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the enemy. His head was carried to Hispalis (Seville) and exhibited in
public. Cæsar, who was then at Gades (Cadiz), came shortly after to
Hispalis, and addressed the people in a speech. Sextus Pompeius was at
Corduba during the battle, and he made his escape on hearing the news
of his brother's defeat.]

[Footnote 576: C. Didius. According to Dion, Cn. Pompeius was killed
by another set of pursuers, not by Didius. The author of the Spanish
War (c. 40) does not mention Didius as having carried the head of
Pompeius to Hispalis. After the death of Pompeius, Didius fell in a
battle with some Lusitani who had escaped from Munda.]

[Footnote 577: Cæsar celebrated his Spanish triumph in October, B.C.
45.]

[Footnote 578: Cæsar was appointed Dictator for Life, and consul for
ten years, (Appianus, ii. 106.)

Dictatorship was properly only a temporary office, and created in some
great emergency, or for a particular purpose. The first dictator was
T. Lartius, who was appoined, B.C. 501. The original period of office
was only six months (Livius, ix. 34), and many dictators abdicated,
that is, voluntarily resigned the dictatorship before the end of the
six months. The Dictator had that authority within the city which the
consuls, when in office, only had without. During his term of office
there were no consuls. Under the Dictator there was a Magister
Equitum, who was sometimes appointed probably by the Dictator. The
whole question of the dictatorship is one of considerable difficulty.
No dictator had been appointed for one hundred and twenty years before
the time when Sulla was appointed; and his dictatorship and that of
Cæsar must not be considered as the genuine office. Cæsar was the last
Roman who had the title of Dictator. The subject of the Dictatorship
is discussed by Niebuhr, _Roman History_, vol. i. 552, _English
Transl._]

[Footnote 579: The honours decreed to Cæsar in the year before are
mentioned by Dion Cassius (43. c. 14). Among other things a large
statue of him was made which was supported on a figure of the earth
(probably a sphere); and there was the inscription - "Semideus,
Half-God." The further honours conferred on Cæsar in this year are
recorded by Dion Cassius (43. c. 44, &c.). A statue of the Dictator
was to be placed in the temple of Quirinus (Romulus), which was
equivalent to calling Cæsar a second founder of Rome. Cicero (_Ad
Attic._ xii. 45, and xiii. 28)

Jokes Atticus on the new neighbour that he was going to have: Atticus
lived on the Quirinal Hill, where the temple of Quirinus stood.

The Senate also decreed that Cæsar should use the word Imperator as a
title prefixed to his name - Imperator Caius Julius Cæsar. The old
practice was to put it after the name, as M. Tullius Cicero Imperator.
The title Imperator prefixed to the name does not occur on the medals
of Cæsar. But this decree of the Senate was the origin of the term
Imperator being used as a title by the Roman Emperors. (Dion Cassius,
43. c. 44.)]

[Footnote 580: I do not find what particular honours Cicero proposed.
His correspondence with Atticus during this period shows that he was
dissatisfied with the state of affairs, and very uneasy about himself,
though, as far as concerned Cæsar, he had nothing to fear.]

[Footnote 581: Carthage was destroyed B.C. 146; and Corinth in the
same year by L. Mummius. Colonies were sent to both places in B.C. 44.
(Dion Cassius, 43. c. 50.) Many Romans were sent to settle in both
places. (Strabo, p. 833; Pausanias, ii. 1.) The colonization of
Carthage had been attempted by Caius Gracchus. (Life of C. Gracchus,
c. 11, notes.)]

[Footnote 582: In B.C. 45 Cæsar was consul for the fourth time and
without a colleague. But he laid down the office before the end of the
year, and Quintus Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius were appointed
consuls; the first instance of consuls being appointed for a part of
the year, which afterwards became a common practice. (Dion Cassius,
43. c. 46.) The appointment of C. Caninius is mentioned by Cicero (_Ad
Diversos_, vii. 30), who remarks that nobody dined in that consulship,
and that the consul was so vigilant that he did not sleep during his
term of office: in fact he was consul for only part of a day. An
inscription records the consulships of this year. (Note to Cicero in
the Variorum edition.)]

[Footnote 583: On the intended Parthian expedition of Cæsar, see Dion
Cassius, 43. c. 51.]

[Footnote 584: This design of Cæsar is mentioned by Dion Cassius (44.
c. 5), Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 441), and Plinius (_H.N._ iv. 4).]

[Footnote 585: This scheme is not mentioned by any other author that I
can find. Circæum, or Circeii, as the Romans called it, is the
mountain promontory, now Circello or Circeo, between which and
Tarracina lies the southern part of the Pomptine marshes. The intended
cut must therefore run nearly in the direction of the Via Appia and to
the west of it. But considerable cuttings would be required on that
more elevated part of the Campagna which lies between the mountains of
Alba and the nearest part of the coast. The basin of the Pomptine
marshes is bounded by the offsets of the Alban mountains, the Volscian
mountains, and the sea. In the central part it is only a few feet
above the sea-level, and in some parts it is below it. When a violent
south-west wind raises the sea on the coast between Tarracina and
Circeo, the water would be driven into the basin of the Pomptine
marshes instead of flowing out. There would therefore be no sufficient
fall of water to keep the channel clear, even if the head of the cut,
where it originated in the Tiber, were high enough; and that is
doubtful. The scheme was probably a canal, which with some locks might
be practicable; but if the work could be accomplished, it would
probably have no commercial advantages.]

[Footnote 586: Pometia is the common Roman form, from which comes the
name of the Pometinæ, or Pomptinæ Paludes, now the Pontine Paludi; the
site of Pometia is uncertain. That Cæsar intended to accomplish the
drainage of this tract is mentioned by Dion Cassius and Suetonius.

Setia (Sezza), noted for its wine, is on the Volscian hills (the Monti
Lepini), and on the eastern margin of the marshes. The physical
condition of this tract is described by Prony, in his "Description
Hydrographique et Historique des Marais Pontins," 4to. Paris, 1822;
the work is accompanied by a volume of plans and sections and a map of
the district. A sketch of the physical character of this district, and
of the various attempts to drain it, is also given in the 'Penny
Cyclopædia,' - art. _Pomptine Marshes_. See also Westphal's two
valuable maps of the Campagna di Roma, and his accompanying Memoir,
Berlin and Stettin, 1829.]

[Footnote 587: Ostia, the old port of Rome, on the east bank of the
Tiber near the mouth of the river. The present Ostia is somewhat
farther inland, and was built in the ninth century by Pope Gregory the
Fourth. There are extensive remains of the old town, but they are in a
very decayed condition. "Numerous shafts of columns, which are
scattered about in all directions, remains of the walls of extensive
buildings, and large heaps of rubbish covered with earth and overgrown
with grass, give some, though a faint, idea of the splendour, of the
ancient city, which at the time of its greatest splendour, at the
beginning of our era, had eighty thousand inhabitants." (Westphal,
_Die Römische Kampagne_, p. 7.)]

[Footnote 588: The reformation of the Kalendar was effected in B.C.
46. Dion Cassius (43. c. 26) says that Cæsar was instructed on this
subject during his residence at Alexandria in Egypt. The Egyptians had
a year of 365 days from a very early date (Herodotus, ii. 4). In this
year (B.C. 46) Cæsar intercalated two months of 67 days between
November and December, and as this was the year in which, according to
the old fashion, the intercalary month of 23 days had been inserted in
February, the whole intercalation in this year was 90 days. Cæsar made
the reformed year consist of 365 days, and he directed one day to be
intercalated in every fourth year (quarto quoque anno) in order that
the civil year, which began on the 1st of January, might agree with
the solar year. The old practice of intercalating a month was of
course dropped. The year B.C. 46 was a year of 445 days. By this
reformation, says Dion Cassius, all error was avoided except a very
small one, and he adds, that to correct the accumulations of this
error, it would only be necessary to intercalate one day in 1461
years. But this is a mistake; for in 1460 years there would be an
error of nearly eleven days too much. Ten days were actually dropped
between the 4th and 15th of October, 1582, by Gregory XIII., with the
sanction of the Council of Trent.

A curious mistake was soon made at Rome by the Pontifices who had the
regulation of the Kalendar. The rule was to intercalate a day in every
fourth year (quarto quoque anno). Now such expressions are ambiguous
in Latin, as is shown by numerous examples. (Savigny, _System des
heut. Röm. Rechts_, iv. 329.) The expression might mean that both the
year one and the year four were to be included in the interpretation
of this rule; and the Pontifices interpreted it accordingly. Thus,
after intercalating in year one, they intercalated again in year four,
instead of in year five. In the time of Augustus, B.C. 8. the error
was corrected, and the civil year was set right by dropping the three
intercalary days which came next after that year, three being the
number of days in excess that had been intercalated. For the future
the rule of Cæsar was correctly interpreted. Dion Cassius in
expressing the rule as to intercalation uses the phrase, [Greek: dia
pente etôn] διὰ πέντε ἐτῶν.

The subject of Cæsar's reformation is explained in the notes to Dion
Cassius (43. c. 26), ed. Reimarus, and in the article Calendar
(Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities) by Professor Key.]

[Footnote 589: The Romans had a large collection of these writings
(libri Sibyllini) which were kept in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus
under the care of particular functionaries (duumviri sacrorum). On
this curious subject the reader will find sufficient information in
the Penny Cyclopædia, - art. _Sibyl_.]

[Footnote 590: Dion Cassius (44. c. 8), who tells the story, says that
he was seated in the vestibule of the Temple of Venus; and he mentions
another excuse that Cæsar had for not rising.]

[Footnote 591: L. Cornelius Balbus was a native of Gades. Pompeius
Magnus gave him the Roman citizenship for his services in Spain
against Sertorius, which was confirmed by a lex passed B.C. 72, in the
consulship of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. Probably to show his gratitude
to the consul, Balbus assumed the Roman name Cornelius. Balbus is
often mentioned in Cicero's correspondence. After Cæsar's death he
attached himself to Cæsar Octavianus, and he was consul B.C. 40. He
left a journal of the events of his own and Cæsar's life. He also
urged Hirtius (Pansa) to write the Eighth Book of the Gallic War
(Preface addressed to Balbus), Suetonius, Cæsar, 81.]

[Footnote 592: The Lupercalia are described in the Life of Romulus, c.
21. The festival was celebrated on the 15th of February. It was
apparently an old shepherd celebration; and the name of the deity
Lupercus appears to be connected with the name Lupus (wolf), the
nurturer of the twins Romulus and Remus. Shakspere, who has literally
transferred into his play of Julius Cæsar many passages from North's
Plutarch, makes Cæsar say to the consul Antonius -

Forget not, in your speed, Antonius,
To touch Calphurnia; for our elders say,
The barren, touched in this holy chase,
Shake off their sterile curse.

Act i. Sc. 2.]

[Footnote 593: Dion Cassius (44. c. 9) speaks of the honours conferred
on Cæsar and his supposed ambitious designs.]

[Footnote 594: The Latin word "brutus" means "senseless," "stupid."
The Cumæi, the inhabitants of Cume in Æolis, were reckoned very
stupid. Strabo (p. 622) gives two reasons why this opinion obtained;
one of which was, that it was not till three hundred years after the
foundation of the city that they thought of making some profit by the
customs duties, though they had a port.]

[Footnote 595: Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 1, Dion Cassius (44. c.
12), and Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Junii, p. 2. This Brutus was not
a descendant of him who expelled the last king.]

[Footnote 596: Plutarch means the office of Prætor Urbanus, the
highest of the offices called prætorships. There was originally only
one prætor, the Prætor Urbanus. There were now sixteen. The Prætor
Urbanus was the chief person engaged in the administration of justice
in Rome; and hence the allusion to the "tribunal" ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα)
where the Prætor sat when he did business.]

[Footnote 597: I have translated this according to the reading of
Sintenis. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 8. Cæsar was very lean. As to
the writings compare Dion Cassius (44, c. 12).]

[Footnote 598: See the Life of Brutus, c. 89.]

[Footnote 599:

_Cæsar_. Let me have men about me that are fat;
Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o' nights:
Yond' Cassius has a lean and hungry look;
He thinks too much: such men are dangerous.
Shakspere, _Julius Cæsar_, Act i. Sc. 2.]

[Footnote 600: The passage was in the Historical Memoirs. See the Life
of Sulla, c. 26; and the Life of Lucullus, c. 28. Notes.]

[Footnote 601: The Ides of March were the 15th, on which day Cæsar was
murdered.]

[Footnote 602: Compare Dion Cassius (44. c. 17). Cæsar also had a
dream.]

[Footnote 603: I have kept Plutarch's word, which is Greek. Suetonius
(Cæsar, c. 81) expresses it by the Latin word "fastigium," and also
Florus (iv. 2), Cicero (_Philipp._ ii. 43), and Julius Obsequens (c.
127), who enumerates the omens mentioned by Plutarch. The passage of
Livius must have been in the 116th Book, which is lost. See the
Epitome. The word here probably means a pediment. But it also
signifies an ornament, such as a statue placed on the summit of a
pediment.]

[Footnote 604: Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus was the son of Decimus
Junius Brutus, Consul B.C. 77, and grandson of Decimus Junius Brutus
Callaicus, Consul B.C. 138. He was adopted by Aulus Postumius Albinus,
Consul, B.C. 99, whence he took the name Albinus. He served under
Cæsar in Gaul, during which campaign he destroyed the fleet of the
Veneti. (_Gallic War_, iii. 12, &c.) Decimus Brutus was a great
favourite with Cæsar, who by his will placed him in the second degree
of succession; he also gave him the province of Cisalpine Gaul, which
Brutus held after Cæsar's death, and appointed him to be consul for
B.C. 42. In the year B.C. 43, after M. Antonius had united himself
with M. Lepidus, the governor of Gallia Narbonensis, and L. Munatius
Plancus and Asinius Pollio had also joined M. Antonius, Decimus Brutus
attempted to make his escape into Macedonia to Marcus Brutus; but he
was overtaken in the Alps by the cavalry of Antonius, and put to death
after abjectly praying for mercy. This was the just punishment of a
treacherous friend who helped Cæsar to the supreme power and then
betrayed him (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 61). Like many other men, he did
well enough when he was directed by others, but when he was put in
command, he lost his head and threw away the opportunities that he
had. There are extant several of his letters to Ciecro and letters of
Cicero to him. (Dion Cassius, 43. c. 53, and the references in the
notes; Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Junii.)]

[Footnote 605: It was usual for the Romans in their wills to
substitute an heres, one or more (in the Roman sense), to take the
property in case the person who was first named in the will for any
reason did not take it. Cæsar's first heres was his great nephew, C.
Octavius, afterwards Augustus.]

[Footnote 606: It was the general opinion that some roll or writing
was put into Cæsar's hands, which informed him of the conspiracy; but,
as is usual in such cases, there were different statements current
about the particulars of this circumstance. Compare Dion Cassius, 44.
c. 18.]

[Footnote 607: According to Dion Cassius (41. c. 52) the Senate was
assembled in the curia ([Greek: synedrion] συνέδριον), which Pompeius
had built.]

[Footnote 608: The two sects of Greek philosophy that had most
adherents among the Romans were those of the Epicureans and the
Stoics. Cassius, as an Epicurean, would have no faith in any
superhuman powers; but in the moments of danger a man's speculative
principles give way to the common feelings of all mankind. I have kept
Plutarch's word "enthusiasm," which is here to be understood not in
our sense, but in the Greek sense of a person under some superhuman
influence.]

[Footnote 609: This is a mistake of Plutarch, who has stated the fact
correctly in his Life of Brutus (c. 17). It was Caius Trebonius who
kept Antonius engaged in talk, as we learn from Dion Cassius (44. c.
10), Appianus (_Civil War_, ii. 117), and Cicero, who in a Letter to
Trebonius (_Ad Diversos_, x. 28) complains that Trebonius had taken
Antonius aside, and so saved his life.]

[Footnote 610: Some would write Tullius Cimber. See the note of
Sintenis. Atilius may be the true name.]

[Footnote 611: P. Servilius Casca was at this time a tribune of the
Plebs (Dion Cassius, 44. c. 52).]

[Footnote 612: Dion Cassius adds (44. c. 19) that Cæsar said to M.
Brutus, "And you too, my son." Probably the story of Cæsar's death
received many embellishments. Of his three and twenty wounds, only one
was mortal according to the physician Antistius (Suetonius, _Cæsar_,
82): but though the wounds severally might not have been mortal, the
loss of blood from all might have caused death. Suetonius (c. 82)
adds, that Cæsar pierced the arm of Cassius (he mentions two Cassii
among the conspirators) with his graphium (stylus). See the notes in
Burmann's edition of Suetonius.

The circumstances of the death of Cæsar are minutely stated by
Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Julii, p. 728, &c. The reflections of Dion
Cassius (44. c. 1, 2) on the death of Cæsar are worth reading. He
could not see that any public good was accomplished by this murder;
nor can anybody else.]

[Footnote 613: Cicero was among them. He saw, as he says himself (_Ad
Attic._ xiv. 10), the tyrant fall, and he rejoiced. In his letters he
speaks with exultation of the murder, and commends the murderers. But
he was not let into the secret. They were afraid to trust him. If he
had been in the conspiracy, he says (_Philipp._ ii. 14) he would have
made clean work; he would have assassinated all the enemies of
liberty; in other words, all the chief men of Cæsar's party. He had
abjectly humbled himself before Cæsar, who treated him with kind
respect. Like all genuine cowards he was cruel when he had power.]

[Footnote 614: M. Æmilius Lepidus, son of M. Lepidus, consul B.C. 78.
He afterwards formed one of the Triumviri with M. Antonius and
Octavianus Cæsar. This was the Lepidus with whom Cæsar supped the day
before he was murdered. He was a feeble man, though something of a
soldier. Shakspere has painted him in a few words:

_Antony_. This is a slight unmeritable man,
Meet to be sent on errands.

_Julius Cæsar_, Act iv. Sc. 1.

There is more of him in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius.]

[Footnote 615: I do not know who this Caius Octavius is. There is
probably some mistake in the name. Lentulus was the son of P.
Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, consul B.C. 57. He had, like many others,
experienced Cæsar's clemency. Plutarch is mistaken in saying that this
Spinther was put to death, though he was probably included in the
proscription. (See Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Lentuli, p. 545.) The
Lentulus who is mentioned as having been put to death in Egypt (Life
of Pompeius, c. 80) was L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, consul B.C. 49.

The disturbances which followed Cæsar's death are more particularly
described in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius.]

[Footnote 616: Cæsar made Caius Octavius, his sister's grandson, his
first heres. He left a legacy to every Roman citizen, the amount of
which is variously stated. He also left to the public his gardens on
the Tiber. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 83); Dion Cassius (44. c. 35).

Shakspere has made a noble scene of the speech of Antonius over
Cæsar's body on the opening of the will:

_Ant_. Here is the will, and under Cæsar's seal;
To every Roman citizen he gives,
To every several man, seventy-five drachmas:
Moreover he hath left you all his walks,
His private arbours and new planted orchards,
On this side Tiber; he hath left them you
And to your heirs for ever; common pleasures,
To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves.
Here was a Cæsar. When comes such another?

_Julius Cæsar_, Act iii. Sc. 2.

Antonius, according to Roman fashion, made a funeral speech over the
body of Cæsar (Life of Antonius, c. 14; of Brutus, c. 20). Dion
Cassius (44. c. 36-49) has put a long speech in the mouth of Antonius,
mere empty declamation. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 144-6) gives one
which is well enough suited to the character of Antonius. (_Oratorum
Romanorum Fragmenta_, ed. Mayer, p. 455.) It is probable that the
speech of Antonius was preserved, and was used as materials by the
historians.]

[Footnote 617: This man, who unluckily bore the name of Cinna, was C.
Helvius Cinna, a tribune of the plebs, a poet, and a friend of Cæsar.
(Dion Cassius, 44. c. 50, and the notes of Reimarus.) The conspirator
Cinna was the son of L. Cornelius Cinna, who was a partisan of Marius,
and was murdered in his fourth consulship (Life of Pompeius, c. 5).
Cæsar's wife Cornelia, the mother of his only child Julia, was the
sister of the conspirator Cinna, as Plutarch names him. But probably
he was not one of the conspirators, though he approved of the deed
after it was done. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Cinnæ, p. 591, notes,
and also as to Helvius Cinna.)]

[Footnote 618: And also in the Life of Antonius.]

[Footnote 619: Suetonius (_Cæsar_, c. 89) observes that scarce any of
his assasins survived him three years; and they all came to a violent
end.]

[Footnote 620: This town was on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont.
Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 36. 48, and Appianus (_Civil Wars_, iv.
134). Dion Cassius does not mention the ghost story.]

[Footnote 621: It has been already remarked that Niebuhr is of opinion
that the introduction to the Life of Cæsar is lost. This opinion will
not appear well founded to those who have got a right conception of
the dramatic form in which Plutarch has cast most of his Lives, and
more particularly this of Cæsar. He begins by representing him as
resisting the tyrant Sulla when others yielded, and then making his
way through a long series of events to the supreme power, which he had
no sooner attained than he lost it. But his fortune survived him, and
the faithless men, his murderers, most of whom owed to him their lives
or their fortunes, were pursued by the avenging dæmon till they were
all hunted down.

A just estimate of the first of all the Romans is not a difficult
task. We know him from the evidence of his contemporaries, both
friends and enemies. The devoted attachment of his true friends is
beyond doubt; and his enemies could not deny his exalted talents.
Cicero, who has in various places heaped on him every term of abuse
that his copious storehouse contained, does not refuse his testimony
to the great abilities and generous character of Cæsar. Drumann
(_Geschichte Roms_, Julii) has given an elaborate examination of
Cæsar's character. His faults and his vices belonged to his age, and
he had them in common with nearly all his contemporaries. His most
striking virtues, his magnanimity, his generosity, his mercy to the
vanquished, distinguished him among all the Romans of his period.
Cæsar was a combination of bodily activity, intellectual power, of
literary acquirements, and administrative talent that has seldom
appeared. As a soldier he was not inferior in courage and endurance to
the hardiest veteran of his legions; and his military ability places
him in the first rank of commanders who have contended with and
overcome almost insurmountable obstacles. Cicero ranks him in the
first class of orators; and his own immortal work, his History of the
Gallic Campaign and the Civil War, is a literary monument which
distinguishes him among all other commanders. As a speaker and a



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