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[Footnote 658: There is obviously an error here in Plutarch's text, as
Sintenis observes. The real meaning of what Pompædius said appears
from the context, and from a passage of Valerius Maximus (3. 1, 2),
who tells the same story.]

[Footnote 659: This sham fight was according to an old tradition
established by Æneas. It is described by Virgil, _Æneid_, v. 553, &c.
See Tacitus, _Annal._ xi. 11; and Dion Cassius, 43. c. 23, and 49. c.
43. These games (ludi) were also celebrated under the early Emperors.]

[Footnote 660: The text is literally "a place for the impious," not
_the_ place. But Plutarch may allude to the tortures of the wicked in
the regions below, according to the popular notions.]

[Footnote 661: The possession of a priestly office by a person who
also discharged the functions of civil life was common among the
Romans. The effect of this political institution was more extensive
than at first sight may appear, but the examination of such a question
belongs, as Plutarch sometimes observes, to another place.]

[Footnote 662: He is mentioned by Cicero (_De Offic._ ii. 24), but
some suppose that there were two Tyrian philosophers of that name.]

[Footnote 663: See Plutarch's Life of Cato the Censor, c. 19. This,
the first Roman Basilica, was erected B.C. 182 (Livy, 39. c. 44). A
basilica was a place for law business and the meeting of traders and
the like.]

[Footnote 664: The highest cast with four dice of six sides was
twenty-four points, and it was called Venus. The lowest cast was four
points, and it was called Canis. This is one explanation. But the
Venus is also explained to be the throw which resulted in all the dice
turning up with different faces. See the notes in Burmann's edition of
Suetonius, _Octav. Augustus_, c. 71. It is said that sometimes they
played with four-sided dice, sometimes with six-sided. The subject is
somewhat obscure, and the investigation not suited to all people.]

[Footnote 665: Probably C. Memmius Gemellus, tribune of the Plebs,
B.C. 66. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 37.]

[Footnote 666: This was Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius Scipio, the son of
P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, prætor B.C. 94. He was the adopted son of
Q. Metellus Pius, consul B.C. 80, who is mentioned in the Life of
Sulla, c. 28. This rival of Cato was the Metellus who was defeated by
Cæsar at the battle of Thapsus, and is often mentioned in this Life.
It is not said what legal process Cato could have instituted for the
loss of his promised marriage.]

[Footnote 667: This Greek poet, who was probably born about the close
of the eighth century B.C. at Paros, was noted for his biting Iambics,
which became proverbial.

"Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo."

HORAT. _Ars Poet._, v. 79.]

[Footnote 668: This was of course a gentile name. The name Soranus
should be Seranus or Serranus.]

[Footnote 669: C. Lælius, the friend of the elder Scipio Africanus, is
probably meant.]

[Footnote 670: The history of this insurrection of Spartacus is told
in the Life of Crassus, c. 8, &c. As to Gellius, see the Life of
Crassus, c. 9.]

[Footnote 671: Nomenclators, literally, "persons who called or
addressed others by name," were slaves and sometimes perhaps other
persons, whose business it was to know every man's name, to attend a
candidate in his canvass, and to inform him of the names of those whom
he was going to address, in order that he might appear to be
acquainted with them; for in accordance with a feeling, which all men
have in some degree, a desire to be known, a voter was pleased to find
himself addressed by a candidate as if his face and name were
familiar. This kind of notice from people who are above another in
rank and station is peculiarly gratifying to those who are conscious
that they have no real merit, and the pleasure which such attention
gives to those who receive it is the exact measure of their own real
opinion of their insignificance. I say their real opinion, for such
persons have a true opinion of themselves, though they attempt to
conceal it from themselves, and also to conceal it from others, in
neither of which attempts are they quite successful. It makes no
difference if a man knows that the great man who affects to know him
really does not know him, for he knows that the great man does not
know everybody and cares for very few; but the mere pretence of
knowing, the mere show of knowing and recognising, which the great man
assumes, he is willing to take for what he knows that it is not, a
mark of respect; and mainly, that others, as he hopes, may be deceived
by the false appearance, and take him to be what he knows that he is

Cato's tribuneship was a military tribuneship (tribunus militum).]

[Footnote 672: He was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, and at the time
of Cato's visit to him he had the care of the library at Pergamus.
Strabo (p. 674, ed. Casaub.) says that he died in Cato's house at

[Footnote 673: Ænus was a small town at the mouth of the river Hebrus,
now the Maritza. The island of Thasos, now Thaso, contains marble. The
monument was a costly memorial, if the Attic talent was meant, which
we must presume. Talents of silver are of course intended.]

[Footnote 674: The allusion is to the Anticato of Cæsar (Life of
Cæsar, c. 54). How the matter really was, no one can tell; but such a
story is not likely to be a pure invention.]

[Footnote 675: He is mentioned as being an old man in B.C. 54 (Life of
Crassus c. 17). Deiotarus was a friend of the Romans in their Asiatic
wars against Mithridates, and the senate conferred on him the title of
king. He knew what kind of people he had to deal with when he showed
such attention to Cato's train (c. 15). His history is closely
connected with that of Cæsar, and of Cicero, who made a speech in his
defence before Cæsar at Rome B.C. 45 (Pro Rege Deiotaro).]

[Footnote 676: The story about Demetrius, the contemptible favourite
of Pompeius, is told by Plutarch in his Life of Pompeius, c. 40.
Plutarch makes the visit to Asia precede Cato's quæstorship, upon
which see the remarks of Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v. 157. The
narration of Plutarch is evidently confused as will appear from the
fourteenth and fifteenth chapters.]

[Footnote 677: Either C. Scribonius Curio who was consul B.C. 76, or
his son the tribune, an adherent of Cæsar; but probably the father is

[Footnote 678: See the Life of Marius, c. 17.]

[Footnote 679: Cato's quæstorship was in the year B.C. 65.]

[Footnote 680: Lutatius Catulus, censor B.C. 65, was the son of
Catulus who with Marius defeated the Cimbri at Vercellæ B.C. 101.
(Life of Marius, c. 25.)]

[Footnote 681: This pasange, which has been supposed by some
translators to mean that Catulus ran the risk of being degraded from
his office, is correctly translated and explained by Kaltwasser. Cato
hinted that the officers of the Court would turn Catulus out, if he
continued to act as he did. Plutarch has told the same story in his
treatise [Greek: peri dusopias] περὶ δυσοπίας, _De Vitioso Pudore_ c.
13, to which Kaltwasser refers.]

[Footnote 682: He may be C. Claudius Marcellus afterwards consul B.C.
50, or his cousin of the same name who was consul B.C. 49.]

[Footnote 683: The parentage of Terentia, Cicero's wife, is unknown.
The mother of Terentia must have married a Fabius, by whom she had
this Fabia, the half sister of Terentia. Fabia was a woman of rank.
Though a vestal virgin, she did not escape scandal, for she was tried
B.C. 73 for sexual intercourse with Catilina: Fabia was acquitted
(Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v. 392).

There is a mistake in the text: "charges" (p. 25) is a misprint, and
should be "changes;" in place of "Cicero's wide, he was in great
danger, but he involved Clodius," it should be "Cicero's wife, and she
was in great danger, he involved Clodius."

Therefore in place of "he was," line 10 from bottom, read "and she
was;" and in the same line omit "but." In line 13 from the bottom read
"changes" for "charges."]

[Footnote 684: Probably the name is corrupted. The expression is
attributed to Cato, in the Life of Lucullus, c. 40.]

[Footnote 685: Q. Metellus Nepos was serving under Pompeius in Asia in
B.C. 64. He came to Rome in B.C. 63 to be a candidate for the

[Footnote 686: D. Junius Silanus, who was consul with Licinius Murena,
B.C. 62, was now the husbaud of Servilia, who had been the wife of D.
Junius Brutus.]

[Footnote 687: He was the son of L. Licinius Murena, who served under
Sulla in Greece. The son served under his father in B.C. 83 against
Mithridates. After the consular election in B.C. 63 he was prosecuted
for bribery (ambitus). Cicero's speech in defence of Murena is

[Footnote 688: The affair of Catiline is spoken of in the Life of
Cæsar, c. 17, and in the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &c.]

[Footnote 689: This Servilia was now the wife of Silanus the consul.
Lucullus the husband of the other Servilia had his triumph in the year
of Cicero's consulship B.C. 63 (Life of Lucullus, c. 37). He was
probably the husband of Servilia at this time.]

[Footnote 690: Short-hand writers were called by the Romans "actuarii"
and "notarii," of which last word Plutarch's word ([Greek:
sêmeiographoi] σημειόγραφοι) is a translation. It is not likely that
short-hand writing was invented for the occasion, as Plutarch says.
Under the empire short-hand writers are often mentioned.]

[Footnote 691: L. Marcius Philippus, consul in B.C. 56 with Cn.
Cornelius Lentulus.]

[Footnote 692: L. Thrasea Pætus, a Latin writer, a native of Padua,
who was put to death by Nero (Tacitus, _Annal._ xvi. 34, 25). His
authority for the Life of Cato was, as it appears, Munatius Rufus, who
accompanied Cato to Cyprus (c. 37).]

[Footnote 693: Quintus Hortensius was consul B.C. 69, a distinguished
orator and a man of refined and luxurious habits. Bibulus is M.
Calpurnius Bibulus, the colleague of Cæsar in his consulship B.C. 59.
He had three sons by Porcia, Cato's daughter by Atilia.

This transfer of Marcia is oddly told by Plutarch. It was not a mere
case of lending the woman for the purpose of procreation, for the
child of Hortensius could not be his legal child, unless Marcia became
his legal wife. Cato must accordingly have divorced his wife, which
was done at Rome without any trouble. The only thing then that is
peculiar in the affair is, that Cato did not divorce his wife because
he was dissatisfied with her on good grounds, nor for such grounds as
Cicero divorced his wife, but for the reason mentioned in the text.
Marcia continued to be the wife of Hortensius till his death. The
marriage with Hortensius probably took place about B.C. 56.

This affair has caused the critics much difficulty. But as we may
assume that Hortensius wished to have a child that would be his own,
which is in fact Plutarch's statement, and one that would be in his
paternal power, he must have married Marcia, and Cato must have
divorced her in proper form. The fact of Philippus giving his daughter
away shows that she was then at his disposal. Cato married her again,
and his conduct proved that he trusted her. The notion of Cato lending
his wife would have been as inconsistent with legal principle and
morality in Rome as such a transaction would be in England.]

[Footnote 694: Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 8.]

[Footnote 695: Pompeius was now in Asia. See the Life of Pompeius, c.
42, 43.]

[Footnote 696: Castor and Pollux. See the Life of Tiberius Gracchus,
c. 2. The temple was on the south side of the Forum Romanum. The steps
are those which led to the Rostra.]

[Footnote 697: This is the translation of the reading [Greek:
oikothen] οίκοθεν, which is probably incorrect. Solanus proposes
[Greek: autothen] αὐτόθεν, and Kaltwasser proposes [Greek: apothen]
ἀπόθεν, "from a distance," which he has adopted in his version, "und
liess die bewaffneten, die _von fern_ standen, mit furchbarem Geschre*

[Footnote 698: Lucullus returned B.C. 66. He triumphed B.C. 63. See
the Life of Lucullus, c. 37. Plutarch has here confused the order of
events. Kaltwasser translates this passage as if Lucullus had returned
to Rome after Metellus left it in B.C. 62.]

[Footnote 699: He returned B.C. 62. The consuls who were elected for
the year B.C. 61, were M. Pupius Piso, who had been a legatus of
Pompeius in Asia, and M. Valerius Messalla. See the Life of Pompeius,
c. 44.]

[Footnote 700: Probably Munatius Rufus, who is mentioned again in c.
36. Drumann (_Porcii_, p. 162) says it was Munatius Plancus.]

[Footnote 701: This was in B.C. 61, at the election of the consuls L.
Afranius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Celer, the consuls of B.C. 60. See
the Life of Pompeius, c. 44.]

[Footnote 702: Cæsar returned B.C. 60, and was consul B.C. 59. See the
Life of Cæsar, c. 13, 14, for the events alluded to in this 31st
chapter; and the Life of Pompeius, c. 47.]

[Footnote 703: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 14.]

[Footnote 704: Numidicus. The story is told in the Life of Marius, c.
29. The matters referred to in this and the following chapter are told
circumstantially by Dion Cassius (38, c. 1-7). See Life of Cæsar, c.

[Footnote 705: L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpurnia the wife of
Cæsar, and Aulus Gabinius were consuls B.C. 58. Aulus Gabinius, when
Tribunus Plebis B.C. 67, proposed the law which gave Pompeius the
command against the pirates. The meaning of the obscure allusion at
the end of the chapter, which is literally rendered, may be collected
from the context; and still more plainly from the abuse which Cicero
heaps on Gabinius for his dissolute life after he had been banished in
the consulship of Gabinius (Drumann, _Gabinii_, p. 60).]

[Footnote 706: This Ptolemæus, the brother of Ptolemæus Auletes, King
of Egypt, was now in possession of Cyprus, and the mission of Cato,
which could not be to his taste, was to take possession of the island
for the Romans. When Clodius had been made prisoner by the pirates
nine years before, Ptolemæus was asked to contribute to his ransom but
he only sent two talents, for which ill-timed saving he was mulcted in
his whole kingdom by this unprincipled tribune (Drumann, _Claudii_, p.

[Footnote 707: He is called Caninius in the Life of Brutus, c. 3.]

[Footnote 708: The feeble king had not spirit to attempt a resistance,
which indeed would have been useless. He put an end to himself by
poison (c. 36), and the Romans took the island. A more unjustifiable
act of aggression than the occupation of Cyprus, hardly occurs even in
the history of Rome.]

[Footnote 709: The priesthood of such temples as Paphos was a valuable
thing. These temples had lands and slaves.]

[Footnote 710: This was Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. He was
restored to his kingdom by A. Gabinius B.C. 55, while he was governor
of Syria.]

[Footnote 711: This is the meaning of the passage. The interview was
ludicrous enough, but Dacier makes it still more so, by seating Cato
on a close-stool; and Kind and Schirach, two German translators, make
him receive the king in the same way (Kaltwasser's note).]

[Footnote 712: This was M. Junius Brutus, afterwards Cæsar's friend
and assassin. Cato could not have found a better man for his purpose;
at least for laying his hands on all that came in his way. Brutus took
the opportunity of helping himself to some of the plunder in his
uncle's absence. At a later time he had large sums out at interest in
Cyprus and partly in other persons' names. He was a merciless usurer.
(Cicero, _Ad Attic._, v. 18 and 21; vi. 21; and the Life of Cicero, c.
36, notes.)]

[Footnote 713: Plutarch explains in a general way what is meant. The
Roman word "pignus," which Plutarch translates by [Greek: enechyra]
ἐνέχυρα, means a thing pawned and delivered as a security to the
pawnee. To take pledges, "pignora capere," was to seize something that
belonged to a man in order to compel the discharge of a duty. It was
like a distress for a service. Instances occur in Livy (3. c. 38, 37.
c. 51; Cicero, _De Oratore_, 3. c. 1).]

[Footnote 714: The Greek nominative would be Barcas. The name does not
appear to be Roman and is probably corrupted. Bursa is a Roman name.
See c. 48.]

[Footnote 715: There is no suspicion that Cato got anything for
himself. He was above that. He honestly discharged his dishonest

[Footnote 716: This was a port of Corinth on the east side of the

[Footnote 717: The amazement of the people at the quantity of the
plunder, and the thanks of the Senate for the faithful discharge of
their order to pillage, might seem regular enough if it had been booty
gotten in war. But the robbery was not gilded with this false show. It
was pure, simple robbery without the accessories of war.]

[Footnote 718: This means a prætorship before the age at which a man
could regularly hold the office. Cato returned from Cyprus in B.C. 56.
He was now thirty-eight years of age, for he died B.C. 46, when he was

[Footnote 719: The order of the words in the original makes the
meaning appear somewhat ambiguous. The passage might be translated, as
it is by Dacier, "for the colleague of Philippus paid no less respect
to Cato on account of his merit, than Philippus did on account of his

[Footnote 720: Cicero returned from exile B.C. 57, in the month of
September of the unreformed calendar.]

[Footnote 721: This was the meeting at Luca in B.C. 56. See the Life
of Pompeius, c. 51; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 21.]

[Footnote 722: This was the second consulship of each, and was in B.C.
55. Cato lost the prætorship, and Vatinius was elected instead of him
(Dion Cassius (39, c. 32).]

[Footnote 723: As to Caius Trebonius, see the Life of Pompeius, c.

[Footnote 724: One would suppose that a less time would have been more
than enough, though not for Cato. Dion Cassius (39. c. 31) says that
Favonius spoke for an hour before Cato did, and took up all the time
in complaining of the shortness of his allowance. It would be a fair
inference that he had little to say against the measure itself.]

[Footnote 725: Dion Cassius (39. c. 35) tells us more particularly how
it happened that P. Aquilius Gallus was in the senate house. Gallus
was afraid that he should be excluded from the Forum the next day, and
accordingly he passed the night in the senate house, both for safety's
sake and to be ready on the spot in the morning. But Trebonius, who
found it out, kept him shut up for that night and the greater part of
the following day.]

[Footnote 726: Cato was prætor in B.C. 54. It does not appear that he
ever was prætor before, and it is not therefore clear what is meant by
the "extraordinary prætorship" (c. 39). In place of the word "Rostra,"
in the fifth line of this chapter, read "tribunal." Plutarch uses the
same word ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα) for both, which circumstance is
calculated occasionally to cause a translator to make a slip, even
when he knows better. The "tribunal" was the seat of the prætor, when
he was doing justice. But lower down (line 8 from the bottom) Rostra
is the proper translation of Plutarch's word ([Greek: epilabesthai tôn
embolon] ἐπιλαβέσθαι τῶν ἐμβόλον) and it was the place from which Cato
spoke, after he had got up. In c. 43, when Cato gets up to speak,
Plutarch makes him mount the Bema ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα), by which he
means the place when the orators stood at the Rostra. The Rostra were
the beaks of the Antiate galleys, with which, it is said, this place
was ornamented at the close of the Latin war (Livy, 8, c. 14).]

[Footnote 727: The reason according to Plutarch why people envy the
man who has a high reputation for integrity, is because of the power
and credit which it gives. Whatever then gives power and credit should
be also an object of envy, as wealth; and so it is. The notion of envy
implies a desire to see the person who is the object of it humbled and
cast down. The Greeks attributed this feeling to their gods, who
looked with an evil eye on great prosperity, and loved to humble it.
But the feeling of envy, if that is the right term, towards him who
has power and credit by reason of his high character for integrity, is
not the same feeling as envy of the wealthy man. The envious of wealth
desire to have the wealth both for itself and for its uses. The
envious of character desire to have the opinion of the character,
because of the profit that is from it, but they may not desire to have
that which is the foundation of the character. If they did, their
desire would be for virtue, and the envious feeling would not exist.
Courage and wisdom are less objects of envy than good character or
wealth, and perhaps, because most men feel that they are not capable
of having the one or the other. The notion of envy implies that the
person has, or thinks he has, the same capability as another who has
something which he has not. A man who is not a painter does not envy a
great painter; a man who is a painter may envy a great painter. The
mass may admire the honest man who is of higher rank than themselves,
even if they have no regard for honesty; but they do not envy; they
wonder as at something which is above them. But if the honest man is
of their own station in life, and has a character of integrity, they
may envy him for his superiority. It appears that if there is a number
of people who are generally on a footing of equality, any superiority
which one may acquire over the rest, makes him an object of envy. If
high character for integrity brings power and credit with it, there
must be some persons with whom the power and the credit prevail, but
these are the persons who are farthest removed from rivalry with him
who has the credit. Those who are nearer to him are the persons who
envy, who feel that the superiority of one man makes their
inferiority. Plutarch assumes the existence of a class who love the
just and give them credit, and of a class who envy them; but the two
classes of persons are not the same.]

[Footnote 728: This name recurs in the Symposium and Phædon of Plato.
The second sentence in this chapter is very corrupt in the original,
and the translation is merely a guess at the meaning. Favonius was
ædile in B.C. 53 (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 45).]

[Footnote 729: Some apology is necessary for translating "pears "
([Greek: apious] ἀπίους, in the original said to mean "pears") into
"parsley." The context shows clearly enough that pears are not meant.
Kaltwasser has made the "pears" into "celery," and there is just as
good reason for making "parsley" of them. Plutarch may have
misunderstood the Roman word "apium" or confounded it with the Greek.]

[Footnote 730: Scipio was the father-in-law of Cornelia, the last wife
of Pompeius (Life of Pompeius, c. 55). As to P. Plautus Hypsæus, see
the Life of Pompeius, c. 55. Titus Annius Milo afterwards killed
Clodius, and Cicero defended him on his trial (Life of Cicero, c.

[Footnote 731: Pompeius was sole consul B.C. 53, for seven months,
after which he had his father-in-law Scipio as his colleague.]

[Footnote 732: T. Munatius Plancus Bursa was a tribune in B.C. 52.
When Clodius was killed by Milo, the populace, who loved Clodius, took
the dead body into the Curia Hostilia, at the instigation of Bursa and
his colleague Rufus, and making a pile of the benches, burnt the body
and the Curia with it (Dion Cassius, 40. c. 49, 55). Bursa was tried
for his share in this matter and convicted, to the great joy of
Cicero, who was his accuser. Cicero speaks of this affair in a letter
to Marius (_Ad Diversos_, vii. 2).]

[Footnote 733: Servius Sulpicius Rufus, a friend of Cicero, who has
recorded his great talents, and a distinguished Jurist. He was consul
in B.C. 51 with M. Claudius Marcellus.]

[Footnote 734: Kaltwasser refers to the Life of Cæsar, c. 22, for an
explanation of the first part of this chapter; and to the Life of
Cæsar, c. 29, and to that of Pompeius, c. 58, for the transactions
which are mentioned in the latter part of this chapter.]

[Footnote 735: Cæsar took Ariminum (Rimini) in B.C. 49. See the Life
of Cæsar, c. 33, and the Life of Pompeius, c. 60.]

[Footnote 736: In South Italy, now Calabria Ultra. This Munatius was
probably Munatius Rufus.]

[Footnote 737: In Cæsar's Anticato, which has often been mentioned. It
seems that Cæsar raked up all that he could in Cato's life that was
against him, and this affair of Marcia furnished him with plausible

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