsar's Seventh Book.]

[Footnote 507: A small matter in itself; but if true, a trait in
Cæsar's character. Schaefer has the following note: "Aliter facturus
erat Cyrneus, omnino inferior ille Romano." The Corsican is Napoleon.
Cæsar was the magnanimous man, whom Aristotle describes (_Eth. Nicom._
iv. 7); Napoleon was not.]

[Footnote 508: Alise, or rather the summit of Mont Auxois, west of
Dijon in Burgundy, represents the Alesia of Cæsar. A stream flowed
along each of two sides of the city. Alesia belonged to the Mandubii,
who were dependants of the Ædui. The siege and capture of Alesia, B.C.
52, are told by Cæsar (_Gallic War_, vii. 68, &c.)

The assembling of the Gallic nations was a last great effort to throw
off the yoke.

Dion Cassius (40. c. 41) says Vercingetorix was put in chains. Seven
years after he appeared in Cæsar's triumph, after which he was put to
death.

Cæsar passed the winter of B.C. 51 at Nemetocenna, Arras, in Belgium.
The final pacification of Gaul is mentioned (viii. 48). Cæsar left
Gaul for North Italy in the early part of B.C. 50, and having visited
all the cities in his province on the Italian side of the Alps, he
again returned to Nemetocenna in Belgium, and after finally settling
affairs in those parts, he returned to North Italy, where he learned
that the two legions, which had been taken from him for the Parthian
war, had been given by the consul C. Marcellus to Pompeius, and were
kept in Italy.

In nine years Cæsar completed the subjugation of all that part of Gaul
which is bounded by the Saltus Pyrenæus, the Alps and the Cevennes,



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