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it can be applied by a lobby group
at the national level, using of
course, pressures from home-
State members of the lobbying
association. The greatest degrees
of pressure are brought to bear,
however, from the Executive
Branch and, within the Senate,
from the party leadership or from
colleagues pushing legislation of
particular interest to themselves.



10



The PC Magazine



'Go Along to Get Along'

The late Sam Rayburn. Speaker
and virtual boss of the House of
Representatives for many years,
(.oined the Capitol Hill slogan
"You've got to go along to get
along." This was his advice to all
House newcomers, and this has
been the most convincing and
controlling factor on Capitol Hill
for many years. In fact, this is the
cardinal unwritten rule of the
Senate.

To break the rule can result
in varied forms of reprisals. There
are prized committee assign-
ments to be handed out, subcom-
mittee chairmanships, patronage
jobs in the Senate, and cooperation
or lack of cooperation in getting
legislation approved.

Although the pressures to con-
form to the line of the party
leadership may come from the
party leadership itself, the origi-
nal pressures usually come from
elsewhere, such as the White
House, a labor union boss, the oil
and gas lobby interests, etc.

For instance. Senator Thur-
mond was assigned to the Senate
Labor Committee in 1957, perhaps
to keep the Democratic majority
on the committee from being en-
tirely committed to the union
side on legislative issues. He was
assigned over the objections of
George Meany, president of the
AFL-CIO. During the two years
he was on the committe. Senator
Thurmond proved that he was not
blindly committed to the union
side. 'Thus, the pressures mounted
to move the Senator to another
committee. A Senator is not re-
assigned without his acquiescence,
so the only way out was to elevate
Senator "Thurmond to a more im-
portant committee.

Because Senator Thurmond had
refused to follow the dictates of
the party leadership on one of his
first votes in the Senate, he had
already been given to understand
that he would never be appointed
to the Armed Services Commit-
tee. To the Senator, this was the
most prized assignment for him.
This committee is rated as being
one of the most important, be-
cause it oversees and legislates
for the Defense establishment
which accounts for more than 50
percent of the nation's expendi-



Summer, 1964



lures. The Senator felt he could
render his best service on this
committee in view of his position
and experience as the ranking
Reserve officer on Capitol Hill
and also as the former national
president of the Reserve Officers
Association and the Military
Government Association.

To solve the pending problem
of union leadership pressures to
move Thurmond to another com-
mittee, the only answer was to
withdraw the previously pro-
nounced sentence against service
on the Armed Services Commit-
tee and throw "Ole Bre'r Rabbit"
in the briar patch.

This illustrates how pressures
can at times be offset in the Sen-
ate by counter pressures for an
entirely different purpose.

Party leaders in the Senate
have been known to virtually
work magic in putting across their
party programs. This is not too
difficult when a leader has a big
working majority as the Demo-
crats have today, holding 2 3 of
the Senate seats. While serving as
Majority Leader, Lyndon Johnson
won a solid reputation as a parli-
amentary wizard by consistently
scoring victories, even with a
lineup of 48 Democrats, 47 Re-
publicans, and 1 Independent.

Here is an example of how he
performed magic in 1958 to kill
the States' Rights or anti-pre-
emptive bill, H. R. 3, after it had
passed the House on a unanimous
voice vote. Having lost a test vote
the previous night by 1 vote,
Johnson recessed the Senate and
came back the next day with a
margin of 6 votes to spare. To do
this he used his special technique
of getting a few co-operative Sen-
ators to pair off their votes — that
is, be recorded for the bill but not



let their votes count. Then, by
stern persuasion he held 2 close
friends, Kerr of Oklahoma and
Frear of Delaware, in the cloak-
room so their votes would not be
counted. To add frosting to the
cake, he convinced Smathers,
another good buddy, to be absent
in his home State of Florida.

Executive Domination

Today as never before in the
history of this country, the Legis-
lative Branch of the National
Government is under the thumb
of the Executive Branch. Most of
the actions taken by the Congress
are based on requests from the
President and his agency heads
who are trying to put across the
President's legislative program.
He sends hundreds of messages to
the Congress, his subordinates
draft most of the legislative pro-
posals, and his Bureau of the
Budget in effect determines close
to the dollar what the Congress
will appropriate every year in the
way of government spending
funds. In fact, no piece of legis-
lation introduced in the Congress
will be considered — even a bill
for relief of a private individual
— until the Bureau of the Budget
has had its say on the proposal.

When the President wants to
spend more in a particular area,
he does so and submits a supple-
mental or deficiency appropri-
ation request to the Congress,
knowing he will have his way.

Should the Congress get brazen,
however, and pass an unrequested
yet needed appropriation of funds
for some particular project, there

(Contimied on next page)



On Capitol Hill: magic in putting across party programs.




Pressures from the White House and
more than 1,000 registered lobbyists



is no assurance that the money
will be spent for that purpose or
that the project will ever see the
light of day. This constitutes a
direct thwarting of the law of the
land, but in case after case the
Congress has failed to use its
power to enforce its will and laws.
Defense Secretary McNamara has
even spent designated funds for
other purposes.

The Congress has even sur-
rendered to the Executive Branch
the privilege of withholding
virtually any information the
President may desire to keep
from a Congressional investiga-
tion. This is called Executive
Privilege by some. Others face-
tiously refer to this as the Ex-
ecutive Fifth Amendment. This
was used by the late President
Kennedy to shield the most im-
portant evidence from Senator
Thurmond in his 1962 muzzling
of the Military investigation.

•The pressures which can thus be
applied by the Executive
Branch on the Congress are tre-
mendous — in fact, too numerous
to discuss in detail in this article.
A few more examples consist of
the Executive appointing power
from postmasterships to federal
judgeships, special tours of the
White House for a Senator's con-
stituents, invitations to special
White House functions, prior an-
nouncements o n Executive-ap-
proved projects for the home
State, and, of course, the special
blessing of the President either
overtly or covertly in a campaign
for renomination or re-election.

Not too many Democratic mem-
bers of the Senate stand up with
any degree of regularity in the
face of these massive pressures
from the party leadership in the
White House except Senatoi's
Byrd of Virginia, McClellan of
Arkansas, Morse of Oregon,
Lausche of Ohio, Thurmond, and
a few others to a lesser extent.
Perhaps many of the others do
not care to buck the tide on
ideological grounds, but the White
House pressures nevertheless ac-
count for most of the conformity
on Capitol Hill.



Lobby Pressures

Aside from the powerful White
House lobby — which is active
regardless of which party is in
power — there are more than
1,000 registered lobbyists in Wash-
ington. Then, there are the many
other lobbying agents who either
do not come officially under the
lobby Registration Act, or evade
its provisions in order to avoid
the label of "lobbyist."

These lobbys are ready with ad-
vice, prepared statements and
speeches, and campaign contribu-
tions for the faithful allies on
Capitol Hill. They play a promi-
nent role in movements to push
or halt the progress of legislative
items which affect the lobby
groups or the principles for which
they stand. It should be noted that
the word "lobby" has acquired an
evil or self-interest connotation,
because of the adverse reflections
cast on the profession by some
lobby groups and individual lob-
byists who have used question-
able tactics and techniques for the
purpose of subverting the national
interest to their own. There are
lobby groups, however, concerned
specifically with protecting the
interest of the public good, na-
tional security, the personal liber-
ties of all Americans, and even
the consuming public form the
schemes of self-serving lobby
groups.

Some of the political lobbying
groups print voting record tabu-
lations which they get published
back home to show how "con-
servative" or "liberal" the Sen-
ators may be deemed by the
group in the light of certain key
votes selected as being represent-
ative of the group's view of what
constitutes a liberal or conserv-
ative response to these key issues.
Foremost among these ratings are
those issued by ACA, Americans
for Constitutional Action, and
ADA, Americans for Democratic
Action.

The ACA voting index repre-
sents the Senator's voting re-
sponse to issues involving limited
government, economy in govern-
ment spending, a firm foreign



policy, and a close adherence to
the Constitution as written.

The ADA voting index reflects
votes on issues of increased gov-
ernment participation in regulat-
ing the economy, more govern-
ment spending to support the
actions of big government, an ac-
commodating policy in foreign
affairs, and a more liberal view
on what the Constitution permits
in the way of national govern-
ment participation in affairs af-
fecting private individuals, pri-
vate business, private property,
and the areas of endeavor covered
by actions of State and local gov-
ernments.

The lobby group outside of
government which imposes the
most successful pressures on the
Congress is the leadership of or-
ganized labor, especially of the
AFL-CIO. The Meany-Reuther
team can veto virtually any piece
of legislation, unless, of course,
public opinion is overwhelmingly
crystallized against the AFL-CIO
position. This power is due in no
small part to the 13 million mem-
bership which the AFL-CIO
boasts.

The counterparts of organized
labor, the National Association of
Manufacturers and the National
Chamber of Commerce, also make
their influences felt on Capitol
Hill, but not nearly to the extent
or effectiveness of organized
labor.

Power of the People

The largest potential lobby
group is the American public ex-
pressing itself in the form of per-
sonal contacts, phone calls, special
75(( telegrams, and letters and
postal cards to the national leg-
islators. Many communications



Harry S. Dent

Harry S. Dent '51. pictured at right
loith Senator Strom Thurmond
(D-SC), has served as the senator's
chief administrative assistant since
1957. He moved up at age 27 after
two years as press secretar^j and be-
came the youngest top aide on Capitol
Hill. His views, therefore, come from
inside the organization of a man who
has seen much controversy.

A native of St. Matthews, S. C.
Dent went from his PC degree to earn
the LLB and LLM at Georgetown
University. He is married to the
former Betty Francis, and they have
four children.



12



The PC Magazine



which come into Congress are ex-
pressions of individual concern on
issues. Many others, however, are
inspired by the lobby groups or
various other organizations. There
was a time when mail reflecting
a left-wing viewpoint could be
mustered on Capitol Hill "fustest
with the mostest." Grass roots re-
action against leftist advances has
now seemingly altered this
picture.

There have been a few occasions
in recent years when mail from
the public has been able to over-
come and thereby upset the most
determined plans of the ruling
clique on Capitol Hill.

For instance, in 1959, the Con-
gress had spent many months
dickering with labor reform leg-
islation. This legislation was be-
ing opposed by organized labor
leaders because the aim of the
legislation was designed to insure
more democracy, less corruption,
and a cutback on the power of the
union leaders as a consequence
of the labor racket hearings.

The legislation which then-
Senator John F. Kennedy was
seeking to push through won the
blessing of labor leaders. They had
decided to go along with this be-
cause the potential presidential
candidate had drawn the bill to
minimize restraints on the union
leaders in the first half of the
bill, and in the last part he had
provided the "sweeteners" for the
labor leaders. The "sweeteners"
consisted of provisions repealing
certain parts of the Taft-Hartley
Law of 1951, which unions had
vigorously opposed as being anti-
union.

Senator Kennedy agreed to
small concessions in the Labor



Committee, where Senator Thur-
mond served with him, and also
on the Senate floor. After the bill
passed the Senate, however,
President Eisenhower made a
nation-wide television appeal for
public support of efforts to
strengthen the bill.

Then came the mail by the sack-
fuls to every office on Capitol
Hill. With this show of over-
whelming public sentiment, the
union forces succumbed, and the
stronger Landrum-Griffin sub-
stitute was approved in the
House. In a conference between
the two houses to settle the dif-
ferences between the weaker
Senate version and the more po-
tent House bill, the Senate con-
ferees, with Kennedy as their
leader, agreed to accept 90 per
cent of the House bill. This was
almost unprecedented, since
usually in a conference committee
the split is 50-50.

Thousands on thousands of
communications from the grass
roots helped Senator Thurmond
win the military muzzling in-
vestigation in late 1961 by a 15-1
committee vote, although the De-
partments of Defense and State,
the White House, and the leader-
ship of both parties in the Senate
were resisting his investigation
resolution.

Several other Capitol Hill ac-
tions have been affected sub-
stantially by a similar show of
public concern directed at Capitol
Hill in recent years. Proposals
for pay television went askew
in 1958, when countless thousands
of protesting communications
flooded Capital Hill. More than
20,000 pieces of mail from
South Carolina hit our office in
one week, even though Senator




Thurmond was leading the op-
position fight on this question.

The legislative mail, however,
accounts for only approximately
1 3 of the Senator's mail, except
when an avalanche pours in on a
subject such as "civil rights" leg-
islation, pay-TV, labor legislation,
or some other hot item of intense
interest to the public.

Constituent Case Mail

There is the constituent case
mail, the invitations to speak and
to attend public and private
gatherings. There is also general
public relations and political
mail. The perceptive Senator real-
izes that he must keep his fences
mended in between the six years
that he is permitted to hold office,
or he may find himself — as some
have — playing the role of a let-
ter-writing constituent after his
term expires.

The constituent case workload
covers the gamut of problems
from helping school students to
gather research material for
themes to getting millions of dol-
lars in funds for a home-State
project.

One of the most unusual cases
ever handled by Senator Thur-
mond — and a new type of prob-
lem arrives in almost every mail
— involved "pee-wee" eggs being
laid by hens of three chicken
farmers in Calhoun County. The
Senator contacted the Agriculture
Department about this problem,
because the farmers contended
that their hens had been affected
by contaminated surplus oats they
purchased from the government.
It took more than a year of con-
ferences with Agriculture officials
all the way up to the Under Sec-
retary to win a favorable verdict
for the farmers in the amount of
$26,000. They had not only lost a
part of their egg markets, but also
much egg production and hun-
dreds of hens.

In Touch With the People

In the field of public relations
work, a Senator usually produces
a weekly newsletter, a radio pro-
gram, and he seems forever to be
participating in TV interviews
and filmclips on current news
items and issues. Then, there are
the public appearances and

(Continued on page 23)



Summer, 1964



13



Camera



at
Commencement




J t5if>~ HbCtMH


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Qut from under the campus oaks moved 94 brand
new graduates, the holders of fresh degrees
bestowed at Presbyterian College's 1964 commence-
ment exercises.

They went in all directions — to seminaries, medical
schools, other institutions of post-graduate study,
into business affairs or directly into army service —
and they carried with them both the stamp and the
memory of Presbyterian College.

The final campus session held words of challenge



Waiting for the procession to form.



President Weersing congratulates
Gold P recipients Tommy Williams,
Leon B u 11 a r d and Tom C u r r i e.



Top scholastic award presented to
Marion Boozer by Dean Joe Gettys.




A diploma with "magna cum
laude" inscription from Trus-
tee Chairman Vance to Miss
Emolyn Janet M a d d o x.







SR.r



fjom baccalaureate and commencement speakers:
Dr. J. Edward Graham, pastor of the Charleston,
(SC) Second Presbyterian Church; and Dr. J. Ross
McCain, president emeritus of Agnes Scott College.
It brought special honor to some; relief, perhaps, to
others; and to all the mutual bond of missions ahead
to be fulfilled.

The camera and the list of commencement honors
on page 17 convey some of the import of the 84th
exercises of May 31, 1964.




Speaker J. Ross McCain




Along with the struggle of tassel and hoods went honorary
doctor of divinity degrees to four outstanding Presbyte-
rian ministers, including two alumni. Hooding ceremonies



here engage, alternately, J. Edward Graham '35 of Char-
leston, S. C; D. Lee Williamson '23 of Brazil; J. Benson
Sloan of Union S. C; and George H. Smith of Atlanta.



SHW . ^a^




•i






1


*



Across the Plaza



I



active retirement

Dr. Marshall W. Brown, presi-
dent-emeritus, engages in a full
schedule in retirement on the
strength of two gubernatorial ap-
pointments.

He has been named coordinator
for South Carolina of the new
Federal Higher Education Facili-
ties program which will provide
funds for technical schools and
for construction on the campuses
of both public and private col-
leges. Gov. Donald Russell made
the appointment for the State
Budget and Control Board and
designated three college presi-
dents to assist.

Earlier, Virginia Gov. Albertis
S. Harrison, Jr., had designated
Dr. Brown to serve on the execu-
tive committee of the Southern
Board of Regional Education. The
former PC president is one of
just three members who have
served continuously on this board
since its inception in 1948. He was
reappointed by Gov. Russell last
summer to another term extend-
ing to 1967 and this spring was
elevated to the executive com-
mittee by the SREB chairman.

paper, promotions on
mathematics scene

Endeavors in the mathematics
department found two young
professors delivering a paper and
receiving promotions in separate
actions of recent months.

William S. Cannon and Paul E.
Campbell cooperated in deliver-
ing a paper before the 1964 south-
eastern regional meeting of the
Mathematics Association of
America. Subject of the joint pre-
sentation was "Traditional Versus
Modern Algebra."

Cannon, who first joined the
Presbyterian faculty in 1957, has
just been promoted from assistant



to associate professor of mathe-
matics. Campbell, after recently
completing his third year at PC,
will move up from instructor to
assistant professor.

research article
published

An article by two members of
the Presbyterian College chem-
istry department appears in the
most recent issue of The Analyzer,
quarterly journal of Beckman
Instruments, Inc.

The article, entitled "Utilizing
Gas Chromatography in Under-
graduate Organic Chemistry,"
was written by Dr. K. Nolon
Carter, chairman of the chemistry
department, and Assistant Pro-
fessor R. B. Pluff. It was devel-
oped as an outgrowth of an article
these two professors presented at
the 1963 meeting of the South
Carolina Academy of Science.

The Analyzer has a circulation
of 120,000. It illustrates the
Carter-Huff article with one full-
page drawing and two smaller
ones.

bibliography of Boswell

A bibliography of James Bos-
well entitled "Boswellian Studies"
has been published by Anthony
E. Brown, assistant professor of
English at PC.

In this catalog of the critical
writing on the subject of James
Boswell and his work. Brown has
"attempted to organize into a
single instrument as much of the
primary material and secondary
work as my resources have per-
mitted." The five sections include:
editions of Boswell's works, with
particular attention to his Lije oi
Samuel Johnson: biographies of
Boswell; the Boswell papers;
general studies; and theses and
dissertations about him.



historical association
speaker

Dr. Ronald D. Burnside, asso-
ciate professor of history at PC,
delivered a paper before the 1964
meeting of the South Carolina
Historical Association.

He spoke on a phase of the ad-
ministration of the late Gov. Cole
L. Blease, who served as chief
executive of South Carolina early
in this century. The subject is a
favorite research project of Dr.
Burnside.

Stallworth earns Master's

The Rev. Thomas A. Stallworth.
assistant professor of Bible and
chaplain to students, has received
his master of theology degree
from Union Theological Seminary
(Richmond) .

He was awarded the degree at
the seminary's June commence-
ment exercises after a year of
post-graduate study there. Stall-
worth was on leave-of-absence
from the PC faculty to complete
this work.

Pac Sac dedicated
to Gettys

The 1964 PaC SaC, student
yearbook, is dedicated to Aca-
demic Dean Joseph M. Gettys.
with this special inscription:

"He is the professor who by his
teaching and by his personal life
affects the lives of all his students
... he is a friend who, despite
his busy schedule, takes time to
have a bright smile and a friendly
word, with genuine concern for
each of us ... he is the adminis-
trator who accepts the responsi-
bilities of his position and works
for the good of both the college
and the students."



16



The PC Magazine



ISeivs liricfs

Spotlifilititiii

Campus

Activities



Dr. Pafte retires from
sociology

Dr. Edouard Patte, retiring a full-
time member of the faculty after
17 years of service, will continue
to function in a part-time capacity
next year.

He will become professor
emeritus of sociology but will con-
tinue his leadership of the robed
choir and also will continue to
teach his two courses in fine arts
— music appreciation and art ap-
preciation.

Dr. Patte. who came to PC in
1947 from the pulpit of the North
Augusta (SO Fairview Presby-
terian Church, organized the so-
ciolog>' department shortly after
joining the faculty and developed
it into a program of major con-
centration.

citations at Military Day

Outstanding cadets from all
four classes received 15 militarv
awards at the ROTC battalion's
final parade.

Presentations included:

Certificate of Meritorious Lead-
ership — Thomas E. Williams of
Pensacola, Fla.; Superior Cadet
Decoration Award, senior cadet —
Arthur H. McQueen, Jr., of Loris.
S. C; Superior Cadet Award,
junior — Archibald P. Hudgins.
Jr., of Charleston, W. V.; Superior
Cadet Award, sophomore — Earl
P. Guy of Jacksonville, Fla.;
Superior Cadet Award, freshman
— James A. Bell of Copperhill,
Tenn.; ROTC Military Achieve-
ment Award — Thomas W. Currie
of Carthage, N. C.

Wysor Saber — Michael A.
Lowrance of Macon, Ga.; Hudson
Military Award, senior cadet —
Ponce D. Bullard of Bainbridge,
Ga.; Hudson Award, junior —
Lewis H. Hay of Wadmalaw
Island, S. C; Scabbard & Blade
Medal (scholastic) — Henry H.



Knox of Walterboro, S. C; Scab-
bard & Blade Medal (drill) —
James B. Stanford, Jr., of
Decatur, Ga.; Association of
the US Army Medal — Joseph


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