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R. L. (Richard Louis) Dugdale.

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exception to the rule laid down, for we find her, seven years before
her mother's death, and at the age of eighteen, one month in the
poor-house, to bring her first born, an illegitimate boy, into the
world. Here the maternal functions produces temporary weakness,
which is the essential of pauperism.

Case 14. This is similar in some aspects to case u. In chart
II., generation 3, (4) 1. f. A., we find a legitimate daughter who
marries a mulatto X. For some reason which has not been learned,
the father ceases to maintain his family. The mother, near her
confinement, with no relations to volunteer the expense of her sick-
ness, becomes an inmate of the poor-house, with the three young-



THE JUKES. 35

est children, at which place the fourth child is born. Comparing
the children of the fourth generation, we find the older ones escape
the influence of the poor-house at this time, no doubt because their
strength enables them to support themselves. Here again we find
weakness makes the pauper, the children because of youth, the mo-
ther because of inability to earn bread for a large family.

Cases 12 and 14 illustrate that the tendency of the youngest child
is to become the pauper of the family and furnish data which help
to explain why it is so. The child who is born in the poor-house,
especially if a girl, stands a very fair chance of remaining there till
10 or 14 years of age, before anybody thinks it worth while to adopt
her. She has then formed an affection for the place, its people,
and its habits, and when the vicissitudes of life bring want, she fails
in effort, the traditions of youth having prepared her to rely on help,
she reverts easily to the poor-house even in the prime of life. The
older children, not having any such experience, are less likely to
think of it as an alternative.

We now take up a different class of cases which show that the
tendency of the youngest is to be the pauper of the family, adding
another form of proof to establish that proposition.

Case 15. Chart I., children of the eldest born of generation 3
compared to each other. The first born in generation 4 begins
his claim for outside relief at 53, his next brother at 36, and the
youngest born boy at 46, indicating a power of resistance greater in
the first born than in the last. The only child of this genera-
tion who enters the poor-house is a girl, and she is the youngest
child, who gets committed for debauchery.

That the youngest boy resists better than the third is owing,
probably, to his having married a wife who was healthy and whose
industrious habits checked the tendency to induced pauperism, while
the wife of the eldest brother being fat and syphilitic, becomes a
burden upon him by reason of disease, conditions contributive to
discouragement of domestic affections and to the 'exertion for the
maintenance of home which those motives arouse.

Case 16. Passing to chart III., and comparing the eight children
of Bell, the first four of whom are illegitimate, we find the fourth
and the eighth child are inclined to pauperism. This seems to



36 THE JUKES.

contradict the rule that the youngest is the pauper of the family ;
but we must take into consideration that the fifth child is the son
of a legitimate marriage, and may probably be the first child of his
father, so that the continuity of the line is broken and gives us two
sets of examples in the children of the same mother. The eldest
children of each set are self-supporting and independent, the
illegitimates being the most so.

Now, comparing the age at which the out-door relief begins, we
find the fourth child applies at 66, three years before his death,
when he receives a town burial, while the youngest applies at 55,
and receives outside relief for 23 years, when his career closes with
a town burial. The fourth son acquired a farm of 60 acres, was
industrious but rough, and intemperate in his older days. His
farm was lost, and he died prematurely. The eighth son never
acquired property, was temperate, but blind for many years with
cataract and died of old age.

In both these cases we find forms of weakness, intemperance
and blindness, both physiological conditions predisposing to pau-
perism, but there is no alms-house relief.

Case 17. Passing to the children of the fourth child of Bell
(gen. 4, lines 4 to 14) we find the oldest son (line 4) independent,
industrious and prosperous. The second (line 5) receives out-door
relief from 65 to his death, the sixth (line 13) getting it at 38, and
the seventh, a girl, at 30, entering the poor-house at 40 with her
two children.

Here the same tendency is to be found as in other cases
indicated.

Case 1 8. Now we turn to chart IV., analyzing the progeny of
Effie, a line distinctively pauperized. In the third generation we
have traced only two persons, a son and daughter. The son, in
his 8yth year, entered the poor-house and died there in 1859, aged
90. The daughter married into X, who, at the age of 40, became
an inmate of the poor-house for a short time. The next account
we have of him is that at 80 he was again in the poor-house, where
he died the following year \ the record of out-door relief which he
received being among the years which could not be obtained.

Taking the next generation of this daughter, and comparing



THE JUKES. 37

her male children, we find the first boy, aged 64, gets out-door
relief at 30, the second at 22, the third at 24, the fifth at 24. If we
take the age of entering the poor-house, we get first child, 56
second, 47 ; third, 23 ; fourth, 42 ; the discrepancies are owing
partly to the records being imperfect and to the better character of
the wives.

Line i, generation 5, chart IV., presents an exception to the
general rule, the man in this case being the eldest of the family.
The consideration of this is postponed till we enter on the relation
of pauperism to crime, for this seeming exception brings into relief
other relations which can be best appreciated when we have
discussed and examined further.

Case 19. In chart IV., taking lines 8 to 13 inclusive, we find
in generation 5 six children in the poor-house ; going back to the
next generation, father in poor-house ; going back to generation 3,
again we find the poor-house. Such is the heredity.

The environment of the fifth generation at the time they entered
the poor-house was that the father was serving a term in the county
jail for breach of peace ; the support of the family was gone,
with the result noted. The environment beyond this is not known.

The administration of the poor laws in this county must be
taken into consideration in weighing the environment. For at
least three generations the giving of out-door relief has been used
by the poor-masters as a means of winning and retaining the votes
of that portion of the population who would avail themselves of it,
thus adding a powerful incentive to increase induced pauperism,
political aspirants thrusting public charity upon many who would
otherwise have been ashamed to ask for it.

Tentative Inductions on Pauperism. In summing up this branch
of the inquiry the following preliminary inductions may be stated
as the laws of pauperism which are applicable to the case in hand,
and may upon a broader basis of facts prove to be general laws
applicable to pauperism in general :

1. Pauperism is an indication of weakness of some kind, either
youth, disease, old age, injury ; or, for women, childbirth.

2. It is divisible into hereditary and induced pauperism.



38 THE JUKES.

3. Hereditary pauperism rests chiefly upon disease in some
form, tends to terminate in extinction, and may be called the
sociological aspect of physical degeneration.

4. The debility and diseases which enter most largely in its pro-
duction are the result of sexual licentiousness.

5. Pauperism in adult age, especially in the meridian of life,
indicates a hereditary tendency which may or may not be modified
by the environment.

6. Pauperism follows men more frequently than women, indi-
cating a decided tendency to hereditary pauperism.

7. The different degrees of adult pauperism from out-door relief
to alms-house charity, indicate, in the main, different gradations of
waning vitality. In this light the whole question is opened up,
whether indolence, which the dogmatic aphorism says " is the root
of all evil," is not, after all, a mark of undervitalization and an
effect which acts only as a secondary cause.

8. Induced pauperism results from bad administration of the
law, or temporary weakness or disability in the recipient.

9. The pauperism of childhood is an accident of life rather than
a hereditary characteristic.

10. The youngest child has a tendency to become the pauper of
the family.

11. Youngest children are more likely than the older ones to
become the inmates of the poor-house through the misconduct or
misfortune of parents.

12. Such younger children, who remain inmates of the alms-house
long enough to form associations that live in the memory and habits
that continue in the conduct, have a greater tendency to sponta-
neously revert to that condition whenever any emergency of life
overtakes them, and domesticate there more readily than older
children whose greater strength has kept them out during youth.

13. The children old enough to provide for themselves are forced
by necessity to rely upon themselves, and in consequence are less
liable to become paupers in old age.

14. Induced pauperism may lead to the establishment of the
hereditary form.



THE JUKES. 39

In consideration of the last three propositions, which relate to
environment, and show how great an influence it has on determin-
ing the career, is added a further proposition, which is dogmatically
put forth, though not fully sustained by the facts enumerated in the
present study.

15. Pauperism, which depends on social and educational disa-
bilities and not upon deep-seated constitutional disease, can and
must be prevented by sound and felicitous measures of administra-
tion that will conform to modes of dealing with it spontaneously
adopted by society and are therefore as generally acceptable as
they will prove efficacious.

Intemperance. Certain considerations have made me hesitate to
accept the current opinions as to the part which ardent spirits play
in the carnival of crime. The temperance agitation has for many
years taken a partisan character and become an " element of poli-
tics," with this inevitable result, that the discussion of the subject
has been shifted from the domain of dispassionate observation into
that of sentimental agitation, the conclusions arrived at being of the
nature of hasty deductions from cherished opinions, and equally
hasty or equally erroneous inductions from irrelevant facts.

It is remembered that the value of the present inquiry rests on
the method of viewing the course of generations chronologically and
of recording the facts of each life in the order of their occurrence.
In conformity with this some of the prominent points that need special
observation in the study of intemperance seem to be, when was
drinking first begun ; when was habitual intemperance fixed ; what
were the sexual habits at various periods, especially in youth ;
whether any deep-seated disease has preceded or followed the
intemperate habits, what kind, and whether causing it or not;
whether excessive study or labor has exhausted the vitality ; whether
there is a hereditary predisposition ; whether the trade or occupation
is detrimental to health ; whether the locality of the habitation pro-
duces disease, and what kind ; what is the temperament of the man?
All these questions must be answered by ascertained facts before
we can give an intelligent answer to the question, " Is intemperance
the cause of crime and pauperism ? " or only a secondary cause that



40



JUKES.



must be reached by well-ordered sanitary, hygienic and educational
measures. The following table gives a statement of facts, taking
care not to draw rash conclusions, most of those who are marked
healthy are not licentious. Of the three who were licentious before
intemperance, the following particulars :

TABLE VIII.
Comparing temperance and intemperance.













<u
















%'- <"


g










W






0.6






Healthy.


Diseased


Licentiol


Chaste.


Licentiol
viows t<
temj.cr


Diseased
vious t


ra
O

H


Temperate


18












.








2O
















y








43



Case 20. Take chart III., generation 3, line 4, and we have (4)
b. m. B. He was industrious in early life, accumulated property,
was of a tough, coarse-grained temperament, and in his youth licen-
tious. He is not known ever to have been a criminal, but he did
become a drunkard in middle life, lost his property, and died of
premature old age, at 69 receiving a town burial.

In this case we find licentiousness in youth, drunkenness when
the meridian of life is passed, premature death.

Case 21. Chart I., line 41, generation 5, we have a man, m. X,
who was licentious in his youth, who had contracted syphilis, and
who, on the decline of life, was a sot, and hastened his death by his
excesses in drink. The same general course as the last case, licen-
tiousness, intemperance, premature death.

Case 22. Chart I., line 27, generation 5, a woman (5), 1. f. A. B.
X, who began prostitution at an early age ; at 25 was a drunkard.
She then joined the church ; shortly after, she married and left off
her licentious habits. She is now reported as being less given to
drunkenness then she was ten years ago.

The law faintly shadowed forth by this scanty evidence is that



THE JUKES. 41

licentiousness has preceded the use of ardent spirits and probably
caused a physical exhaustion that made stimulants grateful. Addi-
tional evidence as to the view here put forth will be found on page
93, where hereditary and other phenomena are tabulated. This fuller
investigation tends to show that certain diseases and mental dis-
orders precede the appetite for stimulants, and that the true cause of
their use is the antecedent hereditary or induced physical exhaustion ;
the remedy, healthy, well-balanced constitutions. If this view should
prove correct, one of the great points in the training of paupers and
criminal children will be to pay special attention to sexual training,
and to prevent and cure constitutional diseases which may have come
to them as a heritage. It also shows that the intemperance question
is one for the physician and educator to deal with rather than the
legislator.

Crime. In the table here appended, as only official records of
crimes are entered, two principal causes for the smallness of the
number of offenses need explaining. As respects crimes, the records
of only one county were examined, and these reached back only to
1830 ; the earlier records, your committee was told, are down in the
cellar of the county clerk's office, under the coal. To get a full rec-
ord of the crimes of the " Juke " family the criminal records of three
other counties need to be examined. As respects misdemeanors,
these are to be found in the books of justices of the peace and the
books of the sheriffs, both of which are either destroyed or laid
away in private hands, packed in barrels or stowed in garrets, and
are inaccessible. In addition we must note that in the latter part of
the last century and the beginning of this, many acts which now
subject a man to imprisonment then went unpunished, even cases of
murder, arson and highway robbery, so that the absence of a man's
name from the criminal calendar is no criterion of his honesty.

In the first place, the illegitimates who have become parent
stocks are the oldest children of their respective mothers, Ada, Bell
and Delia ; but as the bastards of the latter had no children, this
leaves only those of her other sisters to be considered. In the study
of crime we take the males as the leading sex, skipping the women
just as in studying harlotry we skipped the men, but at the same



42 THE JUKES.

time it will be well to notice how harlotry prevails among those
families where the boys are criminals.

Case 23. Take chart I., generation 3, line i, we get an intermar-
riage of cousins, and the appearance of crime seems to be postponed
for a generation. The word " seems ' is used because no crime re-
ceiving punishment was committed ; but there is no doubt that the
two eldest sons of the next generation were both petty thieves, one
of them an expert sheep stealer. Coming down to the next genera-
tion (5th) we find the criminal children to be where there is a cross
between the "Juke " and the X blood. We also find that the oldest
male child of the fourth generation is the father of proportionately
more criminals than the second male child, while the third male
child, who is also the youngest and has intermarried into the " Juke '
blood, is the father of honest children. The figures run thus : ist
son, 7 boys, 5 criminals ; 2d son, 6 boys, 2 criminals ; 3d son, 4
boys, no criminals.

Moreover, comparing the children of the fifth generation by
families, we find that it is the older brothers who are the criminals
and not the younger ones ; while, if we trace down line I to the 6th
generation, we find the heredity of crime seems to run in the line of
the oldest child, and that the males preponderate in those lines.

Case 24. Taking the illegitimate progeny of Bell, chart III., what
do we find : that the preponderance is of males, and that the three
eldest children are honest, industrious and self-supporting.

The probable reason for the honesty of the first born children
will be discussed further on. But when we come to the fourth child
we find, what ? That he has married outside the "Juke" blood ; that
he is not a criminal himself, but that amongst his children are found
criminals. The oldest of his boys, as in the previous generation,
was industrious. He married, emigrated to Pennsylvania at least
30 years ago, and now owns a farm and is doing well.

The second child was a farmer and industrious, lived to 70 years
of age, and neither committed crime nor went to the county-house,
but received out-door relief at 65 for 3 years. The third child did
tolerably well and had no criminal children, they being all girls.



THE JUKES.

TABLE IX.

CRIMES AGAINST PROPERTY.



43





NUMBER OF OFFENSES.


2d Gen.


3d Gen.


4th Gen.


5th Gen.


6th Gen.


Total.


1


M.


F.


M.


F.


M.


F.


M.


F.


M.


F.


M.


F.


Misdemeanor 1 J,- uke ' '








i
i





7
i
i
3


6

i


14
8
6

2


14

I




i




2


24
9
7
5


22
3







( X ...
Petit larceny j Juke..


|X . . .
Grand larceny .. j J uke










i

2

2


i


2
11









3


(A. ....

p, ira1 _ T (Juke..






























T f Tuke..











Forgery \J








1

















i







-, . ( T uke . .










False pretenses \ <r

( A. . .

T, 11 f Tuke. .






i




























I














Robbery < V




























Total.. (Juke..
























66
25






i

2




IO

8


6

2


32
12


14

I

15


i


2


44

22


22
3


( X ....






3





18


8


44


i


2


66


25


9


Number of offenders. { ^*; '
Total






2





i

2




8

6


4

2


12

8


9

i


i


2


22

16
38


5

3


37
9

56


2




3





H


6


20


IO


i


2


18





CRIME

Assault and battery { i^ 6 ' '


,S A

*


GAI


NST


TP


IE '.
3


PER


SOK

3
3


r.






6

4

2


i




, -n ( Tuke. .














Assault, intent to kill. . . . < i-






















\* j f Juke. .










i




i








2
4

5







Murder < y

( Tuke
Rape, and attempt at rape. < y


i










2




i
5








Total offenses ( i> uke ' '























S

8


i




i

i


. .


_


5
3


i


9
4


*


i





16
8


I X. ....
Grand total, offenses






8


i


'3





i





*3


i


>4


Number of offenders. | y uke> '

( -:V

Total number of offenders. . . .










i


, .





, .


4
4


i


6
4





i





ii
9


i


12

9


i










8


i


IO




i





20


i


21



The fourth was a criminal and died of syphilitic consumption ; the
fifth was the father of a criminal ; also the sixth, who had received



44 THE JUKES.

outside relief at 38 years of age ; while the seventh, and last,
was a harlot and an alms-house pauper, who died of syphilitic

disease.

Here we see crime immediately follows the cross of bloods, and
that the criminal is born before the pauper of the family, as we also
see that the honest is born before the criminal. It now remains to
follow several lines, tracing the heredity of individual cases, and
laying the environment alongside.

Case 25. Chart I., line i, generation 6, gives a boy 17 years of
age, who has served six months in Albany penitentiary for petit
larceny ; his father (gen. 5th) has been twice in county jail for
assault and battery, and is now serving a five-year sentence in State
prison for a rape on his niece in her twelfth year. Going further
back we find the father was a petty thief, though never convicted.
This ends the information as to the heredity. Now as to the environ-
ment.

The adults of generation 4 lived in a settlement mainly composed
of their own relatives, situated in the woods around a chain of lakes.
The great proportion of these people having recourse to petty theft
to help out their uncertain incomes, going on excursions of several
miles during the night, and robbing hen-roosts, stripping clothes-
lines, breaking into smoke-houses and stealing hams, corn, firewood
and wood with which to make axe-handles, baskets or chair-bottoms
This general condition continued during the boyhood of generation

5, only, the general wealth of the community having enormously
increased .their field became broader and their offenses more grave
than those of the previous generation. Going down to generation

6, we find the boy of 17 is suddenly deprived of support by his
father being sent to prison. He is in want ; his mother goes to the
poor-house with the younger children, while he takes up the life of
a vagrant, picking up his living as he best can. Want, bad com-
pany, neglect form the environment that predisposes to larceny.
He will not go to the county-house with his mother ; he feels it is
more independent to steal and takes the risks. Now self-reliance,
no matter how wrongly it asserts itself, is indicative of power, and
this power should be availed of for better purposes. In these three



THE JUKES. 45

generations is traced an environment which predisposes to crime
and corresponds to the heredity.

Case 26. Now turning to line 4 of the sixth generation, a boy 19
years of age throws another boy over a cliff forty feet high, out of
malicious mischief. This boy is the second illegitimate child of his
mother, but probably not of his father, which latter was the first
illegitimate child of his mother by X. This case then seems to fol-
low the rule that the crime follows the lines of illegitimacy where
the " Juke ' blood marries into X. There is no evidence that the
mother was a criminal, but her father was a petty thief, as shown by
chart I. Such is the heredity.

The environment, a home the scene of violence, debauch and
drunkenness, father and mother both intemperate and idle; the
mother becoming the procuress for her eldest son of a child 12
years of age, whom that illegitimate son seduces and is forced to
marry to prevent criminal prosecution ; the first born of this child
forming the third bastard in a line of heredity. Here we have an
environment corresponding to the heredity.

Case 27. Line 22, generation 5, seems to be an exception to the
rule that the oldest is a criminal, but it is only a seeming exception.
He, with his next brother aged 12, engaged in a burglary, getting
$100 in gold as booty. The boy was caught, but he, the leader in
the crime, escaped. Being a sailor, it is impossible to get any relia-
ble information about his career, but it is evident that at 19 he was
a leader in crime.

Case 28. Of lines 33, 34 and 37 in the fifth generation, brothers
and sisters, we find the oldest son commits a number of offenses,
among them murder, but he escapes punishment as in the case
above. The second child, a girl, has become the contriver of the
crimes which the third child, a boy, has carried into effect, and for


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