Richard Glover.

Memoirs by a celebrated literary and political character, from the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, in 1742, to the establishment of Lord Chatham's second administration, in 1757; containing strictures on some of the most distinguished men of that time online

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Online LibraryRichard GloverMemoirs by a celebrated literary and political character, from the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, in 1742, to the establishment of Lord Chatham's second administration, in 1757; containing strictures on some of the most distinguished men of that time → online text (page 1 of 9)
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\ I

] H L

Memoirs of the Poet Richard Glover, the Supposed Author o

the Junius Letters, with much relating the French and

Indian War, Major Geo. Washington

of Virginia, etc.

95. [GLOVER, RichardJ. Memoirs by a celebrated Literary ;

Political Character, from the Resignation of Sir Robt. Walpole, in 17

to the Establishment of Lord Chatham's 2nd Administration, in 17

London, 1814. $9

Interesting memoirs, the publication which has been occasioned so]
by the diversity of opinion regarding the author of the Letters of Jun:
With interesting sidelights on the French & Indian War, the Townsi
Bros., Geo. Washington, etc.

/ '5^0 /3






London : Printed by C. Roworth,
Bell-yard, Temple-bar.




ilitetarj ant) political Cljaracter,



IN 1742,







Ea », ' « « 3



t c t
c t «




ix ri


1 HE publication of this Memoir has

been occasioned solely by the diversity of

^ opinion which has prevailed respecting the

^ author of the Letters of Junius, and from

the failure of all who have laid claim to

that distinction.

The Memoir is written by a celebrated
^ character, and is only a part of a collec-
§ tion of papers which is now in the posses-

sion of his immediate descendant. He


v. was the intimate associate of Chatham and

S the Grenvilles; at once possessed of lite-
rary reputation and an ample fortune, a
Member of Parliament, and alike ac-
quainted with public measures and minis-
terial intrigue.

a 2 After

4B1506 \

( iv )

After the perusal of these pages the
reader will be surprised, that among the
numerous persons to whom the Letters of
Junius have been attributed, the author
of this Memoir was never named : and it
is remarkable that he should have been
overlooked, while the perspicacity of
Home Tooke and Wilkes, and the pha-
lanx of politicians of his time, was ex-
hausted in unavailing conjectures.

I will not pledge myself that he was
Junius, but this I can safely say, that no
one yet named, supported by facts, has
any claim to stand in competition with
him. This Memoir sufficiently marks his
political relations ; and numerous docu-
ments, long since before the public, might
be adduced to strengthen and confirm
them. One circumstance however I am
authorized to mention, which will serve to
shew in what estimation his political saga-
city was held in his retirement in the de-

( V )

cline of life. During the Shelburne and
Portland administrations in 1783, he Avas
frequently visited privately by the late
Marquis of Buckingham, then Lord Tem-
ple,* and closeted with him alone ; his
visits were always in the evening, and
such was the privacy of these meetings
that his name was not announced, and no
servant was permitted to open the door
when he left the house.

At some future time I hope to give a
sketch of his character. At present I
submit these pages to the public ; valu-
able, at least, for the information they
contain, if not as authority to establish a
conjecture on a subject of peculiar literary

* Eldest son of George Grenville ; bom April 17,
1753. First sate in the House of Commons 1774, suc-
ceeded to the titles of Earl Temple and Viscount Cob-
ham on the death of his uncle, September 8, 1779'
Created Marquis of Buckingham, November 5, 1787-

a 3




L HE original publication of this Memoir
was only with a view to a literary question
already explained. The Editor, there-
fore, in this Edition, has had no motive
to make any considerable additions. His
" Inquiry concerning the author of the
Letters of Junius with reference to this
Memoir/' is now before the public. There
are, however, two points which ought not
to be passed over unnoticed. First, that
Glover is said by those who may be sup-
posed to have known him best, to have as-
sumed in this Memoir an importance

a 4 which

( viii )

which he by no means possessed : And se-
condly, that his intimacy with Lord Tem-
ple's family is over stated. To refute the
first of these statements, it is only necessary
to take a cursory review of Glover's poli-
tical character as it stands upon record, of
which this may serve as a sketch.

In the year 1739 he was the most po-
pular man in the city, and by his influ-
ence, zeal, and eloquence, Sir George
Champion was set aside from succeeding
to the mayoralty. In the year 1745, Ho-
race Walpole, writing to Lord H. Sey-
mour Conway, sneers at Glover's city elo-
quence : — "I can't but think we were at
least as happy and as great when all the
young Pitts and Lytteltons were pelting
oratory at my father for rolling out a twen-
ty years peace, and not envying the tro-
phies which he passed by every day in
Westminster Hall. But one must not re-
pine ; rather reflect on the glories which


( ix )

thej have drove the nation headlong into.
One must think all our distresses and dan-
gers well laid out when they have pur-
chased us Glover's oration for the mer-
chants ; the Admiralty for the Duke of
Bedford ; and the reversion of secretary at
war for Pitt/' In 1744, Sarah the proud
Duchess of Marlborough speaks of Mr.
Glover as a man after her own heart.
" Mr. Glover, I believe, is a very honest
man, who wishes, as I do, all the good that
can happen to preserve the liberties and
laws of England," and therefore a proper
person to write the life of her illustrious
husband. In the year 17o4 Davies, when
speaking of his Boadicea, says of the
author, " But his poetical fame, though
great, Avas inferior to his character as a pa-
triot and a true lover of his country." In
the year I76O, Dodington speaks with
anxious interest, that he may be attached
to his party. '' Glover has not determined


( X )

about political connexions, but, I believe,
he will come to us/' From 176I to I76S
he was in Parliament, always steady to his
principles ; and is said to have made some
eloquent speeches in the House. In 1773
Mr. Woodfall declared to Junius that he
knew only one man who could influence
his vote, and that was Mr. Glover: and
in the year 1775 he was seen at the Bar
of the House of Commons, holding the
same language and opinions, and exerting
himself with the same zeal as had marked
his progress through every stage of his po-
litical life.

With respect to Mr. Glover's intimacy
with Lord Temple's family, it is now so
completely within our means of informa-
tion, that it ought not to be a subject of
doubt or uncertainty. Many letters of
Lord Temple to Mr. Glover are still in ex-
istence, in which the most marked and af-
fectionate regard is expressed, and during


( xi )

Lord Temple's life Stow was often the re-
treat of Glover ; and when his Lordship
was in town, both himself and Lady Tem-
ple were in the habit of dining with him
at his house in James-street, Westminster,
on a footing of intimacy, and the daugh-
ters of George Grenville occasionally dined
with him as the intimate friend of their fa-
ther. These facts can be all proved by
many persons now living, and until they
can be shewn to be untrue, it is idle to sup-
pose that Glover was an inconsiderable
man in their estimation, or that he was
only distantly known to that illustrious

Objections have been taken to this Me-
moir, as to the probability of its being
written by the same person known by the
signature of Junius, from the want of a
conformity of style to that celebrated au-
thor : but when style in writing is to be
considered as evidence for, or against, the



( xii )

resemblance of diflerent authors, it is of
the utmost importance to attend to the cir-
cumstances under which the author wrote,
and the object he had in view. To judge
of Junius fairly, all his writings should be
considered, — his private letters to Woodfall
and to Wilkes, his authenticated letters
under the signatures of Testiculus, Domi-
tian, Vindex, Whig, Cumbriensis, Veteran,
Scotus and Nemesis, as well as those of
Philo-Junius, should be attentively read,
and then it will be perceived that the
" highest style of Junius" was neither the
natural nor the common diction of that
writer. As far as sentiments and opinions
mark a resemblance between Glover and
Junius, the spirit of the Memoir breathes
the same feeling as that of Junius, and is
of the same character, allowing for the dif-
ference of mere narrative composition in
the closet, and the full and unbounded
flood of indignant invective studiously po-

( xiii )

lished, to fix and command public atten-
tion ; but what is most strikingly remark-
able between them is their mental charac-
ter, neither biassed by the prejudices
nor influenced by the predilections of
others. There is throughout the whole of
these works the solitary feeling of a man
wrapped up in the perfect confidence of
himself, wholly trusting to his own resour-
ces, unmindful of opinion, and regardless
of every consideration but the independent
principles of his own mind. Junius pro-
claims his thoughts from an unknown ob-
scurity, and gives them the unbounded
force of invective declamation ; Glover
writes the same thoughts to unburthen his
mind in the closet, and they are concealed
from the public because he has no means
of giving them to the world, to be under-
stood with the same purity of intention as
they were written. Junius and Glover
both praise and blame from themselves



{ ^iv )

with the same political views • and whe-
ther right or wrong, they never echo other
men's opinions, nor give the sentiments of
a party, nor the dogmas of a faction.

To strengthen the probability that Ju*
nius and Glover were the same ; it appears
throughout all the private letters of Ju-
nius to Woodfall, that Junius knew Wood-
fall thoroughly, and it also appears that
Junius was conscious Woodfall knew him,
and suspected that he might guess who he
was in his concealed character, as I have
shewn in my " Inquiry." Woodfall, like
Junius, was sincerely attached to what he
considered Whig principles, and it is no-
torious, both from the respectability of his
own character, and the political import-
ance of his Paper, that he was personally
acquainted with most of the distinguished
characters of his time whose politics coin-
cided with his own. Under these circum-
stances, when he is asking Junius to direct


( XV )

him for whom he should give his vote at
the next general election, it is remarkable
that he should say, " I have no connexions
to warp me, nor am I acquainted hut with
one person who would speak to me on the sub-
ject, and that gentleman is, I believe, a
true friend to the real good of his country,
J mean WIr. Glover, the author of Leonidas."

^i^^ The Notes are all by Glover, except
those marked, Edit.



Oct. 2.

Don CARLOS toia me, that it cost ^742.
him twelve thousand pounds in corrup-
tion, particularly among the Tories, to
carry the Westminister and Chippenham
elections, and other points, which com-
pelled Lord Orford, at that time Sir Ro-
bert Walpole, to quit the House of Com-
mons. The application of the merchants,
which was then depending at the bar of
that House, contributed greatly to his re-
moval ; their weight and interest being so
considerable, that the House postponed
the supplies to dispatch their cause, by
which means thino;s were brought to such
a crisis, that the Court was entirely at the
mercy of the House, both for want of
money and of the standing army, which

B could


( 2 )

1742. could subsist no longer than Lady-day,
and by this time they were advanced con-
siderably into February. When I say the
Court was at the mercy of the House, I
may add, that it was at that juncture in
Mr.Puite the power of our great leader, Mr. Pulte-
ney, to save this nation, by procuring fre-
quent and independent parliaments, by
bringing Lord Orford to justice, and by
other points tending to diminish and re-
strain the encroachments of the Crown,
and to throw a larger share of power into
the hands of the people. But how une-
qual this gentleman proved to so great a
task, the following relation will evince.

The Court being driven to such extre-
mities, partly by the shameful secret me-
thods abovementioned, as I learnt from
Don Carlos, but chiefly, I hope, and really
believe, by the general resentment of
these kingdoms against Lord Orford,
without w hich resentment and spirit with-
out doors, it could never have been in the
power of our infamous leaders to gain
their point, by turning him out and sup-
plying his room themselves. The Court,


{ 3 )

under these difficulties, a few days before 174^2.
the adjournment, desired a conference
with Lord Carteret and Mr. Pultenej,
who understanding that it was intended
Lord Orford should be present, absolutely
rejected the oifer. This was soon made
easy to them, and a conference was held
at Mr. Pulteney's house, where himself,
Carteret, the Lord Chancellor, Newcastle,
and Henr}^ Pelham were present. The
courtiers proposed, in the King's name, to
make Lord Carteret secretary of state,
which he refused, saying, that if he came
into the administration, he would be pos-
sessed of the vis pot entice, the management
of the money, and therefore insisted on
being first Lord of the Treasury ; but
they replied, that the King designed that
office for Mr. Pulteney, upon which Lord
Carteret consented to take the place of
Secretary: but Mr. Pulteney refusing to
come into place at all. Lord Carteret then
returned to his former resolution of being
first commissioner of the Treasury him-
self, and added, that he insisted the rest
of the commission should be of his own

B 2 friends,

( 4 )

1742. friends, from which he would not recede
unless Mr. Pulteney took it himself, in
which case he would content himself with
being Secretary.

Here ended the first conference, which,
though inconclusive, was of this advanta-
geous consequence to the courtiers, that
they had brought Carteret and Pulteney
to act in a most unwarrantable manner,
by presuming to treat without the privity,
much less the approbation of their party.*


* In June 1747, when Don Carlos was complaining to
me of the ill treatment he had received from Mr. Lyttel-
ton, Pitt, the Grenvilles, and others, he added, that to his
certain knowledge, Mr. Lyttelton had sent a letter to Sir
Robert Walpole by the hands of Colonel Selwyn's son,
offering terms; among other particulars, taking upon him-
self to answer for Don Carlos ; that this letter was sent
previous to any accommodation between Walpole and
Pulteney, but was received with the utmost contempt by
Walpole : and it is certain, if Pulteney deserves any share
of credit, that he has constantly accused that part of the
opposition, under which Lyttelton was inlisted, of making
the first overtures to the minister, and consequently com-
pelling him, by their treachery, to precipitate the treaty
mentioned at large in the following pages.

Dr. Ascough told me that he and Colonel Lytteltoft


( 5 )

Soon after, on the — day of February, 1742.
1741-2, the Parliament was adjourned;
the Thursday following a second confer-
ence was held between the same persons
as before, at Lord Carteret's house. The
courtiers then offered from the King, that
since Mr. Pulteney declined being first
commissioner of the Treasury, he was de-
termined to put Lord Wilmington into
that office, and to give the post of secre-
tary to Carteret, who persisted to refuse
it, saying, he would give up the Treasury
to nobody but Pulteney ; but this latter
then used his utmost endeavours, and at
length with difficulty prevailed upon him
to accept the king's offer, and the result
of this second conference was, to promote
Wilmington to the head of the Treasury,
with Sandys, Gybbon, Rushout, and WaU

were present at the meeting of L} tteltou and young Mr.
Sehvyn; that Mr. Lyttelton opened with offering a secure
retreat to Sir Robert Walpole, upon which Dr. Ascough
■went out of the rooni taking the Colonel with him, and
left the other two by themselves. The Colonel (after-
wards Sir Richard Lyttelton) confirmed this account of
Ascough to me more than once.

R 3 ler

( 6 )

1742. ler joint commissioners ; and I believe at
the same time it was resolved to put Win-
chelsea, Granard, Chetwynd, and possi-
bly others, which I do not justly remem-
ber, into the Admiralty. This transaction
was still without the privity or consent of
the party, and being known the next day,
gave great uneasiness among them, and
indeed destroyed all confidence for the

A meeting was held at the Fountain
Tavern* in the Strand, when the whole
party assembled, and several who had not
been consulted, the Duke of Argyle in
particular, fell most severely upon Sandys
and the rest, who accepted these employ-
ments, but which, to their immortal ho-
nour, had been refused by Waller, Gra-
nard, and Chetwynd. The names of those


* This meeting was held on February the 12th, 1743.

This was the Fountain Ckib to which Junius says Lord
Barrington belonged. " This worthy man, before he ob-
tained his price, was as deeply engaged in opposition to
Government as any member of the Fountain Club to
which he belonged. He then thought it no sin to run
down Sir Robert Walpole, though now he has altered his
tone." — Junius, Vol. iii. p. 452. — Edit.


( 7 )

who went in, in this secret manner, are 1742.
Carteret, Sandys, Rushout, Gjbbon, and
Compton, who supplied Waller's place.
The Admiralty was not filled up till some
time after. The Duke of Argyle, after
this speech at the Fountain Tavern, went
home, and I have reason to think, heartily
repented, for the next night, being Satur-
day, he, the Duke of Bedford, the Lords
Carlisle, Chesterfield, Cobham, Gower,
and Bathurst, had a meeting, when it was
agreed, that Argyle, Bedford, and Carlisle,
three the most considerable persons in the
nation, should wait on Pulteney to treat.
They went accordingly the Monday fol-
lowing, and were sent back with this cold
answer : " He could do nothing.'^ This
was transacted without the knowledge of
Don Carlos, who, when they informed him
of it, told them, they had been guilty of
a lachete, in applying to Pulteney, who
must have come to them, had they had
patience to wait a few days. However,
another conference was held on the Tues-
day following, where Mr. Pulteney met
these seven Lords ; and it being proposed

B 4 by

( 8 ) .

1742. by him (I presume) that Don Carlos and
all of them should go to Court, the Duke
of Argyle said, he had no business to go
unless he was called to Court, and that
sure he had as good pretensions, and was
as worthy of notice as Sir J. Rushout;
upon which Pulteney replied, I can un-
derstand this speech in no other sense but
that your Grace wants a j>lace. In fine,
the result of this meeting was, that they
would be satisfied (for the present must be
understood) if the Duke of Argyle was
taken in. After this, the leaders of all
parties determined to attend the Duke to
Court. They went ; the Duke was re-
stored to his regiment and command of
the ordnance ; every thing which followed
was nonsense, folly, knavery, &;c. every
man shifted for himself, and the session
concluded with screening Lord Orford
from justice, deluding the people with the
farce of a secret committee and a ridicu-
lous place-bill, with the further promotion
Hamilton, of liOrd Cobham, Bathurst, Gower, Li-
rick. merick, Furnese, Harry Vane, and the
creating Mr. Pulteney Earl of Bath.


( 9 )

The succeeding winter, 1742 and 3, the ir4s.

• Oct. 29,

opposition was renewed with more real
vigour, and on clearer principles than
ever. Waller was properly the head, who
had refused to be commissioner of the
Treasury with great spirit and disinterest-
edness, though Mr. Pitt being the most dis-
tinguished among the younger sort, and by
his pompous and sarcastical oratory, uni-
versally reputed an excellent speaker,
took the lead in the House of Commons.
But Lord Cobham, with whom I spent
great part of my time that winter in the
most intimate manner, seemed to be as
much the secret life and spirit of the
party, as any one whatever, notwithstand-
ing he continued in place, and in my opi-
nion saw through the absurdity and mad-
ness of Carteret's foreign conduct with
admirable discernment. Lord Chester-
field, undoubtedly a man of more wit and
of more shewy parts than Lord Cobham,
did not penetrate so far into the cloud
then gathering on the continent;, and
Dodington, who made strong attempts,
and not without success, to become a lea-

( 10 )

1743. der, was, to my certain knowledge, obliged
to Lord Cobham for all the lights he could
boast of in the transactions of that ses-
sions.* Waller and Cobham were one,
thoiiph there was a distinctness of con-
ception, at least a happiness of explain-
ing his thoughts, far superior in Lord
Cobham to Mr. Waller. I took the liberty
of differing from them all with respect to
the power of France, and the impossibi-
lity of the Queen of Hungary's main-
taining her ground, when they gave her
up as irresistibly undone. The event at
least justified my opinion. I never thought
France so exorbitantly powerful, nor the
Queen of Hungary so deficient in strength,
as all my friends did.

The Duke of Argyle was a man of con-

* It was some time at the beginning of this year, 'or
latter end of the preceding, that the Lords Cobham and
Gower and Mr. Henry Furnese threw up the employ-
ments which had been given them upon the change of the
ministry. Lord Carteret, afterwards Earl of Granville,
upon the death of his mother, was then in power, sup-
ported by Lord Bath, Sandys, Bathurst, Limerick, Win-
chelsea, and a few commoners ; it was against Lord Car-
teret's measures that the new opposition was formed.


( 11 )

siderable parts and wit, though by no i74s.
means so great as appeared from an happy
and most imposing manner of speaking in
pubUc, where a certain dignity and viva-
city, joined to a most captivating air of
openness and sincerity, generally gave his
arguments a weight, which in themselves
they frequently wanted; and many would
go away charmed with his speeches, and
yet be extremely at a loss afterwards to
discover that strength of reasoning which
they imagined at the hearing to have in-
fluenced them so highly in his favour. To
style him inconsistent, is by much too
gentle an appellation ; for, though from the
time he first had a regiment, being under
twenty years of age, through the whole
course of his great employments, he was
never known to sell a place, or even to
make those advantages which were uni-
versally esteemed allowable and blame-
less; yet he was in his own person a most
shameless prostitute to power, and ex-
tremely avaricious : he indeed would sell
nothing but himself, which he continually
did with every circumstance of levity,

. weakness,

( 12 )

1743. weakness, and even treachery ; the last in-
stance of which centered within my own
knowledge, and is as follows.

As my good fortune had given me great
interest in the city, and had placed me in
a manner at the head of it for several
years past, the merchants of London made
little difficulty of intrusting to my care
and management their application to both
Houses of Parliament, against tlie Wal-
polean coipmissioners of the Admiralty.*
This attempt was crowned with such suc-
cess in the House of Commons, that the
merchants, not without the advice of their
friends in both Houses, thought it expe-
dient to stop there, and give the Lords no
trouble. I was deputed by the merchants
to communicate this design to the Duke
of Bedford, who had presented their ad-
dress, and to Lord Carteret, who had
seconded it. This was just after the Earl
of Bath and Carteret had acted a part no
ways agreeable to the opposition, though

* " I am an old reader of political controversy,-^ I re-
member the great Walpolean battles." — Junius, Vol. m^

1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Online LibraryRichard GloverMemoirs by a celebrated literary and political character, from the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, in 1742, to the establishment of Lord Chatham's second administration, in 1757; containing strictures on some of the most distinguished men of that time → online text (page 1 of 9)