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GIFT OF
SEELEY W. MUDD

and

GEORGE 1. CUC H RAN MEYER ELSASSER
DR.JOHNR. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD
JAMKS R. MARTIN MRS.JUSEPH F.SARTURI

to tkt

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
SOUTHERN BRANCH




This book is DUE on the last date stamped below



IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS



VOL. I.



SI'OTTISWOODE AS1) CO., NEW-STREET .-',': AKL
LOXDW



IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS

WITH A SUCCINCT ACCOUNT OF THE
EARLIER HISTORY



BY



EICHARD BAGWELL, M.A.



IN TWO VOLUMES

VOL. I.



LONDON
LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.

1885

80535

A U fights reserved



335

yy

'
PREFACE.



' IRISH POLICY/ said Mr. Disraeli in the House of Commons,

' is Irish history, and I have no faith in any statesman, who

attempts to remedy the evils of Ireland, who is either

ignorant of the past or who will not take lessons from it.'

This is most true, and history, if it is to be of any use, should

be written for instruction, and not merely for the confirma-

5 tion of existing prejudices. This is especially so in the

^present case, for, as Sir George Stanley told Cecil in 1565,

^ ' the practises of Ireland be great, and not understood to all

men that seem to have knowledge thereof.' The writer who

^ enters the arena as an advocate may produce an interesting

, party pamphlet, but he will hardly make the world either

4 wiser or better. The historian's true office is that of the judge,

whose duty it is to marshal all the material facts with just so

much of comment as may enable his hearers to give them

their due weight. The reading public is the jury.

Starting with this conception of the task before me, I
have not attempted to please any party or school. The
history of Ireland is at the best a sad one ; but its study, if
it be really studied for the truth's sake, can hardly fail to
make men more tolerant. In Ireland, as in other countries,
a purely Celtic population was unable to resist the impact
of the Teutonic race. First came the pagan Northmen, with
power to ruin, but without power to reconstruct. Then
followed the Anglo-Normans, seeking for lands and lordships,
but seeking them under the patronage of the Catholic Church.



vi PREFACE.

For a time it seemed as though the conquest would be
complete ; but the colony proved too weak for its work, and
the mail-clad knights failed almost as completely as the
Scandinavian corsairs.

The main cause of this second failure was the neglect
or jealousy of the kings. They feared the growth of an
independent power within sight of the English shore, and
they had neither means nor inclination to do the work of
government themselves. Little gain and less glory were to
be had in Ireland, and Scotch, Welsh, or Continental politics
engrossed their attention in turn. They weakened the colony,
partly of set purpose, and partly by drawing men and supplies
from thence. In short, they were absentees; and, to use
an expression which has gained currency in modern times,
they were generally content to look upon Ireland as a mere
drawfarm.

The Wars of the Roses almost completed the ruin of the
work which Henry II. had begun. For a moment it seemed
d,s if the colony was about to assert its independence. But
this could not have been done without an understanding with
the native race, and it does not appear that any such
understanding was possible. The upshot was that Yorkist
and Lancastrian parties were formed in Ireland, that the
colony was thus still further weakened, and that the English
language and power seemed on the point of disappearing
altogether.

The throne of Henry VIII. was erected on the ruins of
mediaeval feudalism, and guarded by a nation which longed
for rest, and which saw no hope but in a strong monarchy.
The King saw that he had duties in Ireland. Utterly
unscrupulous where his own passions were concerned, the
idea of a patriot King was not altogether strange to him.
Irish chiefs were encouraged to visit his court, and were
allowed to bask in the sunshine of royal favour; and it is
conceivable that the ' Defender of the Faith/ had he con-



PREFACE. vii

tinued to defend it in the original sense, might have ended by
attaching the native Irish to the Crown. By respecting for
a time their tribal laws, by making one chief an earl and
another a knight, by mediating in their quarrels, and by
attending to their physical and spiritual wants, a Catholic
Tudor might possibly have succeeded where Anglican and
Plantagenet had failed. The revolution in religion changed
everything, and out of it grew what many regard as the in-
soluble Irish question.

Henry II. had found Ireland in the hands of a Celtic
people, for the intermixture of Scandinavian blood was slight
and partial. Henry VIII. found it inhabited by a mixed
race. From the beginning there had been rivalry and ill-
feeling between men of English blood born in Ireland, and
those of English birth who were sent over as officials or who
went over as adventurers. During the fifteenth century
England did nothing to preserve the ties of kinship, and the
Celtic reaction tended to swallow up the interlopers. The
degenerate English proverbially became more Irish than the
Irish themselves, but the distinction would scarcely have
been so nearly obliterated had it not been for the change in
religion. The nobles of the Pale, the burghers of the walled
towns, and the lawyers in Dublin were equally disinclined to
accept the new model. Neither Irish chieftains nor Anglo-
Irish lords found much difficulty in acknowledging Henry's
supremacy both in Church and State ; but further than that
they would not go. The people did not go so far, and, in the
words of the annalists, regarded the Reformation simply as a
' heresy and new error.'

Religion itself was at an extremely low ebb, and only the
friars preserved the memory of better days. Henry may
have imagined that he could lead the people through the
bishops and other dignitaries : if so, he was entirely mistaken.
The friars defied his power, and the hearts of the poor were
with them. In Ireland, at least, it was Rome that under-



viii PREFACE.

took the work of popular reformation. The Franciscans and
Jesuits endured qold and hunger, bonds and death, while
courtly prelates neglected their duties or were distinguished
from lay magnates only by the more systematic nature of
their oppressions. And thus, as the hatred of England daily
deepened, the attachment of the Irish to Rome became daily
closer. Every effort of Henry to conciliate them was frus-
trated by their spiritual guides, who urged with perfect truth
that he was an adulterer, a tyrant, and a man of blood.
Holding such cards as these, the friars could hardly lose the
game, and they had little difficulty in proving to willing ears
that the King's ancestors received Ireland from the Pope, and
that his apostasy had placed him in the position of a default-
ing vassal.

Henry's vacillations and the early deaths of Edward and
Mary for a time obscured the true nature of the contest, but
it became apparent in Elizabeth's time. She was an excom-
municated Queen. From a Catholic point of view she was
clearly illegitimate. Many English Catholics ignored all this
and served her well and truly, but those who carried dogmas
to their logical conclusions flocked to the enemy's camp.
Spain, Belgium, and Italy were filled with English refugees,
who were willing enough that the Queen should be hurt in
Ireland, since England was beyond their reach. But even
here national antipathies were visible, and Irish suitors for
Spanish help came constantly into collision with Englishmen
bent upon the same errand,

Desmond, Shane O'Neill, and Hugh O'Neill seem to have
cared very little for religion themselves. The first was a
tool of Rome ; the two latter rather made the Church sub-
servient to their own ambition. But in these cases, and in a
hundred others of less importance, the religious feeling of the
people was always steadily opposed to the English Crown.
Elizabeth was by nature no persecutor, yet she persecuted.
Her advisers always maintained, and her apologists may still



PEEFACE. ix

maintain, that in hanging a Campion or torturing an
O'Hurley she did not meddle with freedom of conscience,
but only punished those who were plotting against her
crown. The Catholics, on the other hand, could plead that
they had done nothing worthy of death or of bonds, nor
against lawful authority, and that they suffered for conscience '
sake. And the Continental nations, who were mainly Catho-
lic, sided on the whole with the refugees. Ireland, it is true,
was only a pawn in their game, and Philip IT. was probably
wrong in not making her much more. At Cork or Galway
the Armada might have met with scarcely any resistance, and
a successful descent would have taxed Elizabeth's resources
to the utmost.

The poverty of the Crown is the key to many problems
of the Elizabethan age. The Queen had to keep Scotland
quiet, to hold Spain at bay, and to maintain tolerable rela-
tions with France. She saw what ought to be done in
Ireland, but very often could not afford to do it. The ten-
dency to temporise was perhaps constitutional, but it was
certainly much increased by want of money. Her vacillating
policy did much harm, but it was caused less by changes of
opinion than by circumstances. When the pressure at other
points slackened she could attend to her troublesome king-
dom ; when it increased she was often forced to postpone her
Irish plans. Ireland has always suffered, and still suffers
sorely, from want of firmness. In modern times party exi-
gencies work mischief analogous to that formerly caused by
the sovereign's necessities.

The dissolution of the monasteries was followed by no
proper provision for education. In the total absence of
universities and grammar-schools, certain monks and nuns
had striven nobly to keep the lamp of knowledge burning,
but they were ruthlessly driven from house and home.
Elizabeth was alive to all this, but she could not give Ireland
her undivided attention, and such remedies as were applied



X PREFACE.

came too late. The oppressed friars kept possession of the
popular ear, and the Jesuits found the crop ready for their
sickle. Denied education at home, many sons of good
families sought it abroad, and the natural leaders of the Irish
acquired habits of thought very different from those of
English gentlemen. Archbishop Fitzgibbon, one of the
most important champions of Catholic Ireland, saw clearly
that his country could not stand alone. He would have
preferred the sovereignty of England, but she had become
aggressively Protestant, and he turned to Spain, to France,
to Rome, anywhere rather than to the land whence his own
ancestors had sprung. The lineage of the United Irishmen
and their numerous progeny may be easily traced back to
Tudor times.

A few words now to the critics whom every writer hopes
to have. The spelling both of Irish names and English
documents has throughout been modernised, from regard to
the feelings of the public. Irish history is already sufficiently
repulsive to that great unknown quantity the general reader,
and it would be cruel to add to its horrors. Etymologists
will always go for their materials to originals, and not to
modern compositions. When, therefore, such names as
Clandeboye or Roderic O'Connor are met with in the text,
it is not to be supposed that I have never heard of Clann-
Aedha-Buidhe or Ruaidhri O'Conchobair.

Of the first 123 pages of this book, I need only say that
original authorities have as much as possible been consulted.
In the third and four following chapters, much use has been
made of Mr. Gilbert's 'Viceroys,' a debt which I desire to
acknowledge once for all. In so succinct a review of more
than three centuries, it has not been thought necessary to
quote the authority for every fact.

For the reign of Henry "VTIL I have chiefly relied on the
second and third volumes of the ' State Papers,' published in
1834. They are sometimes cited as ' S. P.' or ' State Papers,'



PKEFAOE. xi

and when only the date of a letter or report is given it must
be understood that this collection is referred to. The great
calendar of letters and papers begun by Dr. Brewer and
continued by Mr. Gairdner contains some items not included
in the older publication ; it is referred to as Brewer. Other
sources of information have not been neglected, and are
indicated in the footnotes.

The account of the reigns of Edward VI., Mary, and
Elizabeth is chiefly drawn from the ' State Papers, Ireland '
all documents preserved in the Public Record Office and
calendared by Mr. Hans Claude Hamilton. How excellently
the editor has done his work can only be appreciated by one
who has entered into his labours as closely as I have done.
Except where a document has already been printed, I have
nearly always referred to the original MS. All documents
cited by date or number without further description must be
understood as being in this collection. The late Dr. Brewer's
calendar of the Carew MSS. at Lambeth often fills up gaps
in the greater series ; it is referred to as Carew. Many
papers, both in Fetter Lane and at Lambeth, are copies ; but
their authenticity is not disputed. The Carew calendar is on
so full a plan that it has not been thought necessary to
consult the manuscripts; indeed, except for local purposes,
it is not likely that they will be much consulted in the
future. Other collections are referred to in their places, but
it may be well to mention specially the journal of the Irish
(Kilkenny) Archgeological Society, whose editor, the Rev.
James Graves, has done as much as any man to lay a broad
foundation for Irish history.

O'Donovan's splendid edition of the ' Four Masters ' has
generally been consulted for the Irish version of every impor-
tant fact. O'Clery and his fellow-compilers wrote under
Charles I., and are not therefore strictly contemporary for
the Tudor period. They appear to have faithfully transcribed
original annals, but to this one important exception must be



xii PREFACE.

made. The old writers never hesitated to record facts dis-
agreeable to the Church ; the later compilers were under
the influence of the counter-reformation which produced
Jesuitism. Making some allowance for this, the 'Four
Masters ' must be considered fair men. Michael O'Clery
spent much time at Louvain, but he wrote in Ireland, and
had native assistants. Philip O'Sullivan, on the other hand,
was a Spanish officer, and published his useful but untrust-
worthy ' Compendium ' at Lisbon. The ' Annals of Lough Ce '
are preferable in some ways to the ' Four Masters,' but they
do not cover so much ground. All the native annalists are
jejune to an exasperating degree. Genealogy seems to have
been the really important thing with them, and they throw
extremely little light on the condition of the people. We
are forced therefore to rely on the accounts, often prejudiced
and nearly always ill-informed, of English travellers and
officials.

The Anglo-Irish chronicles in ' Holinshed ' were written
by Richard Stanihurst, who dedicated his work to Sir Henry
Sidney, for the reign of Henry VIII., and after that by John
Hooker. Stanihurst, a native of Dublin, was not born till
1545. He has been thought an unpatriotic writer, and
excited the violent antipathy of O'Donovan ; but he appears
to have been pretty well informed. The speeches which he
puts into the mouths of his characters must be considered
apocryphal, but as much may be said of like compositions in
all ages. Hooker was an acior in many of the events he
describes. He was a Protestant and an Englishman, pre-
judiced no doubt, but not untruthful, and his statements are
often borne out by independent documents. Edmund Cam-
pion, the Jesuit, wrote in Ireland under Sidney's protection ;
his very interesting work is less a history than a collection of
notes.

Other books, ancient and modern, are referred to in
the footnotes. Among living scholars, I desire to thank



PREFACE. xiii

Dr. W. K. Sullivan, of Cork, who had the great kindness to
correct the first chapter, and to furnish some valuable notes.
Hearty thanks are also due to the gentlemen at the Public
Record Office, and especially to Mr. W. D. Selby and Mr.
J. M. Thompson.

In making the index a few errors were discovered in the
text, and these have been noted as errata. Some mistakes
may still remain unconnected, but I am not without hope that
they are neither many nor of much importance.



MAKLFIELD, CLONMKL :
August 13, 1885.



CONTENTS

OF

THE FIKST VOLUME.



CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.

PAGK

Early notices of Ireland 1

The Celtic constitution .... 2

The tribal system 5

The Celtic land law 7

Common origin of Celtic and Teutonic institutions . . . .11

The ancient Irish Church ,12

Gradual introduction of Roman ecclesiastical polity ... 14



CHAPTER II.

THE SCANDINAVIAN ELEMENT.

First inroads of the Northmen , . ,17

Turgesius . , . . 17

Danes and Norwegians < . .18

Danish power in Ireland . . 15)

Its limits 4 21

Revival of the Celts .... - 22

Brian Borumha 23

Battle of Clontarf 28

Conversion of the Danes 29

Superiority of their civilisation 30

Brian's monarchy not permanent 31

Danish Christianity in Ireland . 32

Conflict between Canterbury and Armagh 33

Papal supremacy fully established 34



xvi CONTENTS OF

CHAPTER III.

THE REIGN OF HENRY II.

P1O*

Ireland given to England by the Popes 37

First interference of Henry II 39

An Anglo-Norman party in Ireland 40

Strongbow 41

Anglo-Norman invasion . . . . . . . . .42

Henry II. in Ireland 47

Difficulties of the invaders 49

Henry was unable to carry out his own policy 62

An Irish kingdom contemplated 54

Viceroyalty of John 55

No conquest of Ireland under Henry II 56

CHAPTER IV.

FROM JOHN'S VISIT IN 1210 TO THE INVASION BY THE BRUGES

IN 1315.

John Lord of Ireland . 58

King John in Ireland 59

Leinster divided after Strongbow's death ...... 61

The De Burgos in Connaught 61

The colony declines under Henry III 62

Results of Edward I.'s policy 64

The Bruces invade Ireland 65

CHAPTER V.

FROM THE INVASION OF THE BRUCES TO THE YEAR 1346.

Why the Bruces failed 69

Decline of the colony 70

The colonists become Hibernis ipsis Hibemiores 71

Creation of the great earldoms 71

Irish corporate towns 73

Anglo-Norman families 75

Further decline of the colony under Edward III. , . 76

Dissensions among the colonists 77

CHAPTER VI.

FROM THE YEAR 1346 TO THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VII.

Lionel, Duke of Clarence 80

The statute of Kilkenny 81

Its effect in dividing the rival races 83

lUchard II.'s first visit 85



THE FIRST VOLUME. xvii

PAGB

His second visit 86

His complete failure 87

Henry IV. and V. neglect Ireland 87

Foreign wars fatal to Ireland 89

Richard of York made Lord-Lieutenant 90

A Yorkist party in Ireland . . 91

The colony reduced to the utmost . .93



CHAPTER VII.

THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

A close copy 94

Growth of representative institutions 95

The sphere of English law contracted under Edward III. ... 96

The Parliament of Kilkenny not representative of Ireland . . . 97

The peerage 98

The clergy as an estate 99

The Viceroy 100



CHAPTER VIII.

THE REIGN OF HENRY VII.

The Fitzgeralds were Yorkists, the Butlers Lancastrians . . . 102
Lambert Simnel crowned in Ireland . . . . . . . 104

The Irish Yorkists cut to pieces at Stoke 105

Mission of Sir Richard Edgcombe 106

The Irish nobility in England 108

The Butlers and Geraldines 109

Perkin Warbeck 110

Sir Edward Poynings holds a Parliament at Drogheda . . . . Ill

Poynings' Acts 112

Second visit of Perkin Warbeck 113

Weakness of the Government .114

Third visit of Perkin Warbeck 115

Power of the Kildare family 115,117-120

Battle of Knocktoe 120

Henry VII. wished to separate the two races . . . . .122



CHAPTER IX.

FROM THE ACCESSION OP HENRY VIII. TO THE YEAR 1534.

The Kildare family in power 124-128

The Ormonde family much reduced 125

Viceroyalty of Surrey 128-139

The Pale a very small district 129

VOL. I. a



xviii CONTENTS OF

PAOR

Misery of the country . . . . . I :< 1

O'Donnell and O'Neill 132

Desmond and the MacCarthies 133

Policy of Henry VIII ... 134

Unsteadiness of English policy 136

The Irish constantly at war . . . . 140

The Butlers and Geraldines were scarcely more peaceable . . .145

Wolsey's policy 148

A Viceroy captured by the Irish 150

The rivalry between Ormonde and Kildare 149-152

Skeffington Viceroy 152

Overshadowed by Kildare 154

Results of the Kildare power 154-158

Fall of Kildare 161



CHAPTER X.

THE GERALDINE REBELLION SKEFFINGTON's ADMINISTRATION,
1534-1535.

The Geraldine rebellion 163

Loyalty of the Butlers 164

Geraldine siege of Dublin 166

Failure of the rebellion 169

Surrender of Kildare 177

The Desmonds and MacCarthies 180

Desmond intrigues with France 181

The Butlers and the Desmond Geraldines 182

Desmond intrigues with Charles V .184

State of the South of Ireland 189

Modern spirit of the Tudor monarchy shown by promoting new men . 194



CHAPTER XI.

FROM THE YEAR 1536 TO THE YEAR 1540.

Administration of Lord Leonard Grey 195-220

The royal supremacy established by law 196

The Act of Absentees 197

The O'Neills . .' . . 198

Poverty of the Crown 199

Grey in the West of Ireland 200

Want of money 204

Grey and the O'Connors 206

Vague good intentions of Henry VIII. 210

The O'Neills and O'Donnells 212

Grey and the O'Connors 213

Seizure of the five Geraldines 215

Eclipse of the Kildare family 216



THE FIEST VOLUME. xix

CHAPTER XII.

END OF GREY'S ADMINISTRATION.

PAGE

Ormonde proposes to reform his country 221

Grey almost constantly engaged in war 222

His quarrel with the Butlers . . 223

The O'Carrolls 223

The O'Mores 224

Hash expedition of Grey 226

His dispute with the Butlers . . 7 229

The revenue 233

Cromwell's Irish policy 234

The royal' supremacy acquiesced in 236

A Catholic movement nevertheless makes itself felt . . . . 238

Grey routs the O'Neills 240

Fall and fate of Grey 243

CHAPTER XIII.

1540 AND 1541.

Confusion after Grey's recall 247

Sir Anthony St. Leger Lord Deputy 249-261

His policy 250

Case of the O'Tooles 251

The Bong will not allow a military brotherhood 254

Desmond abjures {he Pope 255

Success of St. Leger with the Irish chiefs 256

Henry VIII. made King of Ireland by Act of Parliament . . . 259

CHAPTER XIV.

1541 TO THE CLOSE OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII.

St. Leger Lord Deputy 262-287

O'Donnell abjures the Pope 262

O'Neill abjures the Pope 264

Other chiefs follow suit 266

The Munster nobles do likewise 267

O'Neill made Earl of Tyrone 268

O'Brien made Earl of Thomond 270

MacWilliam Burke made Earl of Clanricarde 271

The MacDonnells in Antrim 271

Financial dishonesty 274

An Irish contingent in Scotland 276

And in France 277

Dissensions between St. Leger and Ormonde 278

An English party in Scotland 279



XX CONTENTS OF

FAOK

The Lord of the Isles in Ireland 280

Abortive attempt to invade Scotland from Ireland 281

Intrigues of Irish officials St. Leger and Ormonde .... 282

Ormonde is murdered in England 285

Permanent causes tending to weaken Irish Governments . . . 286



CHAPTER XV.

THE IRISH CHURCH UNDER HENRY VIII.

Points at issue between King and Pope 288

See of Armagh 289

Dublin 290

Meath 290

Cashel 291

Tuam 292

Remoter sees 292

King and Pope in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught .... 293

Corrupt state of the Church 294

Miserable condition of four sees particularly described . . . 295

General corruption of the clergy 296

Evils of Papal patronage 297

Many of the religious houses out of order 298

Excellent service rendered by others 299

Ecclesiastical legislation in 1536 300

The Crown could procure the passing of Acts, but the people re-
mained unaffected by them 301

Archbishop Browne 302

His quarrel with Bishop Staples ........ 303

Lord Leonard Grey gave general offence 303

Images, relics, and pilgrimages 304

The Munster bishops conformed 305

But this does not prove any real conversion 306

Origin of a double succession 306

Wauchop made Primate by the Pope . 306

First appearance of the Jesuits 307

The friars oppose the royal supremacy 310

The Reformation hateful to the Irish 311

Henry attacks the monasteries 312

Account of the different orders 313

Cistercian abbeys . 314

Hospitallers . 315

Pensions to monks 317

The monks were not really driven out 317

Property of the religious houses . 318



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