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office, to prosecute for the maintenance of the child. The case
was lost, and after the trial was over in the magistrate's office, the
male witnesses adjourned to a neighboring bar-room where, for a
few dollars, the mother caused her daughter to retract the story
publicly. Going back to the fourth generation, the testimony as
to environment is not so complete, only that the father was disso-
lute, aud that the example of the other sisters no doubt had an in-
fluence in blunting the sense of purity, while, in the two generations
farther back, the testimony is not sufficiently definite for the pur-
poses of the present argument.

Here, again, environment is in the line of heredity.

Case 5. The most striking case of all is line 23, chart I., for in
it we find bastardy in every link but one. In generation 7 is
found an illegitimate girl six years old, whose mother (gen. 6) was
an illegitimate prostitute, whose mother (gen. 5) was a harlot, whose
mother (gen. 4) was illegitimate, married to a husband (gen. 4)
whose father (gen. 5) was illegitimate, whose mother was Ada, a
harlot.

The environment in this case stands thus : The child is the
offspring of an incestuous relation between her mother when only
fourteen, with her own uncle, who had served two terms in State
prison, thus showing the influence of her surroundings. The
mother (gen. 5) kept a brothel, and it was no doubt within its
atmosphere that the girl was contaminated. Going back to genera-
tion 4 we find the parents keep a low dram-shop, which also serves
on occasion as a house of assignation. As in the other cases there
is no environment traced beyond.



24 THE JUKES.

In this again the environment runs parallel to the heredity.

Case 6. Now we take a quite different case, where the heredity
and the environment have coincided up to a certain age, and yet
the career of harlotry has not been run. Follow line 30, chart I.,
to generation 5, is a girl, the sister of the woman in case 5, men-
tioned above, who kept a brothel and whose heredity has been
traced. Substantially, the environment was the same as that of
her two sisters who were both prostitutes. How closely she fol-
lowed them up to her fifteenth year is shown by the fact that in
1 86 1 we find her, together with her sister, arrested for vagrancy
and locked up in the county jail for two days. At this point,
however, the environment changes. She marries a German, a
cement burner, a steady, industrious, plodding man, settles down
into a home, brings legitimate children into the world and takes
the position of a reputable woman. In this case it is plain that
the change in the environment has supplanted the tendency of the
heredity. The case now is to be watched to see if, in spite of the
environment of a reputable home, the daughter of this woman, now
12 years of age, will revert to the ancestral characteristics, and
change what now seems to be an argument in favor of the potency
of environment into an argument proving the prepotency of heredity.

If prostitution were merely a private vice, the bad effects of
which were confined to the individual practicing it, it would be
a matter of only secondary moment, but the bearing which the
subject has upon the increase and perpetuation of crime arises
from the fact that it leads to neglected and miseducated childhood,
which develops adults without sense of moral obligation, without
self-respect and without a proper desire for the approbation of
reputable people.

Looking over the aggregate of harlotry 84 we find 18 of the
women subsequently married. Inasmuch as in this 84 are included
a number of girls under 20 some of whom will yet marry, it would be
fair to estimate at 22 the number who will marry and avoid a pros-
titute career, which would be 26.19 P er cent of the total harlotry, or
over one-fourth, and this, apparently in the face of the force of
heredity. The old truth here appears that the tendency of mar-
riage is to extinguish prostitution. When we take into consideration



THE JUKES. 25

case 6, line 30, who became a reputable wife in spite of her heredity
and of her environment by simply being married at 15 years of age,
the question presents itself whether early marriage among the class we
are studying, is not the spontaneous and, therefore, most efficient
means of reducing the crop of criminals and paupers.

Harlotry, compared to Pauperism and Crime. As respects pau-
perism : ist. Of males receiving out-door relief there are over 20
per cent, of females a little under 13 per cent ; receiving alms-house
relief, males nearly 13 per cent, females 9^ per cent ; thus there is
a preponderance of males helped by charity (see table VI.). 2d.
The charts show that in the majority of cases the women receiving
out-door relief, being married, merely follow the condition of their
husbands. 3d. Where the women are single a large proportion
of them get assistance during the child-bearing period, and only
then. 4th. A number who have become widows have ceased to
get relief and simultaneously taken to prostitution Thus, although
the rate of wages of women is much below that of men, the application
for charity is much less frequent. On examination it will be seen
that, in families where the brothers are receiving relief and the sisters
are not married, those sisters are many of them prostitutes.

As to crime (see table IX.), we find that while there are 34 male
offenders, many of them committing very high crimes, there are
only 16 females, and they committed misdemeanors in all cases but
one. But on the other hand, if you look at the families in which
crime is found, there, where the brothers commit crime, the sisters
adopt prostitution, the fines and imprisonment of the women being
not for violations of the rights of property, but mainly for offenses
against public decency. The explanation is, perhaps, that the ten-
dency of human beings is to obtain their living in the direction of
least resistance according to their own views as to what that direc-
tion is, and as that direction for men of this class seems to them to
be either in pauperism or in crime, the brothers enter these vocations,
The sisters finding in prostitution a more lucrative career than
pauperism, and a more safe and easy one than crime, thus avoid
both in a measurable degree. Taking the illegitimate branch of
Ada where the prostitution is 29 times greater than in the general
community, we also find that crime among the men is 30 times



26 THE JUKES.

greater. Taking into further consideration that the women find in-
dulgences in a career of harlotry which their brothers can only obtain
by purchase with the proceeds of theft, it is a fair inference to make
that prostitution in the women is the analogue of crime and pauperism
in the men, the difference in the career being only an accident of
sex. The identity of the three, as distributed between the sexes,
is established by finding that in this family they have a common
origin, an equal ratio, and yield to the same general reformatory
treatment steady, continuous, and fatigue-producing labor.

From the consideration of the special cases detailed, we now
come to formulating a few tentative inductions on the subject.

1. Harlotry may become a hereditary characteristic and be per-
petuated without any specially favoring environment to call it into
activity. (See case i.)

2. In most cases the heredity is also accompanied by an envi-
ronment which runs parallel to it, the two conditions giving cumu-
lative force to a career of debauch.

3. Where there is chastity in the heredity, the same is also accom-
panied with an environment favorable to such habits.

4. Where the heredity and the environment are in the direction
of harlotry, if the environment be changed at a sufficiently early
period, the career of prostitution may be arrested and the sexual
habits amended. (See case 6.)

5. That early marriage tends to extinguish harlotry.

6. That prostitution in the woman is the analogue of crime and
pauperism in the man.

7. As a corollary of this last, a practical rule may be laid down
to help us -estimate the chances of reforming a boy who has com-
mitted his first offense. If his elder sisters are reputable, his
chances are good ; but if they be not reputable, the chances of his
becoming an habitual criminal are increased proportionately.

Illegitimacy. Where harlotry rather than prostitution is common,
it is to be expected that the number of illegitimate children will be
numerous. Of the 535 children born 335 were legitimate, 106 ille-
gitimate and 84 unknown. Discarding from the computation the
84 who are not ascertained, we get 23.50 per cent as the proportion
of illegitimacy, counting both sexes.



THE JUKES. 27

TABLE V.

Illegitimacy.





Boys.


Girls.




**4

ICC


251




*55

J.Q


iyo
\\




21 . 42


IT.. 22


" " " " legitimates, by sex.


77 .6l


1 7 l6


" " " " total number, both sexes




27 CO









The above table shows an excess of girls over boys among the
legitimate, while there is an excess of boys over girls among the il-
legitimate, and, when we compare them by percentages, the illegiti-
mate boys are twice as numerous as the girls, 33.61 per cent to 17.36.

If the object of our inquiry rested here, and a generalization
upon the above figures were made, based on the conventional and
generally accepted effects of illegitimacy on the question of crime
and pauperism, the conclusion would be inevitable that the above
figures explain the cause of pauperism and crime. The facts being
at hand, it is perhaps safer to enter into a more minute inquiry, and
pass from the consideration of aggregate numbers, to analyze par-
ticular cases.



Of the five " Juke " sisters, three are known to have had illegit-
imate children, Ada, Bell and Delia.

The two bastards of Delia were lazy ne'er-do-weels, who never
married, and are not known to have had children ; but little has
been gathered respecting them. Of her legitimate children, one, a
girl, was the mother of criminals, and is the only line in the legiti-
mate branches in which crime is found.

Of the children of Ada (see charts I. and II.) the oldest was the
father of the distinctively criminal branch of the family. Two of
his sons, though never sent to prison, were notorious petty thieves
and trie fathers of convicted criminals, while two of their daughters
were the mothers of criminals. None of the legitimate children or
grandchildren of Ada are known to have been criminals.

But while the children and grandchildren of Ada's oldest were
criminals, the majority of them were legitimate. Thus we find
forty legitimates and five illegitimates among the descendants.



28 THE JUKES.

Of the children of Bell (see chart III. generation 3), the first
four were illegitimate, three of them mulattoes. The three boys
were, on the whole, more successful in life than the average of the
"Jukes." They all three acquired property, the youngest being the
father of one child who was successful in life, also accumulating
property. Of the oldest, a mulatto, a gentleman who knew all the
earlier members of the " Juke " stock, says : " He was the best of
his generation, being honest, sober, and in every way manly." On
the other hand, chart IV., which gives one branch of the posterity
of Effie, almost all of whom are legitimate, shows a widespread and
almost unbroken record of pauperism.

From these considerations, and others, which are not stated in
the review of individual cases because they are only repetitions of
cases which are related elsewhere, it follows that illegitimacy is not
necessarily the cause of crime and pauperism.

Tentative Inductions. i. Among the first-born children of lawful
marriages, the female sex preponderates.

2. Among the first-born bastard children, the males prepon-
derate.

3. It is not illegitimacy, per se, which is dangerous, but the en-
vironment of neglect which attends it that is mischievous.

4. Illegitimates who are placed in favorable environment may
succeed in life better than legitimate children in the same environ-
ment.

Disease and Pauperism. Running alongside of licentiousness,
and as inseparable from it as is illegitimacy, are the diseases which
are distinctive of it and which produce social phenomena which are
the direct subjects of the present investigation. In the wake of
disease follows pauperism, so in studying the one we must necessari-
ly discuss the other. But disease treats of physiological states, it is
a biological question ; therefore, the social questions included in
the consideration of pauperism rest, in large measure, upon the data
furnished by the study of vital force.

Before taking up the statistics of disease, we give those of pau-
perism to show the general tendency of the family to pauperism, be-
fore we study the causes that produce that condition.

Comparing, by sexes, the alms-house relief of the State at large



THE JUKES.



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THE JUKES.

with that of the " Jukes," we find seven and a half times more pau-
perism among their women than among the average of women for
the State, among their men nine times more, while the average for
both sexes of the " Juke " and X blood together gives six and three
quarter times more paupers than the average of the State. Accord-
ing to the records of poor-houses and city alms-houses of the State,
the men are in excess of the women, the ratio for 1871 being as 100
women is to no men ; of the "Jukes " this ratio is as 100 to 124,
but when we look at the alms-house relief of the X blood the ratio
is inverted, the women being to the men as 100 is to 80. Thus,
while the " Jukes " follow the general rule of our State pauperism as
respects the comparison of the sexes, the X blood follows a reverse
one. Why this is I cannot say, unless it be that the tendency of the
women is to follow the condition of their husbands, which involves
in the net of pauperism those women marrying into the " Juke '
pauper stock, while the " Juke " women, seeking and rinding
husbands not so involved, are withdrawn from the pauper circle.
That this inversion of ratios is not an accident is proved by the
fact that the out-door relief of the X blood shows the same relation-
ship, though in a less degree, the ratio being as 100 women are to
90 men.

In table VII. is presented the statistics of diseases, malformations



TABLE VII.
Diseases, Malformations and Injuries.





"d
.S

K


*o

Q
*o

8

MM

3
u

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Insane.




o
*j3

o

9

F-*


Tubercular con-
sumption.


.<

\

EO


Constitutional syph-
ilis.


Epilepsy.


Deformed.


Total number in-
jured, deformed
and diseased.


Number diseased
persons receiving
relief.


Percentage.


Tuk.6 blood


IO






I




2Q


22




i


65


33


50.77














*y

T7




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20


1C


75.00














*J














Total


J J


j


J


I


2


J2


2C


i


i


8s


48


$6.47





























THE JUKES. 31

and injuries, in their relations to pauperism. In this table children
who have died of inherited diseases and were buried by the town,
are excluded because they have no significance as causes of pauper-
ism, their early death placing them in the category of effects of dis-
ease and pauperism ; nor is any person counted under two headings.

Notice here, while the percentage of pauperism for the whole
family is only 22.22 per cent, that of pauperism among the sick and
disabled is 56.47 per cent. In one case, the hereditary blindness
of one man cost the town twenty-three years of out-door relief for
two people and a town burial. Another case of hereditary blindness
cost eight years of out-door and three years of poor-house relief,
with a town burial.

But the disease which the above table shows as the most com-
mon, as incontestably it is the most destructive, subtle and difficult
to eradicate, is syphilis. One cause of its great prevalence is that
many men deliberately expose themselves to it, because it is ac-
counted a matter of manly prowess to be proof against infection.
Their ignorance is such that they count syphilization as indicative
of virility. In this exhibit are enumerated only the cases properly
vouched for by competent physicians or directly drawn from the
records of the poor-house, and six so notorious as to be trustworthy.
Here, the proportion of those blighted by it reaches 10.86 per cent,
but this does not include half of the victims of this class of dis-
orders. On the authority of physicians who know, from twenty-
five to thirty per cent are tainted with it. Significant as are these
aggregate figures, they are weak as compared to the lesson which
is pointed when we analyze the lines along which this disease runs,
and note its devastation of individual careers and its pauperizing
-influence on successive generations. If it were merely the record
of so many human beings who have simply died, it would lose most
of its significance ; but in view that this is the record of so many
who have lived maimed lives, maimed in numberless ways ; entail-
ing maimed lives full of weakness, which is wretchedness ; sapping
the vitality of innocent ones to the third and fourth generations
in a constantly broadening stream, and breeding complex social dis-
orders growing out of these physiological degenerations, the question



32 THE JUKES.

grows into larger and more momentous proportions the more mi-
nutely we look into it.

In chart II. the following five cases in consanguineous stock
can be traced and compared.

Case 7. Line i, generation 3, (2) 1. m. A., the progenitor, was
a volunteer in 1812, a very licentious man, who contracted ma-
lignant syphilis in the army before his marriage to his cousin.
This disease he entailed upon his eight children, seven of them
girls, and the combined effects of it and the consanguinity of the
parentage have produced marked social effects. He was twice an
inmate of the same alms-house, at 45 and at 52.

Case 8. Line 24, generation 4, was his daughter, a congenital
idiot. At eight she drifted into the poor-house and remained there
eight years. Whether she was removed or died the imperfect
records do not show : she is probably dead. Here the correlation
between the physical and social condition is established. It is a case
of absolute hereditary pauperism, the entailment depending on dis-
ease in one generation producing cerebral atrophy in the next ; for
idiocy has been described as " arrest of development," * chiefly of
the brain and of the nervous system, proceeding from insufficient
nutrition during ante-natal life, and brought about by diverse causes,
the most frequent of which is scrofulous or syphilitic disease in the
parents. Pauperism here stands as the social equivalent of disease,
which is a form of weakness.

Case 9. Line 3, generation 5, is another case of alms-house
pauperism two removes from the grandfather, whose licentiousness
is the original cause of this condition. This girl's mother, an elder
sister of the above idiot, is tainted so deeply with constitutional
syphilis that she is weak-minded and blind. Six out of eight of
her children died young, and the vitality of the two surviving girls
was impaired. Here, inheritable disease precedes, pauperism
follows, a generation having been skipped, that overleaped genera-
tion itself surely gravitating to the poor-house. Tracing the envi-
ronment we find the example of licentiousness in each generation^

* Idiocy, etc., Edward Seguin, N. Y.. 1866, pp. 40, 41.



THE JUKES.

the grandfather, the mother who keeps a brothel and the daughter
who is sent to the poor-house as " a vagrant," an official eupho-
nism for prostitute. Here the environment runs parallel to the
heredity and is contributive to the perpetuation of the specific disease,
causing the blighted granddaughter to revert to the social condition
of the grandfather, pauperism.

Case 10. Line 13, generation 6, has been given before in case 2,
when considering harlotry ; we now examine it as a question of
pauperism. She is a great granddaughter of the progenitor, an
infant mulatto girl conceived by the roadside, born in a poor-house
and killed by syphilis before her first year. Thus the granddaughter's
licentiousness prepares for her child the identical fate which her
grandfather's debauchery did for his idiotic daughter (case 7), pre-
mature death linked to alms-house life. Going back along the
same line to generation 4, we find other forms of disease linked to
pauperism. The mother, affected with constitutional syphilis, is
married first to a " Juke ' husband who dies at forty in the poor-
house, of consumption. For at least three years before his death
(the records previous to this time are missing) she, at thirty-one,
and her husband, at thirty-eight, received out-door relief. The
second husband also dies of consumption, but in some other town,
so that it has been impossible to get the poor-master's record. Of
this generation three of the Jukes find a home in the alms-house.
Tracing back to the third generation, we find the syphilitic father
at forty-five, in the same place, and again later at fifty-two. The
year and cause of his death have not been ascertained, so this ex-
ample is incomplete, but these preliminary conclusions may be
educed : Disease in the third, fourth and sixth generations, and
youth in the fourth, both of them forms of weakness, produce a
social equivalent, pauperism.

Case ii. Line 18 is an illegitimate girl twelve years old, her
mother being a prostitute with a constitution broken by syphilis.
Eleven years ago she died at about 39, and the child was sent to
the poor-house. From thence she was adopted by a lady of wealth
and is looked upon by some of her relations as having a brilliant
future. Here again we find disease bringing with it premature

2* C



34 THE JUKES.

death to the mother, pauperism to the child. It is a case of weak-
ness, its form youth.

So far only instances of hereditary pauperism produced by dis-
ease have been set forth, we now examine cases of induced pauper-
ism proceeding from different causes.

Case 12. Taking chart I. (i), b. m. A., generation 3, and passing
to the first child of the next generation, we find a man whose wife
died of syphilis when he was fifty-three. At that age he had be-
come an habitual drunkard, and although a good workman, became
idle. He obtained out-door relief during her sickness, and for twenty
years since has been a charge upon the town, but he has never
been in the poor-house. On the mother's death the fourth child
aged fourteen, the fifth aged twelve, the sixth aged eight, the sev-
enth aged seven, the eighth aged four, and the ninth child aged two
years were sent to the poor-house, and there remained four years.
Two years after her death, the third child goes to the poor-house
at seventeen, and is immediately bound out to a farmer, while the
two eldest, being respectively twenty-four and twenty-nine, are not
sent. Here again we find youth, which is weakness, consigns the
child to the influence of the poor-house, while the elder escape it
by reason of their strength. Here disease produces induced pau-
perism of the father and in the offspring. It is an instance of the ten-
dency of the youngest child to be the pauper of the family, which
will be discussed further on.

Case 13. The second child (1. f., A. B.), a girl, seems to be an


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