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The sources of the first ten books of Augustine's De civitate dei online

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Oenomaus effracto Lentuli ludo cum
triginta aut amplius eiusdem fortunae
V i r i s . Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 30. 5 s e x a g i n t a
quattuor fugitivi. Cic. Ad Att. 6. 2. 8 , n o n
amplius, inquis, quinquaginta. Cum
Spartaco minus multi primo fuerunt.
Orosius (later than Augustine by a few years) gladiatores
septuaginta et quattuor (Adv. pag. 5. 24. i).
If the MSS. are correct it might seem as if Augustine followed
Velleius Paterculus. It is true that Florus and Cicero as
shown above give a number which is indeed minus quam
septuaginta, but Augustine would not have used
these words if he had had in mind either the number given by
Cicero or that given by Florus.

It is also quite possible that minus quam sep-
tuaginta occurred in Livy's own work, and that the
Epitome is a conscious correction from a later source. Com-



143

pare Livy Epit. i (ad fin.) regnatum est
annis CC'LV, with Livy i. 60. 3, regnatum
annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor:
and Epit. 23 quos (anulos aureos) exces-
sisse modii mensuram traditur with Livy
23. 12. I dimidium super tris modios ex-
plesse sint quidam auctores, Fama
tenuit, quae propior vero est, haut
plus fuisse modio. But against this Livian
authority it should be noted that in DCD^ IV. 5 Augustine
writes tres duces habuerunt (p. 151. 16)
while Livy Epit. 95 gives only two Crixus and Spartacus, un-
less we suppose that here again the epitome contains a
conscious departure from Livy's own statement. The tres
duces habuerunt of DCD IV. 5 tells against assum-
ing Velleius Paterculus as the authority because he mentions
only one leader (Hist. Rom. 2. 30. 5).

The best solution is to suppose that Augustine's authority
for the bellum servile was the Historiae of Sallust,
and that there he found both the tres duces of DCD
IV. 5, and the minus quam septuaginta. See
Maurenbrecher, Historiarum Reliquiae, p. 146 sq., and frag.
3- 90-

138. 10. b e 1 I a c i V i 1 i a .

See Livy Epit. 77 sq., Fl-orus Epit. 2. 9 sq., who gives a
brief account of all the civil wars to the Bellum cum
Antonio et Cleopatra; Eutrop. Brev. 5. 4 sq..
Anno urbis conditae sexcentisimo sex-
agesimo secundo primum Romae bellum
civile commotum est. Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom.
2, 19 sq.

138. 23. bella piratarum.

See Livy Epit. 99, Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 31 sq., Eu-
trop. Brev. 6. 12. sq., Florus Epit. i. 41.

139. 17. caput Octavii consulis pon-
eretur in rostris, Caesares a Fimbria



144

domibus trucidarentur suis, duo Crassi
pater et filius in conspectu mutuo
mactarentur, Baebius et Numitorius
unco tracti sparsis visceribus interi-
rent, Catulus hausto veneno se mani-
bus inimicorum subtraheret, Merula
flamen Dialis praecisis venis lovi
etiam suo sanguine litaret. In ipsius
a u tern Marii oculis continue ferieban-
tur, quibus salutantibus dexteram
n o 1 u i s s e t .

In this passage Augustine must have had before his eyes
Florus Epit. 2. 9. 14 (quoted in Literary Sources of Augustine
DCD I-X, p. 43). It will be seen from a comparison of these
two passages that Augustine either has made a rhetorical in-
ference in the words unco tracti sparsis viscer-
ibus from the words of Florus per medium forum unci
traxere carnificum, and has misunderstood Florus al-
together in the last statement, or, as Kuhlmann has pointed
out (work cited above, p. 19), there are evidences of the use
of another historian — doubtless Livy — in the divergence of
the narrative of Augustine from that of Florus. See Livy
Epit. 80 sq., Veil, Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 24.

The great difficulty in the above passage of Augustine is
connected with the readings of Caesares a Fimbria
or Caesar et Fimbria. The MSS of Augustine read
Caesar et Fimbria, which reading the BE (1864) re-
tains. This is also the reading given in Strange's ed. 1850,
and the one observed by Saisset in his French translation. In
the passage from Florus (Epit. 2. 9. 14) by which editors seek
to correct Augustine the codex Bambergensis, E. III. 22,
reads caesare fimbria; the codex Palatinus and
codex Vossianus caesar et fimbria which is the
reading found in the above passage from Augustine. C a e -
sares a Fimbria is the correction of Graevius upon
Florus, and this correction is adopted in the Bipontine edition
1783, in Jahn's edition (Leip. i852), in Seebode's edition



MS

(Leip. 1821), in K, Halm's edition (Leip. 1872), in Rossbacii's
edition (Leip. 1896). Other readings are caesi a Fim-
bria, caesi a Funebria. A. Schott proposed
Caesares a Cinna or caesares fratres.
Dombart corrects Augustine from Floras, Caesares a
Fimbria Floras 2. 9. 14; caesar et fim-
bria m s s V (crit. note on the place); and Hoffmann fol-
lows Dombart here. Little light is thrown on this subject
from our extant histories, but Caesares a Fimbria
seems to suit better the facts we know. Fimbria's death is
thus described in Livy Epit. 83: Fimbria desertas
ab exercitu, qui ad Sullam transierat,
ipse se percussit, impetravit de servo
suo praebens cervicem ut se occideret,
and Plutarch — not that we may lay too much stress on his ac-
curacy as an historian — Vitae, Sulla 25, 6pSv Se 6 ^Lfxftpia^ t^v
fieTa^oXrjv kol tov SvXAav a>s aSidWaKTOv SeSot/cws avTOS iavrbv iv tw
OTpaTOTTcSo) Si,e(f>6€ip€.

140. 7. post Marii maioris pristinas
ac recentissimas caedes additae fue-
runt aliae graviores a Mario iuvene
atque Carbone earundem partium Mar-
ianarum, qui Sulla imminente non
solum victoriam verum etiam ipsam
desperantes salutem cuncta suis aliis
caedibus impleverunt.

See Livy Epit. 83 sq., Florus Epit. 2. 9. 13 sq., Veil.
Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 26.

140. 13. obsesso etiam senatu de ipsa
curia, tamquam de carcere, produce-
bantur ad gladium.

Florus is clearly the source. See Fpit. 2. 9. 20 : o b -
sessaque curia sic de senatu quasi
de carcere qui iugularentur educti.

140. 15. Mucins Scaevola pontifex
...suo paene sanguine extinxit.



146

See Livy Epit. 86: Q. Mucius Scaevola
pontifex maximus fugiens in vesti-
bule aedis Vestae occisus est; Florus
Epit. 2. 9. 21 Mucius Scaevola pontifex
Vestalis amplexus aras tantum non
eodem igne sepelitur, Veil. Pat. Hist, Rom.
2, 26, Cic. De Orat. 3. 3. 10, Lucan, Pharsalia i. 126. Au-
gustine probably had the account of Florus in mind.

140. 18. Urbem deinde Sulla victor
intravit, qui in villa publica non iam
bello sed ipsa pace saeviente septem
milia deditorum (unde utique inermia)
non pugnando sed iubendo prostra-
v e r a t .

There is the greatest diversity in our authorities as to the
number whom Sulla thus put to death. Compare Livy Epit.
88; octo milia dediticiorum in villa
publica trucidavit ; Florus Epit. 2. 9. 24 :
quattuor milia deditorum inermium
civium in villa publica interfici ius-
s i t ; Val. Max. 9. 2. i: quattuor legiones
contrariae partis fidem suam secutas
in publica villa.... obtruncari iussit;
Plut. Vitae, Sulla, 30 a/xa S' aurds T€ Xcyeiv evqp^^TO koi KareKOTrrov
oi Ttray/jLevoL Tov<i e^aKto-xiAtovs. Oros. Adv. Pag. 5. 21. i, sep-
tem milia tunc Romanorum Romani
interfecerunt and 5. 21. i, Sulla m o x
atque urbem victor intravit, tria
milia hominum qui se per legatos
dediderant contra fas contraque fidem
datam inermes securosque interfecit;
Seneca De Clem. i. 12. 2: qui septem milia
civium Romanorum contrucidari iussit.
Septem milia may have been found in Livy's own
work ; if the MSS. are correct Augustine would seem to have
followed Seneca here who alone gives septem milia;



147

but it is better to suppose that he has got confused in regard
to the number slain by Sulla on his entrance into the city and
the number slain in battle before that. Compare the two
places cited above from Orosius. It is very strange that
Augustine while closely following Florus in this chapter (28)
should disagree with him here. It may be that Augustine has
made a mistake.

140. 24. donee Sullae suggereretur
sinendos esse aliquos vivere ut es-
sent quibus possent imperare qui
V i c e r a n t .

See Florus Epit. 2. 9. 25, admonente Fufidio
vivere aliquos debere ut essent qui-
bus imperarent. This is clearly the source.

140. 27. tabula ilia cum magna gratu-
latione proposita est quae hominum
ex utroque ordine splendido, equestri
scilicet atque senatorio, occiden-
dorum ac proscribendorum duo milia
continebat.

See Livy Epit. 88, Florus Epit. 2. 9. 25 : proposita
est ingens ilia tabula et ex ipso
equestris ordinis flore ac senatu duo
milia electi qui mori iuberentur, Veil.
Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 28, Plut. Vitae, Sulla 31. Val. Max 9. 2.
I. Evidently Florus is here Augustine's authority. See also
in connection with the cruelty of Sulla his epitaph given by

Plutarch Vitae, Sulla 38. (ad fin.) : to 8e iirLypa/xfjid (ftaatv avrov
viroypaxpanjitvov Karakiiruv ov KC^aXaidv eoriv ws ovre rStv <t>i\<j)V Tts
avTOV ev -rroitjjv ovre tcov i^^Opwv Ka/cws VTrepefidXeTO.

141. 3. Quendam enim sine ferro lan-
iantium manus diripuerunt, inmanius
homines hominem vivum quam bestiae
solent discerpere cadaver abiectum.

From Florus Epit. 2. 9. 26: Baebium sine ferro,
ritu ferarum, inter manus lancinatum.
Here the language of Augustine is an echo of that of Florus.



148

141. 6. Alius oculis effossis et par-
ticulatim membris amputatis in tantis
cruciatibus diu vivere vel potius diu
mori coactus est.

From Florus Epit. 2. 9, 26: Marium, oculis
effossis manibus cruribusque effractis,
servatum aliquamdiu ut per singula
membra moreretur. Seneca, De Ira 3 18, M .
Mario.... L. Sulla praefringi crura,
erui oculos, amp atari linguam, manus
iussit et, quasi totiens occideret
quotiens vulnerabat, paulatim et per
singulos artus laceravit.

141. 8. Subhastatae sunt etiam, tam-
quam villae, quaedam nobiles civi-
t a t e s .

From Florus Epit. 2. 9. 27: municipia Italiae
splendidissima sub hasta venierunt,
Spoletium Interamnium Praeneste

F 1 o r e n t i a .

141. 9. una vero,velut unusreus duci
iuberetur, sic tota iussa est truci-
d a r i .

From Florus Epit, 2. 9. 28: Sulmonem... non
expugnat aut obsidet iure belli, sed
quo modo morte damnati duci iubentur,
sic damnatam civitatem iussit Sulla
d e 1 e r i .

141. 24. Olim Gallorum et paulo ante
Gothorum inruptionem.
See notes pp. i. 3 and 84. 21.

141. 32. Gothi vero tarn multis sena-
toribus pepercerunt ut magis mirum
sit quod aliquos peremerunt.



149

Augustine here takes the milder view of the extent of the
slaughter. On the other hand compare Procopius De bello
Vandalico l. 2, 12: rdus tc dv^pwTrovs aTravras e/crcivov ocroi eyet'ovro
iv TTOcrtv, 6jU.oi<os fiev TrpecrySwras o/xoiwi 8k veovs ovre yui/atKwi/ ovre TratSwi/
^€t8o/t€vot: and Socrates, Hist. Eccl. 7. 10, who says that
many senators were tortured and slain : kuI ttoXAovs t^s o-vyKX-qrov
fiovXrj^ Sta^opots Stoats v7ro/3aXovT€s aTrwAccrav.

142. 21, bella Sertorii.

See Livy Epit. 79, 90 sq., Florus Epit. 2. 10, Eutrop.
Brev. 6. i, Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 30.

142. 21. bella.... Catilinae.
See Cic. In Cat., Sail. Cat., Livy Epit. 102 sq., Florus
Epit. 2. 12, Eutrop. Brev. 6. 15.

142. 23. Lepidi et Catuli bellum.
See Florus Epit. 2. 11, Eutrop. Brev. 6. i sq. Livy
Epit. 90.

142. 24. ad Pompei et Caesaris (bellum).
See Florus Epit. 2. 13, Eutrop. Brev. 6. 19 sq., Livy

Epit. 109 sq.

143. 2. Gaium Caesarem....tamquam
regni adpetitorem quorundam nobilium
coniuratio senatorum velut pro rei
publicae libertate in ipsa curia truci-
davit.

See Livy Epit. 116, Florus Epit. 2. 13. 92 sq., Eutrop.
Brev. 6. 25, Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. 2.56, Cic. De Div. 2. 9.
23, Phil. 2. 12. 29. But in this, as in the rest of this chapter,
it is impossible to say which particular writer or writers Au-
gustine has followed for his authority.

143. 8. Antonius, cui vehementer pro
eadem ilia velut patriae libertate
Cicero resistebat.

The source of this is uncertain. It cannot be Florus.
See Cicero's In M. Antonium Philippicae XIV, Veil. Pat.



ISO

Hist. Rom. 2. 64. 2: Haec sunt tempora qui-
bus M. Tullius continuis actionibus
aeternas Antoni memoriae inussit notas,
also Id. 2. 66. Florus and Eutropius do not expressly men-
tion his hostility to Antonius, but speak of his assassination
in the proscriptions to which Antonius was a party. See
Florus Epit. 2. 16. 5, Eutrop. Brev. 7. 2 (ad fin.) Livy
Epit. 120.

144. 21. boves locutos.

See Livy 3. 10. 6 ; 24. 10. jo ; 27. 11. 4 ; 28. 11. 4 ; 35.
21. 4 ; 41. il. 2. Jul. Obseq. 15, 26, 27, 43, 53. Verg.
Georg. I. 478.

144. 21. infantes nondum natos de
uteris matrum quaedam verba clamasse.

See Livy 24. 10. 10 i n f a n t e m in u t e r o
matris in Marrucinis 'io triumphe'
clamasse.

144. 22. volasse serpentes.

Various prodigies in connection with serpents are related
in Livy. Compare 7. 17. 3, Epit. 18, 21. 22. 8, 25. 16. 2, 26.
19. 7 ; but to none of these does Augustine [refer here.
He probably had in mind such a prodigy related in one of the
books now lost. This is all the more likely because he has
evidently taken the other prodigies from Livy's narrative. It
is strange that if the above incident occurred in Livy it is not
repeated by Julius Obsequens in his Prodigiorum liber, as we
can prove from his language he knew and in many cases
followed Livy, though not always.

144. 22. feminas et gallinas et homines
in masculinum sexum fuisse conversas.

See Livy 22, i. 13 ; 24. 10. 10 ; this is not recorded in
Julius Obsequens.

144. 27. pluit terra.

See Livy, 10. 31. 8 ; 35. 21. 3 ; 37- 3- 3 ; 42. 20. 5 ; 45.
j6. 5. Jul. Obseq. i (55), 14 (73).



iSi

144. 27. pluit creta.

See Livy 24. 10. 7. Jul. Obseq. 47 (107),

144. 27. pluit lapidibus.

See Livy i. 31. i ; 21. 62. 6 ; 22. i. 9 ; 22. 36. 7 ; 26.
23- 5 ; 3°- 38. 8. Jul. Obseq. i (55), 18 (77), 44 (104), 5^
(hi), 54 (114).

144. 29. Legimus apud eos Aetnaeis
ignibus ab ipso montis vertice usque
ad littus proximum decurrentibus ita
mare ferbuisse ut rupes exurerentur,
ut pices navium solverentur....Eodem
rursus aestu ignium tanta vi favillae
scripserunt oppletam esse Siciliam,
ut Catinensis urbis tecta obruta et
pressa dirueret; qua calamitate per-
moti misericorditer eiusdem anni
tributum ei relaxavere Romani.

No doubt this was taken from one of the now lost books
of Livy (59 or 60). See Servius on Verg. Georg. i. 472,
Vidimus undantem ruptis fornacibus
Aetnam].... ut dicit Livius, tanta
flamma ante mortem Caesaris ex
Aetna monte defluxit, ut non tantum
vicinae urbes sed etiamRegina civitas
adflaretur. Julius Obsequens refers to the same
(Prodig. lib. 32) Aetnae incendio Catina
consumpta. Orosius writes of this (Adv. pag. 5. 13. 3) :
code, m tempore Aetna mons ultra soli-
tum exarsit et torrentibus igneis
superfusis lateque circumfluentibus
Catinam urbem finesque eius oppres-
sit ita ut tecta aedium calidis cineri-
bus praeusta et praegravata con-
ruerent : cuius levandae cladis

causa senatus decern annorum vecti-
galia Catinensibus remisit. Thus Augus-



152

tine and Orosius differ somewhat, the former saying that the
Romans remitted eiusdem anni tributum,
the latter decem annorum vectigalia, and
it is impossible to decide which is the more correct.

145. 3. Lucustarum etiam in Africa
multitudinem prodigii similem fuisse,
cum iam esset populi Romani pro-
vincia, litteris mandaverunt; con-
sumptis enim fructibus foliisque lig-
norum ingenti atque inaestimabili
nube in mare dicunt esse deiectam;
qua mortuaredditaque littoribus atque
hinc acre corrupto tantam ortam
pestilentiam ut in solo regno Masi-
nissae octingenta hominum milia

perisse referantur et multo amplius
in terris littoribus proximis. Tunc
Uticae ex triginta milibus iuniorum
quae ibi erantdecem miliaremansisse
confirmant.

See Livy Epit. 60, Jul. Obseq. 30 who has preserved
Livy's account, apparuit lucustarum ingenti
agmine in Africa, quae a vento in
mare deiectae fluctibusque eiectae
odore intolerabili Cyrenis morti-
feroque vapore gravem pestilentiam
fecerunt pecori; hominumque DCCC
milia consumpta tabe proditum est.

Compare Orosius Adv. pag. 5. 11. sq. who again differs
from Augustine, and gives a fuller account. The former says
that in Numidia where there were octingenta milia
hominum, plus quam ducenta milia
perisse traditum est, apud ipsam
vero Uticam civitatem triginta milia
militum . . . . extincta atque abrasa
sunt.... apud Uticam sub una die per
unam portam ex illis iunioribus plus
quam mille quingentos mortuos elatos
fuisse narretur.



153



BOOK IV,

146. 16. Note how Augustine says he derived his infor-
mation for the facts related in the three preceding books :
partim ex recenti memoria and p a r t i m
ex litteris eorum.

147. 23. quae uno locoApuleius brev-
iter stringit in eo libello quem de
mundo scripsit, terrena omnia dicens
mutationes. . . .

These words and on to p. 148. 8 are taken as a solid
piece from chapter 34 (in Hildebrand's edition) of De Mundo,
sed magna lectionum diversitate, as
Hildebrand says.

150. 27. Eleganter enim et veraciter
Alexandre illi Magno quidam compre-
hensus pirata respondit. Nam cum
idem rex hominem interrogasset quid
ei videretur ut mare infestaret, ille
libera contumacia: Quod tibi, inquit,
ut orbem terrarum; sed quia id ego
exiguo navigio facio, latro vocor;
quia tu magna classe, imperator.

See Cic. De Re pub. 3. 14. 24 (preserved by Nonius, pp.
125, 318, 534). Nam cum quaereretur ex eo
quo scelere impulsus mare haberet
infestum uno myoparone, 'eodem,'
inquit, 'quo tu orbem terrae'. This is
not recorded in Curtius Rufus. Cicero is evidently Augustine's
source for this story. See Literary Sources of DCD I-X p. 20.

151. 15. quando paucissimi gladiatores
in Campania de ludo fugientes mag-



»54 •

num exercitum compararunt, tres duces
habuerunt.

See note p. 138. 9,

153' 4- Qualibet autem fide rerum
vel iste vel Trogus scripserit (nam
quaedam illos fuisse mentitos aliae
fideliores litterae ostendunt) constat
tamen et inter alios scriptores reg-
num Assyriorum a Nino rege fuisse
longe lateque porrectum.

It is not possible to say to what sources Augustine here
refers. Compare Chron. of Euseb. (Jerome, B E vol. 8, col.
44). Ninus fuit rex Assyriorum, maxi-
morum insigniumque facinorum auctor.
Id. col. 49, col. 259.

153. 9- Nam sicut scribunt qui chron i-
cam historiam persecuti sunt, mille
ducentos et quadraginta annos ab anno
primo, quo Ninus regnare coepit,per-
mansit hoc regnum donee transferre-
tur ad Medos.

Compare Chron. of Euseb. (Jerome BE vol. 8, col. 50)
Tempus imperii Assyriorum secundum
accuratos scriptores anni mille du-
centi quadraginta; secundum vero
alios mille trecenti. The same number is
given in col. 347. On the other hand lustinus Epit. i. 2.
13 Imperium Assyrii. . . . mille tre-
centis annis tenuere. Hence Augustine
here agrees with the Chronicle of Eusebius and not
with lustinus. Compare DCD, XII. 11. in quibus
regnum Assyriorum in eadem epistula
Alexandri quinque milia excedit an-
norum; in Graeca vero historia mille
ferme et trecentos habet ab ipsius
Bali principatu



155

157- 5* Hunc Varro credit etiam ab
his coli qui unum Deum sine simula-
cro colunt, sed alio nomine nuncu-
pari.

For the fragments of Varro in the fourth book of DCD
see Francken pp. 8-31, Schwarz especially pp. 438-449,
Agahd, index p 367.

157. 17. Though Augustine does not mention Varro by
name in Chapters 10 and 11, there can be little doubt from
the nature of the subject and the similarity with other authen-
ticated remains of Varro that these passages are to be attrib-
uted to him also.

159. 20. Cui etiam Phoenices donum
dabant de prostitutione filiarum, ante-
quam eas iungerent viris.

Though Francken, Schwarz and Agahd do not mention
this passage I have no doubt that it is to be referred also to
Varro, whom Augustine follows in the preceding and succeed-
ing pages. Probably Varro added this information in his
sixteenth book of R D entitled "De Diis selectis. " This is
treated more fully under Varro in The Sources of Augustine,
p. 40.

165. 32. Quietum vero appellantes,
quae faceret quietum, cum aedem ha-
beret extra portam Collinam.

Compare Livy 4. 41. 8, via Labicana ad fa-
num Quietis. From this we learn that there was an
a e d e s dedicated to Q u 1 e s located extra por-
tam Collinam, while there was a f a n u m to the
same deity on the via Labicana.

167. II. Hoc (i.e. bonos esse deos) Plato
d i c i t .

Compare Plato Rep. 2, 379 B, ovkovv aya66<; o ye ^€09 tw ovTi

T€ Koi XexTCOv ovTcos; Ti fxrjv. Ibid. 379 C ovS' apa 7]\' K cyw, 6 ^eoSj

l-jTuZri ayados, TravTODV av eirj atrtos ovk apa airoStKriov oirre



IS6

Ofxtjpov ovT aWov TToiT/Tou TavTrjv Tr]v oLfiapTiav irepl toiis 6covi civojJtws

afiaprdvovT o'i Ibid. 380. 38 iB aAXa /u.t/v 6 ^cos ye koi to.

Tov Beov TrdvTr] apia-ra e^^L. Id. Theaet. 176. C. 6eo^ ovSafxy ovSa/xw^
aSt/cos • . . . .

But the above is rather an inference on the part of Augus-
tine from his knowledge of Platonism and Neo-Platonism than
a reference to any specific statement of Plato, as no such
definite statement is found in Plato.

168. 13. quam Fortunam vocant, ut
simulacrum eius, quod a matronis dedi-
catum est et appellata est Fortuna
muliebris, etiam locutum esse memor-
iae commendaverint atque dixisse non
semel sed iterum.

See Livy 2. 40. Lact. Div. Inst. 2. 7. 11, I 1 1 u d
etiam mirabile, quod simulacrum For-
tunae muliefiris non semel locutum
esse traditur; ibid. 2. 16. 11, quod Fortuna
muliebris periculum denuntiavit; Val.
Max. I. 8. 4, Id. 5. 2. I. No doubt this deity was treated
of in Varro's work.

169. 5. Virtutem quoque deam fecer-
u n t .

See Livy 27. 25. 7 sq. Id. 29. 11. 13, a e d e m V i r -
tutis eo anno ad portam Capenam M.
Marcellus dedicavit. Lact. Div. Inst. i. 20. 12,
I. 20. 19, Inst. Ep. 15. 6, Cic. N. D. 2. 23. 61, 3, 36. 88,
De Legg. 2. 8. 19, 2. 11. 28, De Re pub. i. 14. 21, Val. Max.
I. I. 8.

169. g. et Fides dea credita est et
accepit etiam ipsa temp'lum et altare.

See Livy 1.21. 4, et soli Fidei sollemne
i n s t i t u i t ; Cic. N. D. 2. 23. 61, 3. 18. 47, De Legg. 2.
8. 19, 2. II. 28.

169. 14. Quando quidem virtutem in
quattuor species distribuendam esse



157

viderunt, prudentiam, iustitiam, for-
titudinem temperantiam.

Augustine's literary source for the four cardinal virtues
was Cicero's Hortensius, as we learn from the De Trinitate 14.
9.12, De omnibus tamen quattuor (vir-
tutibus),...Tullius in Hortensio dia-
logo disputans. That this was not the only place in
the works of Cicero where the four- fold division of virtue
was found we know from Jerome (Comm. in Zach. works, BE,
vol, 6, col. 1498) : quattuor scilicet virtutes
prudentia iustitia fortitudo temper-
antia, .de quibus plenissime in Offi-
ciorum libris Tullius disputat,scrib-
ens proprium quoque de quattuor vir-
tutibus librum. A similar list is found in Apuleius
(De dogmate Platonis, 2. i; Hildebrand's edition, vol. 2, p.
213) where p u d i c i t i a m stands for the temperan-
tiam of Augustine and Cicero. See the Literary Sources
of DCD I-X, p. 20.

i6g. 25. Mucio, cum dexteram porrexit
in f 1 a m m a s .

This comes from Livy 2. 12. 12 cum rex simul
ira infensus periculoque conterritus
circumdari ignis minitabundus iuberet,
nisi expromeret propere quas insidia-
rum sibi minas per ambages iaceret,
'en tibi,' inquit, 'ut sentias, quam
vile corpus sit iis qui magnam gloriam
vident' dextramque accenso ad sacri-
ficium foculo inicit. See Florus Epit. i. 4. 5.

169. 27. Curio, cum se pro patria in
abruptam terra m praecipitem dedit.

The source is Livy, in whose history there are two ac-
counts of the origin of the lacus Curtius, i. 13 and
7. 6. It is "to the event which took place on the latter occas-
ion (7. 6. 3) that Augustine here refers, turn M . C u r -



158

tium, iuvenem bello egregium casti-
gasse ferunt dubitantes an ullum
magis Romanum bonuni quam arma
virtusque esset? Silentio facto tem-
pla deorum immortaliuni, quae foro
imminent, Capitoliumque intuentem
et manus nunc in caelum nunc in
patentes terrae hiatus ad deos manes
porrigentem se devovisse, equoque
deinde quam poterat maxime exornato
insidentem armatum se in specum
i m m i s i s s e .

In the examples (Mucius, Curtius, Decii pater e t
filius) of fortitude which Augustine gives at
the close of this chapter he has not followed Florus, for Florus
does not record the case of Curtius, nor has he followed
Eutropius or Cicero as they do not give the information here
required. Augustine's authority must therefore be Livy.

169. 28. Decio patri et Decio filio
cum pro exercitu se voverunt.

Livy is the source — P. Decius Mus pater at Vesuvius in
the war against the Latins in the yeaf 340 B. C. See Livy 8. 9 sq.


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