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he gave a brief oudine of the story. He had already published
in 1858 in the first volume of the Atlantis, the Seirglige Conculain,
or the Sick-bed of Cuchulainn, one of the numerous stories relating
to the great epic. In the Proceedings of the Royal Irish
Academy' for 1879, another Irish scholar, 0*Looney, indicated
the various divisions and prefaces of the Tain, and announced
that he had undertaken an edition of the same. Unfortunately
the brilliant Irishman did not live to complete his work. In 1881
the distinguished French savant, M. d'Arbois de Jubainville, was
sent by Jules Ferry, then Minister of Public Instruction, on a
mission to the British Isles to investigate and catalogue all the
Irish MSS to be found. As a result of this voyage we have the
well-known Catalogue de la litt. 6pique de Tlrlande.' Among
the numerous interesting things contained in this volume is a
practically complete list of all the MSS of the Tain/ The learned
Frenchman also called attention to the fact that the Book of
Leinster mentioned 12 different tales, or remscila, serving as
introductions to this epic.^ After a longinterval during which many
of the saga relating to the Tain were edited and translated,* there
appeared in 1898 a volume entitled the Cuchulinn Saga, by Miss
Eleanor Hull. Among other things this work contained a sum-
mary and part translation* of the great epic, by Standish Hayes
O'Grady. It was not, however, until 1904 that any complete
translation of the Tain was attempted — this time by Winifred
Faraday, a pupil of the late Prof. Strachan, whose unexpected
demise last year was a great blow to Celtic studies. In 1905
Windisch brought out his monumental edition of the celebrated
epic ; and at present the translation of d'Arbois is being issued
from the press.

The date of the Tain remains yet a matter of conjecture.
According to Tigemach, who died in 1088, the famous raid took

Elace about eight years before the Christian Era.® The epic,
owever, is of a much later date. But the time of its composition
will ever be difficult to ascertain, inasmuch as the Celts, like most

'Pp. 31-40. This work was reprinted in 1878. In his Manners and Cus-
toms, London, 1873, m. PP« 4i4-463f O'Curry gave the text and translation
from the Book of Leinster of the Fight with Ferdia, one of the episodes of the

« II scries, Vol. I, pp. 242-8. » Paris, 1883, gr. in 8®.

*It is worth noting that of the fifteen MSS mentioned by d'Arbois only two
antedate the 15th cent.; three are from the 15th and i6th cents., and ten from
the 17th to the 19th cents. The author had omitted by oversight the Yellow
Book of Lecan, which is from the I4th-I5th cents.

^Miss Hull, in her work mentioned below, has increased this number to

•Cf. Windisch and Stokes, Irische Texte III, pp. 235. etc., where are pub-
lished the text and translation of the Do chuphur in da muccado, or the
•• Begetting of the two swineherds ", etc.

^Pp. 112-227. 'O'Connor, Rerum hibernicarum scriptores II, p. 14,

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primitive peoples, did not confide their learning to writing. And
especially in Ireland was this true. The corporation of the
fdithi oxJUid (i. e. seers or prophets) laid particular stress on the
memory in their system of education.^ The literary apprentice-
ship of the^^tV/ lasted from twelve to twenty years, during which
they were obliged to memorize a long list of stories. Thus, the
first year they learned at least twenty stories (in Irish, drechi or
uiVjy the second year thirty, the third year forty, and so on until
in six years they had memorized 270 in all. Then began studies
in divination, geography, composition of poems, etc. Thus,
doubtless, for centuries the numerous stories contained in the
Tain were preserved only in the memories of i\i^ JilieL The first
written version supposed to have been made of this great epic
was that of Senchan Torpeist, who, according to d'Arbois and
Zimmer,' was an ollam file of the first half of the 7th century.
The story relates that Senchan rediscovered the Tain in a
miraculous way.' It is more probable, however, that this story
was created merely to explain that Senchan's version of the epic
was of such excellent quality that it completely silenced all com-
peting versions.^ For more than three centuries his was accepted
as the only complete version of the Tain. In the nth cent,
however, by reason of the new accounts that had come into exist-
ence, a new redaction was made, of which the Book of Leinster
(ca. 1 160) is the oldest representative. This version is much
more literary and complete than that of the Leabhar na hUidhri,
the ''Book of the Dun Cow '' (ca. iioo), whose archaic language
and simple direct prose are indications of its great antiquity

^ According to a gloss on the Senchus Mor (Ancient Laws of Ireland I, pp.
44-47) there were ten classes of /{/»/ ranked with regard to the number of saga
they were able to relate. Thus, the highest in rank, the oUam file, knew 350
stories ; next came the annah who had at his command 175 stories, etc., down
to the oblaire who could relate but seven stories. With regard to the other
classes of society, the Ji/iJ ranked very high. The ollam fiU, or chief of the
filid, ranked on a level with a noble of the second class ; or, in other words,
he was placed at the table immediately after the ollam brithem^ the chief
speaker of the law. who ranked on a level with the noble of the first class.
Compare in the Icelandic saga the somewhat similar relation between the
logs^gomair^ or the speaker of the law, and the sagamadr^ or relater of the saga.
For further information on the fUid, cf. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Druides
et les dieux celtiques, 1906, pp. 103, etc., as well as his Cours de Litt. celt.,
1883, I, pp. 319, etc. ; Dottin, Manuel de Tantiquit^ celtique, 1906, pp. 267 ;
and Thurneysen, Ir. Texte III, pp. 113. etc.

'Ueber den compilatorischen Charakter der irischen Sagentexte, etc.,
Zeitsch. fttr vgl. Sprachforschung XXVIII, pp. 426 ff., 1887.

' Cf. Finding of the Tain, translated by O. Connellan, Ossianic Society,
Vol. V.

^On account of the numerous poems interspersed in the text, Dr. Sullivan
was led to suggest that the Tain was originally written in verse, the prose-
parts representing what had been entirely lost. This process, however, in
the opinion of Dr. Hyde, would seem contrary to the history of the develop-
ment of epic poetry. Cf. A Literary History of Ireland, by Douglas Hyde,
New York, 1899, pp. 399, etc.


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(being probably the version of Senchan). The Yellow Book of
Lecan (i4th-i5th cents.) gives at times, in its incomplete version,
an older and better text than the Book of Dun Cow.

The story of the Tain is so long and complicated that only a
brief outline of its salient features can be given here. The epic
begins with a dispute between Ailill and Medb, king and queen
of Connaught, as to which possesses the greater amount of prop-
erty. After comparing their jewels and other treasures, they
come finally to their herds of cattle, the most precious possession
of the ancient Irishman. Medb had possessed a very valuable
bull, Findbentuich (White-homed), which, however, not wishing
to belong to a woman, had left her herd for that of Ailill. With
this magnificent animal there was none to compare, save the
Dun Bull which was in Cooley, a district in Ulster. These two
bulls were in reality the seventh forms of two rival swineherds of
the Sid^ a fairy race that inhabited Ireland. They had originally
possessed human form, the one being swineherd to Ochall Oichni,
king of the .Su/of Connaught, the other to Bodb, king of the .Sf^
of Munster. The result of the intense rivalry existing between
them was the neglect of their swine, which were allowed to
dwindle away and die. Enraged at this, their kings removed
them from their offices and changed them into ravens. Never-
theless, the struggle between the two rivals continued. Every
two years they were obliged to change their forms until finally,
having become worms, they were drunk up by two bulls, the
one belonging to Medb and the other to Fiachna mac Dare of

Accordingly Medb sends an embassy to Fiachna, requesting
the loan of the Dun Bull for one year, promising fihy heifers in
return. The embassy fails and returns empty-handed to Con-
naught. In order to punish the impudent chieftain, Medb resolves
to invade Ulster and to take forcible possession of the animaL'

The indignant queen begins her expedition at the opportune
moment when Conchobar, King of Ulster, and all his warriors are
afflicted by a periodical sickness. The defense of the kingdom
of Ulster is left entirely to the boy Cuchulainn, nephew of Con-
chobar. Under the protection of his divine father Lug,' this
heroic youth withstands singlehanded all the hosts of Medb.

^Cf. Windisch. loc. cit., and The Voyage of Bran by Alfred Natt and Knno
Meyer, London, 1897, Vol. II, pp. 58, etc.

'To carry off the bull, as M. d'Arbois observes, meant to drive off the herd
of which he was the chief. For that reason the epic is entitled the raid of the
cattle instead of the raid of the bull. Cattle-driving was one of the common
methods of warfare in Ireland up to very recent times. Walter Scott relates in
Waverley (Ch. XV) a story of a similar expedition made by twelve Highlanders.

*Cttchalainn had both divine and human parents. His resemblance to
Herakles has been pointed out by d'Arbois. Miss Hull (op. cit.) and Alfred
Nutt (Cuchulainn. the Irish Achilles, London, 1900, pp. 4a, etc.), have further
emphasised his traits as the solar hero. That he was known to other Celtic
tribes besides the Irish has been shown by d'Arbois (Rev. celt. XIX, p. 345).

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After a long series of combats with great loss of life, Medb finally
secures possession of the Dun Bull which she drives away to
Connaught. But hardly do the rival bulls behold one another
than they begin to fight. In the end the Dun Bull is victorious,
and escapes to Ulster with the remains of his enemy, Findben-
nach, on his horns. Immediately after his arrival, however, he
utters one loud roar of triumph and, as Windisch translates, **es
brack sein Herz in seiner BrusV^

The translation of Miss Faraday is based principally upon the
text of the Leabhar na hUidhri, but where that MS is incomplete
she has made use of the book of Lecan. Though intended for
the general public, this translation deviates but little from the
original text. One of the most valuable Qualities of Miss Fara-
day's work is its honesty. Where she feels any doubt about the
meaning of a word, she does not hesitate to make it known by
the use of the question-mark. She has attempted, furthermore,
to preserve the spirit of the original which, however, renders her
translation somewhat incoherent and confusing at times. On
account of the corrupt condition of the MS,^ or for other reasons,
she has frequently omitted entire passages, including some of the
puzzling poems that are found interspersed in the text. These
poems, which, by their complex and somewhat artificial construc-
tion, recall the Skaldic verses of the Icelandic Saga, are wisely
left by Miss Faraday to the scholarship and ingenuity of Windisch
and d'Arbois.

The bulky volume of Windisch is, after the Thesaurus Palaeo-
hibernicus of Stokes and Strachan, the most important contribu-
tion to Irish literature in the last ten years. The text given in
this work is based on the Book of Leinster, though carefully
controlled by the Book of the Dun Cow and other MSS. This
is accompanied by a very careful literal translation which renders
the reading of the volume somewhat tedious. However, as the
work is destined primarily for scholars, this objection is of little
importance. In addition to the copious notes there is a vocabu-
lary of some 150 pp., containing in the main words not to be
found in the dictionary published in the first volume of the
Irische Texte. The introduction, numbering some ninety pages,
contains an interesting discussion of questions, historical or
otherwise, raised by the Tain, and a study of the merits of the
different MSS.

The translation of d'Arbois de Jubainville is practically indis-
pensable to one possessing either of the other two works in that
It combines their important qualities : for it is as scholarly as that
of Windisch and more readable than that of Miss Faraday.
While carefully following the text, the author has nevertheless

^ Apparently, for the fact that Miss Faraday was unable to consult other
MSS, is her translation unsafe at times. Cf.. for example, the description of
the troops in the " Call of the men of Connaught to Cruachain Ai *', ** the
prophecy of Fedelm", *'the death of Loch mac Mofemis", etc.

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succeeded in avoiding the unnecessary repetitions that render the
reading of the other translations somewhat wearisome. Among
the numerous interesting things brought out in the introduction,
which covers thirty of the eighty-three pages contained in the
premitre Irvraisarty are the points of resemblance between the
Tain and the Iliad. They are not many to be sure, but are
nevertheless of importance, for almost all of the work of this
scholar in the field of religion is of considerable value. Finally
this translation contains several photographic reproductions of
Celtic monuments in the Mus6e de Cluny at Paris and elsewhere.
For the above reasons, this work assumes a high rank among the
recent additions to Celtic literature ; and it is therefore with great
pleasure that we look forward to its completion.

John L. Gbrig.

Columbia UmrBmsiTT.


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Vol. XL

Pp. 1-8. E. Wolfflin, Die Latinitat der verlorenen Epitoma
Livii. A notice of the dissertation of H. A. Sanders; see ALL.
X. 563 and Sanders, Die Quellencontamination im 21 und 22
Buche des Livius, Berlin, Mayer und Miiller, 1898.

8. E. Wolfflin, Prorsa, prosa. Prosa=prorsa, i. e. provorsa
(oratio), in distinction from vorsa, or poetry. Quint still retained
the form prorsa, beside prosa. W. favors omitting the relative
clause in *Quint. X. i. 81, prorsam orationem, quam pedestrem
Graeci vocant, since Quint, in four passages of Book I alone uses
prosa without explanation. The definition is besides incorrect.

9-26. E. B. Lease, Zur Konstruktion von licet See review
in A. J. P. XIX. 214.

26. E. Wolfflin, Euphemismus als Grund der Ellipse. Such
cases as ubi ad Dianae veneris, Ten Andr. 582, may be assumed
to have existed in very early times and are confined to the
names of gods until the Ciceronian period. The omission was
probably euphemistic in its origin, and no substantive is to be
supplied; cf. ds'^Atdov in Greek.

27-35. E. Wolfflin, Zum Asyndeton bei Sallust. The general
subject is first considered. Bimembral asyndeton was v^ry
common in the Italic languages and is frequent in archaic and
archaistic Latin. Cicero uses it but seldom, avoiding it especially
in the case of verbs, but his example was not followed. Its use
with the active and the passive^ of the same verb has been
regarded as peculiar to Silver Latin, but occurs in Catull. 45. 2a
Bimembral asyndeton with adjectives and substantives was
avoided by the more careful stylists; cf. Don. on Ten Ad. 990;
but trimembral is common with verbs, adjectives and substan-
tives. Asyndeton of four words is often divided into two parts by
the use of words of similar meanings, by alliteration, by rhyme,
and by similar devices. Sallust in his earlier work connects the
second pair by atque, but later omits the conjunction, though
retaining it when a third pair is added. When the pairs are in
a disjunctive relation, they are connected by aut, and aut in the
first pair should perhaps be deleted in some cases. He also uses
praeterea, postremo, denique, etc.; rarely et, -que, and etiam.

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Sallust uses bimembral asyndeton more freely than other writers
of the same period. On account of his fondness for archaisms,
it may be assumed that this was frequent in the lost prose works
of the early period. His usage in his different works is not
consistent, and it is impossible to reconstruct that of the
Histories from his later imitators, on account of the impossibility
of determining what is characteristic of S. and what is late
Latin usage.

35-36. O. Hey, Actutum. For *at-tutum, "at a glance";
cf. ad nutum and contutus, obtutus. The change of att- to act-
may be due to popular etymology, which connected the word
with the stem ag-. Latrocinor. Lancino. Suggests reading
the latter word for the former in Cels. i. prae£ (p. 7. 35 D),
mortui demum praecordia et viscus in conspectum latrocinantis
(lancinantis) medici dari, in the sense of "cut in pieces, dissect".

37-59. R. Fuchs, Zu Serenus Sammonicus. Agrees with
Teuffel-Schwabe that S. follows the best models in his verse
technique. This is shown by the variety which he gives to
common expressions, by his use of poetical for prosaic terms
(for mare : pelagus, Doridis humor, Nereia lympha, etc.), in his
choice of epithets, of which an alphabetical list is given, and in
his use of metaphorical language. An examination of his mor-
phology and syntax follows*

59. R. Fuchs, Zu Serenus Sammonicus V. 507. For scopu-
losa would read scraposa, which is found in Plant. Capt. 185.

60. E. Wolfflin, Bracchium. Gracchus. The original spelling
was brachium and Gracus; the later forms were due to the
analogy of Bacchus. According to the best MSS, Gracci is the
spelling of Quint, in I. 5. 20.

61-70. W. Heraeus, Zur Appendix Probi. Some additions
to the study of Carl Ullmann in VoUmdllers Roman. Forsch-
ungen, VII. 145-226, especially in the way of testimony to unusual
forms of common words and the explanation of these by analogies
found in the glosses.

70. W. Heraeus, Lecticocisium. This word, which is found
in Not. Tir. p. 97. 65 f. Schm., should be read in the Servius-
scholia on Verg. Aen. 8. 666, instead of laeta occisia.

71-79. R. Helm, Einige sprachliche Efgentiimlichkeiten des
Mythographen Fulgentius. F. was of African origin, and Latin
was not his native language. This led him to use striking and
unusual words, to give the impression of a command of the
language which in fact he did not possess. His impression of
the originality of the language and style of F. has led Helm to
trust more to the MSS than previous editors, restoring to the
text many words which had been called in question.

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79-80. E. Wolfflin, Zur Epitoma Livii. Additions to the
notes on the language on p. i ff. above.

81-85. C. H. Moore, Dediticius, dediticiorum numero, daticius.
Notes on the signification of the first word. Dediticiorum numero
occurs first in Gains. Daticius must be recognized as a late Latin
form (cf. ALL. V. 429), but dedicius (CGL. IV, 226. 9) may be
a mere error in spelling, though such shortened forms are not
uncommon; cf. ALL. V. 430 and 434.

86k J. Hausleiter, Quingenta vota. In the letter of Celerinus
to Lucianus (Cypr. Epist. 21 Hartel) for pro seduta should be
read pro se D vota, another example of the use of quingenti as
a round number; see ALL. IX. 184.

^7*~97* G. Landgraf, Ueber den pseudocyprianischen Traktat
''ad versus ludaeos". This work cannot have been written later
than the first half of the fourth century and is probably a century
older. The form of the citations from the Bible, and the language
and style, show that it was not written by Cyprian. It was
written in Rome, evidently by an intimate friend of Novatianus,
if not by N. himself.

98. A. Sonny, Magis und minus ohne komparative Bedeutung.
In CatuU. 62. 58, where S. would read cara viro magis est, minus
est invisa parent!, magis and minus = valde and non. In 73. 4
magis has the same meaning, while in 66. 87 and 68. 30 it has the
force of Fr. mais. It. ma. Minus = non is found in quominus
and si minus, as well as in Cic. Div. i. 24; Ter. Eun. 737; and
elsewhere. Quisquis = quisque. An example from class. Lat
in Catull. 68. 28. Cf. Cic. ad Fam. 6. i. i Mendelssohn and
CIL. I. 206. 13.

99-103. K. J. Hid6n, Lucretiana. In 5. 1223 Lach. membra
is not ace. of specification, but is the object of corripiunt. In

1. 317 manus is not ace. of specification, but is subject of the
infinitive. An abl. quique was conjectured by Lachmann in

2. 372 and other instances are found in 5. 343 and 3. 700. It
would be interesting to know whether this form is found else-
where. An abl. quod is frequent in Lucr. in quod si, quod nisi
and quod quoniam. Parallel to this is the use of hoc as an abl.
of cause in the combination hoc ubi, of which nine examples are
given, which are generally emended by the earlier editors.

103-104. G. Landgraf, Der Accusativ des Zieles nach vocare
und hortari. The oldest instance of a supine in -um, which is an
ace. of the goal, is asom (assum) fero on the cista from Praeneste.
The use occurs in early Latin with vocare (citation in Cic. Mur.
26 and Plant), especially in the juristic language. It is also
found with ciere and hortari, and from its use with the latter
developed the rare use of the ace. of a substantive with hortari

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(inc. inc. fab. 63). This perhaps originated in military lan^^uage.
It is especially common in Statins.

105-114. H. Stadler, Nachtrag zu den lateiniscben Pflanzen-
namen im Dioskorides. A reply to the criticism of Wellmann
f Festgabe fiir Franz Susemihl, 3. n) on the article in ALL. X. 83,
(see A. J. P. XXVIII, 474), followed by a list of corrections based
on a collation of codd. Constantinopolitanus and Neapolitanus
in Vienna.

114. L. de Vasconcellos, Laciculus. This word, which is not
found in the lexicons and supplements, is to be read in CIL.
n. 2395.

1 1 5~i i8. A. Funck, Accrementum - accumba Lexicon

119-134. Miscellen. K. Sittl, Nimbus, Heiligenschein. The
definition of nimbus in this sense in Isid. Etym. 19. 31. 2 goes
back to a number of passages in the Servius-commentary on
Verg., all of which centre around the note on Aen. 2. 616. Der
Namen Italiens. The Romans did not take the word 'irakia from
the Oscans or from the colloquial language of Magna Graecta,
which had a form with f (Osc. Viteliu). The Attic form was
introduced by Livius Andr., Naev., Enn., and the annalists who
wrote in Greek. *iTakia was first applied to the most southern
part of the peninsula, and its scope was gradually extended
between the fourth and the second centuries, B. c. It is first
applied to the whole peninsula by Polybius. Italicus (*lraXc«<Sr)
was not used as a genuine substantive. The Romans applied the
term to the Allies during the Social War and called their capital
Italica (instead of Italia). Italus was first a personal name; after
the analogy of Thessalus it came into use through the poets of
the Ciceronian and Augustan ages.

A. Dohring, Lat. an = atne. Supports this derivation (pro-
posed by Skutsch, Forsch. zu lat. Gr. und Metr. 60) by an
examination of the signification of the word in a number of

W. M. Lindsay, Ueber die Lange des plautinischen "dat".
The original inflection of do must have given *dOs, *d5t, which
gave place to das, dat. In Plant. Poen. 868 and less certainly in
Most. 601 and Men. loi we have dSLs and d&t, while there are no
cases in the genuine works of Plant, of dis, dit. The vowel was
therefore long in his time.

A. Souter, Addenda Lexicis Latinis.

A. Sonny, Totidem = eadem. In CatuU. 92. 3 totidem mea
is not to be explained, with Ellis, as coming from the game of the
duodecim chartae, nor to be emended. There is a parallel in


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Hor. Sat 2. 3. 298, and in the expression totidem verbis.
Through a similar confusion of the ideas of quality and quantity
we have totidem for itidem in later Latin, while tantumdem =
idem occurs as early as Juvenal (3. 298). The same confusion
occurs in the use of Fr. autant and It. altretanto. Multus,
einflussreich. In CatuU. 112

Multas homo es, Naso, neqae tecum maltus homo . . .
Descendit : Naso, maltus es at pathicus

would give to the first multus the meaning, ''influential " (cf. Gk.
voKvt), to multus homo that of multi homines, and to the last
multus that of "tiresome*', comparing Plant. Men. 316. In the

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