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here in India who though starving will throw
away the meal with contempt upon which even
the shadow of a low-caste man has fallen. We
should remember too that these peculiarities of
caste are not uncommon even among ourselves.
The WTiter of Genesis recalls that the custom
existed in Egypt "because the Egyptians might
not eat bread with the Hebrews; for that is an
abomination unto the Egyptians." W^hen Joseph
entertained his brethren in the house of Pharaoh
the Egyptians ate apart, the Hebrews ate apart,
and Joseph ate apart, much as the Maharana
of Udaipur would do to-day did he entertain
strangers and inferiors. I know more than one
continental Catholic who has never to his knowl-
edge sat at table with a Jew; and we all of us
eat, and drink, and are friendly with people


whom we do not ask to break bread with us
at our own tables. These Indians have their
caste prejudices, so have we, and when analyzed
the differences are of degree rather than funda-
mental, and so likewise are the eccentricities of
housekeeping in the East or the West; there are
difficulties to contend with on both sides of the

Bells and mechanical appliances are not nec-
essary, for at any hour of the day or night you
clap your hands, and there glides noiselessly into
your presence a brown phantom to do your bid-
ding. All the work of every kind is done by men,
except the sweeping of the leaves by one or two
women in the garden. They all seem, if one may
judge from appearances, not only contented but
proud. Good behavior means fixity of tenure,
and ultimately a pension. Tipping fairly, when
there are so many, is impossible. The visitor
finds a notice in his apartments asking him not
to fee the servants, but calling attention to a
box, into which he may put a contribution
if he wishes. This contribution is added to
the Pension Fund. The same justice, and
honesty, and Impartiality which hold all India,
hold even more effectively here, because In the
case of servants they come into closer contact with
their masters, and in manv cases like them as


well as respect them. John Nicholson was not
only a hero among his white fellows but a hero
too, to his soldiers and servants. His great
height, his flowing beard, his dignity of bearing,
and audacious courage so delighted the Sikhs
that a sect of them called themselves by his
name, and established him as their Guru, or

Among other letters, I had a letter to a dis-
tinguished Hindu, who has won high rank in the
judiciary of India. I spent a long day in the
courts with him, and on one occasion I sat
through a scene which I shall never forget. The
buildings used by the court in Bombay are larger
and finer than those in New York, and the judges
better paid than even our judges of the Supreme
Court of the United States. The case was one
of appeal from a decision of the lower court con-
demning two Hindus to death for murder. It
was a disgusting story, and most of the evidence
was circumstantial, except that of a lad of six-
teen, a decadent, who claimed that he had been
forced by the others to take part in the crime.
There sat a Hindu judge, and beside him an
English colleague; the case was argued for the
appeal by an English barrister. Many hours,
much money, much investigation and sifting of
evidence had gone into this dull matter of the


guilt or innocence of these three Hindus of the
very lowest caste. The British machine was
working as carefully, as minutely, as though great
personages, or important matters of state were
at stake. It was an object-lesson of the slow,
ponderous English way of being just. It was a
sledge-hammer to crack an egg, but it was justice
for those cow-herds, who possibly earned two or
three cents a day, and justice as nice, and care-
ful, and impartial as for a prince. In the old
days their ruler would have had their heads off,
or their brains and bellies crushed to a jelly be-
neath an elephant's feet and knees, or sent them
about their business in five minutes, and nor the
victims, nor their friends, nor any one else would
have thought anything more about it.

In a country where lying and deceiving are
looked upon as an intellectual employment as
worthy as any other; in a country where a man
will murder his own child and bury it in his neigh-
bor's garden to fasten suspicion upon him, it is
easy to realize how difficult is justice, and how
experience alone can weigh evidence and get
the truth from witnesses. It is sciolism worse
confounded to write letters and pamphlets from
cosy chambers in London or New York on the
subject of justice in India, the tyranny of the
police, the haughty English official, and kindred


criticisms. I have visited courts and prisons, I
have sat in the highest court, and also in front
of the deputy-commissioner's tent pitched on the
plains of the Punjab, on a hot day, and thus seen
justice meted out to the high and low, and to all
conditions of men and women, and now that I
am far away from it all, I marvel even more than
I did then at the patience, forbearance, kindli-
ness, and impartiality that I saw.

My distinguished Hindu friend was of the
Brahman class, who had been educated in Eng-
land and thereby, by crossing the black water,
outcasted. He belonged to the intellectuals of
his creed, and told me he w^as what we should call
a Unitarian. He praised the virtues of the Hin-
dus, said they were peaceable, gentle, mild, ])ut
also suspicious, envious, and jealous, and easily
excited by playing upon their religious fears,
when they lost all sense of the justice and honesty
of their rulers, or of anybody else, and became
cruel. The Hindus, he said, have as a rule but
one w^ife, taking another only in case the first one
bears no children, or, among the lower classes,
that there may be more people to work the land,
and this in spite of the fact that their religion
does not forbid polygamy.

He maintained, as did every Indian of the
scores I talked with, that caste is the curse of


the country, keeping people apart, setting them
against one another, and that so long as caste
exists there is no ho})e of self-government.

He thought the British did not see enough of
the people, were socially exclusive, and thereby
barred from understanding the people they lived
among. I said that all Englishmen made the
same remark, that the Indians are inscrutable,
mysterious. He denied this, and said that they
were quite understandable, and would talk freely
and frankly, but that they were not allowed to be
on such terms with the English as permitted free-
dom and frankness of intercourse, and that there-
fore they were dubbed inscrutable. He said the
feeling between Hindus and Muhammadans was
as strong, and in some places as bitter, as ever.

He thought some protection would be good for
India, for of course with free-trade, India was at
the mercy of Lancashire.

He was in favor of as much participation in
the government by natives as was possible, and
held that education was making progress even
among the women. He showed the same feeling,
though very guardedly expressed, that other in-
telligent Indians show wherever one meets them,
that much of the distrust and dread of the Ind-
ian for the English are due in great part to the
unsympathetic attitude of the majority of the


English, and claimed that confidence and sympa-
thy would be repaid by loyalty and frankness.

We discussed the curious contradictoriness of
the English, who insist upon the unearned in-
crement theory as applicable to land in India,
though they fight it at home; and who support
the theory of native princes in India, with their
patriarchal influence and methods of govern-
ment, while denouncing dukes and great land-
lords at home. We agreed upon one thing, that
the subtilties of British compromise were be-
yond us.

I quote this gentleman, as I shall quote others,
not because I agree or disagree with all their
views, but that my readers may grind each his
own axe. As for me, I beg to emphasize the
fact that I have no axe to grind other than to
call the attention of my countrymen to problems
and situations that they are marching toward,
and that rapidly.

At a dinner given for me by the Chief-Justice,
we dined at a new club where both Indians and
British meet. Indeed, it was formed for that pur-
pose, and certain already hard-worked English-
men whom I met make it a point to go there.
At the dinner in question only men were present,
and there were as many Indians present as Eu-
ropeans, and it seemed to me that problems


of government and politics were discussed as
freely as they would have been in New York or
in London.

But when one leaves this atmosphere of the
high-placed, to spend many hours in the part
of the town inhabited by the Indians themselves,
the practical situation seems to swamp the the-
ory completely. What sympathy, what kind-
liness, what understanding of their needs or of
their defects can permeate this mass ? Even
my Hindu friend, when pressed for an opinion,
admitted that he saw no solution except British
domination for centuries to come. Just what
your eyes see, just what your ears hear, make
you almost contemptuous of the most intelligent
man's opinion who has not actually been in In-
dia. These streets swarming with people; these
shops, which are merely large-sized goods boxes
with one end taken off, in which are huddled
merchants and their families and their wares, in
a cubic space perhaps twice that occupied by a
deer-hound when travelling in his huge basket
to a show; the variety of costumes, head-gear,
and physiognomy, I was told that forty different
dialects are spoken in the bazaars of Bombay,
distinctions of class apparent even to my untu-
tored eyes, from the man in a loin-cloth to
some petty raja in a gilded coach, with servants


swarming over it and around it, or dainty Parsi
women taking their airing in well-turned-out
carriages, with footmen clearing the way for
them; beggars covered with dust and ashes;
Arabs and students, what a mixture it is!

Nor democracy, nor any other form of govern-
ment, has done away with social differences, for
the form of government is yet to be even dreamt
of that can endow men with equal patience, equal
industry, equal good judgment, and until that
time comes, society will be as little level as the
troughs and crests of the ocean. Even in the
West, where religion and politics have assumed
the livery of Equality, little has been done; but
in the East religion and politics for thousands of
years have insisted that justice demands inequal-
ity, and from Quetta to Calcutta, and from Ma-
dras to the Khaibar Pass, there is no sign that
the old ways are passing.

A journalist whom I met in Bombay, who,
though he was not an anarchist, was nonethe-
less voluble in his criticisms of the British meth-
ods of rule, was discussing the recent visit of Mr.
Keir Hardie to India, and I remarked that he
was a curious leader for a Brahman to follow.
*'We do not follow him," he replied, "we are
only using him as we should use anybody else
who will follow us! The men he influences," he


continued, "are of little use to us, but they are a
nuisance to the British."

There are over a thousand newspapers pub-
lished in the vernacular in India in over twenty-
two dialects or languages. In the large cities
like Bombay, and to some extent in the outlying
districts, they have a certain influence, not al-
ways, I fear, for good.

But if the East is buried deep in its own su-
perstitions, we are obsessed by ours. Education
and teaching are two of ours. The misty talk
about teaching people to respect themselves is a
very loose phrase. To teach Lincoln to respect
himself was to increase his respect for patience,
for humility, for good-humor; to teach John
Nicholson to respect himself was to increase his
respect for truth, courage, and duty; on the
other hand, to teach a forger to respect himself
is to make his next forgery more daring ; to teach
a thief to respect himself is to make his next
loot larger; to teach certain firebrand politicians
to respect themselves, either in India or in Eng-
land, is to increase their respect for jaunty om-
niscience, for second-hand scholarship, and for
the sly sedition of the bomb, the pistol, and the
vernacular press.

To teach a man to read, or to write, or to
count does not teach him to think, or to know.


We tried teaching our Indians ; England teaches
in India — under the aegis, by the way, of the
most absurd Macaulayan and antiquated system,
the system of a man as contemptuous and ig-
norant of Eastern literature, religions, and phi-
losophy as he was accomplished as a maker of
historical phrases and liter'ary antitheses — but to
little avail, for the reason that few of us as yet re-
alize the limitations of education. The Indian
senior wrangler is no more morally an Englishman
than he was before he knew the English alphabet.
You cannot teach character, no matter how much
else you teach, and character is the only thing
worth while. Men are only of the same class,
of the same moral aristocracy, when their blood
boils and freezes at the same moral temperature,
and in all the world there is no text-book on that
subject, and but few teachers.

Much of the confusion in this matter arises
from the fact that we confound training and edu-
cation. The majority of men who go through
schools and universities get no training at all,
and fail and are forgotten; the men who do get
the training in schools and universities make it
appear that it was altogether due to school and
college, which is not the case at all. It was train-
ing that produced Washington, Hamilton, Lin-
coln, Grant, Sheridan, "Stonewall" Jackson,


and Lee, and not education in any academic
sense, though Hamilton, Jackson, and Lee were
students. It is not the learning that makes the
man, but the man who uses his learning as a
gymnasium in which to train his powers. We
go on crowding men into state and philanthropy-
supported institutions of learning as though they
were magical receptacles for the production of
trained men. Years of failure have taught us

I agree that the state ought to supply the op-
portunity for elementary study, and that it is
wise and generous charity which offers oppor-
tunity for high and costly experiment and in-
vestigation, but only those who earn their way
ought to have the path beyond made easy.
Luther, and Erasmus, and Bacon, and the lesser
breed of intellect, will blaze their own paths
through the forest of difficulties; the others
should not be pampered into intellectual daw-
dling, but left, and even forced if necessary, to
fell the forest and plough the plain.

America has had free education from the be-
ginning, an unequalled test, and yet the men
who have made America are without university
degrees, with such few exceptions that the aca-
demically educated are lost in the overwhelm-
ing majority who have trained themselves. Even


those who have academic degrees owe their
places in the world to other training than the
training received from books and professors.

The world wonders at the decadence of school-
beridden France, where the boys are effemina-
tized, the youths secularized, and the men ster-
ilized, morally and patriotically; France with
its police without power, its army without pa-
triotism, and its people without influence; dis-
orderly at home and cringing abroad; a nation
owing its autonomy even, to the fact that it is ser-
viceable as a buffer-state. Wlien I write "disor-
derly at home," it is not the ofl'-hand rhetoric
of the hasty writer. Monsieur Emile Massard
made a report to the Paris Municipal Coun-
cil on the subject of the encumberment of the
Paris streets. He says there are nearly half a
million vehicles of all kinds in Paris to-day, with
twenty thousand hand-carts and nine thousand
barrows. In 1909, sixty-five thousand eight hun-
dred and seventy accidents were caused in the
Paris streets by eighty-one thousand eight hun-
dred and sixty-eight vehicles, or about three ac-
cidents for every four vehicles, and there was one
summons for every seventy-seven motor taxi-
cabs. I am unorthodox, I might even be dubbed
a heretic by the narrow, but I am bound to con-
fess if ever a nation suffered from physical and


moral dry-rot, as a direct result of secular ed-
ucation, it is France.

America and Germany have been saved from
this by faith and reverence. In France reverence
has been knocked on the head and faith smoth-
ered in ridicule, and she has produced a school-
bred hooligan, in Paris at any rate, whose lack
of the human traits of decency, honesty, gentle-
ness, and manliness are unequalled outside of
a menagerie. Heretic I may be, but I would
rather suffer a Mass even, than mock at my
mother country.

Education without moral training is simply
a diabolical misfortune. But the fallacy re-
mains, and with it a terrible waste of human
material, and an increase of that uneasy unhap-
piness which is the curse of modern society; for
men and women are naturallv discontented who
feel dimly that they are developed along wrong
lines, and yet are loath to admit that they should
exchange the black coat for the blouse, the pen
for the plough, and the anaemia of mediocre men-
tal accomplishment for the health of rude toil.

There is a multitude of failures at these Ind-
ian examinations. It takes twenty-four thousand
candidates for matriculation to secure eleven
thousand passes, and of these eleven thousand
only one thousand nine hundred survive to take


the B. A. degree. At Oxford, for example, and
as a means of comparison, the number of those
who fail to matriculate is negligible, and of the
nine hundred who annually matriculate, about
six hundred and fifty proceed to their degree.
In the long run, God himself readjusts matters.
Development along false lines ends in disgrace
and failure. We to-day may see Turks and
Italians, the descendants of the Mughals and
the Csesars, working as day-laborers in the far-off
West of the Argentine Republic, and five hundred
years hence a Chinese official will ponder over
the fact that the descendants of English lords
and American millionaires are tilling his fields.
By instinct we say "Mother Earth" and "Mother
Nature," and we are right; all the others are
step-mothers, or mothers-in-law.

It is curious that England, which has won so
great an empire, and which has been ruled and
served by an uneducated but trained aristocracy,
should of all nations turn to books and profes-
sors to solve its Indian problems. In the House
of Commons, July, 1910, there were one hundred
and eleven Etonians, the great majority of whom
are far better fitted to lead a squadron of cavalry,
or to govern a foreign province, than to pass an
examination in competition with Frenchmen or
Germans of their own age. I hope I am not as-


suming too much when I say that these same
Etonians would agree with me.

India needs engineers, agricultural chemists,
archaeologists, mining engineers, architects, stat-
isticians, students of hygiene, political econ-
omists, scientific farmers, but how many such
men have her schools and colleges produced ?
Practically none. All this work is done by Eu-
ropeans, while the Indian student has but one
aim : to become an employee of the government,
a cog in the wheel of bureaucracy, with a little
power over his fellows, and a pension in store for
him. The supply of these students is exceeding
the demand, and those left over are like badly
cooked food, neither good as a fertilizer nor to
eat ; they are spoiled for the fields and too feeble
for useful mental labor. I mean no insult. I
am saying of the East w^hat I have first said
of the West. England has transferred the W^est-
ern fetich of secular education to India, with the
result that might have been expected. The
Indian seditionist is no worse than the Parisian
hooligan, and both, with certain differences,
are the result of the same system.

The sun is blazing down on the garden in
which lives a saint, so-called, whom I visited one
day in Bombay. He has not spoken for twenty-
three years, and his neighbors look upon him


with awe. He permits me to take his photo-
graph, and I wonder whether it is for peace or as
a penance that he has made this law for himself.
We question him, and he by signs tells us that he
is quite happy, quite indifferent whether he lives
or dies, and quite sure that all is for the best in
the world, if one only takes a perspective of, say,
a thousand years or so. We are too close to
things to know much about them, he maintains,
and gets as far away as he can.

Some months later, I visit at Davos Platz a
man who for nearly thirty years has been study-
ing drops of blood under a microscope. He is
getting as close to life as he can, but admits that
he knows little more than the sage in his hot gar-
den at Bombay. Both the Western scientist and
the Eastern sage smile indulgently at the fussi-
ness of modern life. My own experience of men
in many lands has taught me that the most ac-
tive are the least valuable. It is a notable sur-
vival of the simian in man, that so many people
think that constant mental and physical activity
is a measure of value. Busy people seldom ac-
complish anything. The statue, the poem, the
painting, the solution of the economic, financial,
or social problem, the courage and steadfastness
for war even, are all born in seclusion and appear
mvsteriouslv from nowhere. Cromwell, Wash-


ington, Lincoln, Shakespeare, Dante, and Cer-
vantes all appear from nowhere, and promptly
take command of the busybodies. What a crowd
of men we all recall who were so busy making
themselves remembered that they are already
forgotten! It is said that some ninety-five per
cent of business men, brokers, and bankers fail.
It is busyness that does it. We must give the
Eastern philosophy its due. W^e are none of us
infallible, not even the most modern of us, and I
am not sure that the proud flesh of the social
sore is not as visible in the Tweed Ring, in the
State-House scandals in Pennsylvania, in the
Sugar scales of certain millionaire merchants, in
the Poplar Union revelations in England, or in
the crowd at a race-meeting in Paris, as any-
where in India or in China.

I regret, for the sake of my Western readers
who are accustomed to the proclamatory cock-
sureness of irritable activity, that I am leaving
Bombay with so little ability to provide them
with any essence of omniscience of my own man-
ufacture. Having no claims social, political, or
financial to make upon my fellow-countrymen, I
am satisfied to serve them with food for thought,
rather than to denounce them for the benefit of
their enemies, or to flatter them for their own
undoing, that I may have their approval.



IT is much like trying to sop up the Gan-
ges with a bath sponge, to attempt to give
briefly, and yet satisfactorily, an outline of
the history of India. If I were telling some one
else how to thread the beads of such an historical
sketch, I should suggest a series of names, names
of men who have stood as corners around which
the current of events has swirled. Buddha 500
B. C; Asoka 257 B. C; Alexander 327 B. C;
Kanishka 40 A. D.; Timur 1398 A. D.; Babar
1482-1530; Akbar 1556-1605; Shah Jahan
1628-1658; Sivaji 1627-80; Clive 1751-1767;
Hastings 1773-1784; Ranjit Singh 1780-1839;
Dalhousie 1848-1856; John Nicholson 1857.

There are many omissions here, but from the
time when India rises above the horizon of legit-
imate history down to that Sir Galahad of the
Mutiny, John Nicholson, who was shot through
the heart at Delhi, with the words: "Forward,
Fusiliers! Officers to the front!" on his lips,
one can grasp the main features by a study of



these !)iographies. Those last words of Nichol-
son, too, leave one with a tingle in the blood,
and a fine flavor of the nobility of English man-
hood, which was never more wanted in India, and
in England, than to-day. Some such thing
must be done, however, to make any sketch of

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