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Samuel Gardner Drake.

The aboriginal races of North America; comprising biographical sketches of eminent individuals, and an historical account of the different tribes, from the first discovery of the continent to the present period ... and a copious analytical index online

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Online LibrarySamuel Gardner DrakeThe aboriginal races of North America; comprising biographical sketches of eminent individuals, and an historical account of the different tribes, from the first discovery of the continent to the present period ... and a copious analytical index → online text (page 52 of 131)
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particulars respecting this affair.



-290 SYMO.V i:sv-Ai'i: or CAPTIVES. [BOOK in.

"The good Lord pardon us." Thus some considered they hud need of par-
don lor not deal'm:': \\ith more rigor to\\;inls tlic Indians !

One of the nio.-t important actions in which Synmn was engaged remains
to be n lated. 3Ir. Anthony Brack* II. who Ihed at Back COM. njion a large
estate now owned in part by Mr. Deering of Portland, had been visited by
SI/HKHI. occasionally, who, like Tvloxon, in the ease of Clarke ut .Mel IJi\er, in
Pliinontli, had made himself well an|iiainted with the situation of his house
and family. On the Uth of August, HT/ii, xnne Indians had killed one o\' Jlrack-
(tfs cows. Brackdt immediately complained to Syni o n of the outrage, \\lio
promised to bring to him the perpetrators. Meanwhile a complaint was de-
spatched to Major Jl'aldron at Dover, which might have been the cause of the
course Symon immediately alter pursued; lor, if, when he had promi>-d to
aid in adjusting the affair, he learned that, at the same time, a force had been
secretly applied lor, it is a sufficient reason, in this ruffled state of thii:i>.
that he should show himself an enemy, as he did, on the morning of the
Slth, two days alter the injury was done. Friday was the 11 August, and it
was early in the morning that Symon appeared at the head of a party, at the
house of Captain Anthony Brackdt. " 'Ihese are the Indians," said he, "that
killed the cow." No sooner was this said, than the house was entered, and
the guns seized upon belonging to the lamily. Brackttt then asked wiiat w r as the
meaning of their carriage, and Symon replied, "So it must be," and demanded
of him whether he would go with them, as a captive, or be killed ; to which
he answered, that if the case were so, he preferred to serve as a cap-
tive ; Symon then said they must be bound, and, accordingly, Mr. Brackdt,
his wile, (who was a daughter of Michael Mitton,) and a negro, were bound.
Mrs. Brackets brother Nathaniel, only son of M. Mitton, was of the
family, and made some resistance when they were about to bind him, and
was killed upon the spot. The rest, Brackdt, his wife and five children were
carried away prisoners. They continued in captivity until the November
following, when some of them found means to effect an escape ; which w~as
singularly fortunate, and worth relating. In their wanderings, those who
held them captive, came to the north side of Casco Bay. Here news reached
the Indians that Arowsike Island had been captured by their brethren, and
they at once determined to share in the booty ; so, in their hurry, their eager-
ness for the spoil of Arowsike outweighed their fears of losing their prison-
ers. Therefore they promised Captain Brackdt and the rest, that if they would
come after them, they should have a share in the good things which had
been taken; and accordingly set off and left them. Mrs. Brackdt, taking ad-
vantage of their good feeling, just before they left, asked them for some
meat, which was readily granted ; she found an old birchen canoe, which had
been probably abandoned by the Indians, by reason of its being nearly brok-
en up, but in which it w r as resolved to attempt an escape : and with the help of
a needle which Mrs. Brackdt also found in an old house at that place, she
was enabled so to mend the canoe, that it wafted herself and child, her hus-
band and the negro man to the opposite shore of the bay, a distance of eight
or nine miles, in safety. They hardly could have expected but what, on
landing near Black Point, they would have been in the very presence of In-
dians, yet it so happened that although they had but just destroyed the settle-
ments there, they had all left the place. And a vessel, which happened very
fortunately in that neighborhood, took them in safety to Portsmouth.

The wife of Captain Anthony Brackdt should not be overlooked in enume-
rating the heroines of our country. Her name was Ann. She di d alter this
war, but the time is not ascertained. Her husband married again, a daughter
of Abraham Drake, Senior, of Hampton, whose name was Susannah ,f by whom
he had several children. When Colonel Church had the memorable fight
with the Indians at Casco, 21 September, 1689, Captain Brackdt was killed.
After this his w r ife and children went to her father's at Hampton, but finally
returned to their possessions.

We are now to commence upon the recital of one of the most horrid mas-
sacres any wiiere recorded the sacking of Dover by the famous chiefs Kan-

v Hist. N. England, i. 158. f Hubbard's Nar. and Willis's Portland, 143155.



CHAP. VIII.] KANKAMAGUS. INDIAN LETTERS. 297

kamagus and Massandowet, and the barbarous murder of Major Waldron and
many of his people.

KANKAMAGUS, commonly in the histories called Hogkins. Hawkins, or
Hakins, was a Pennakook sachem, and an artful, persevering, faithful man, as
long as he could depend upon the English for protection. .But when Governor
Cranfteldj of New Hampshire, used his endeavors to bring down the Mohawks
to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1684, who were constantly stirred up by the
French to commit depredations upon the English, Kankamagus, knowing the
Mohawks made no distinction where they came, fled to the eastward, and
joined the Amlroscoggins. He had a fort upon that river, where his family
and that of another sachem, called Wor&mbos, or IVorombo, lived. But before
he fled his country, he addressed several letters to the governor, which dis-
cover his fi.ielity as well as his fears ; and from which there is no doubt but
he would always gladly have lived in his own country, and on the most inti-
mate and friendly terms with the English, to whom he had become attached,
and had adopted much of their manner, and could read and write, but foi
the reasons just stated. The following letters fully explain the situation of
his mind and his feelings, at the time he expected the Mohawks would ravage
his country :

v

" Mail 15//i, 1G85. Honor governor my friend. You my friend I desire your
worship and your power, because I hope you can do som great matters this one. 1
am poor and naked, and have no men at my place because I afraid allways Mohogs
he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you
no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake River called Panukkog and JVa-
tukkog, I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want ponder and
such alininishon, shatt and guns, because I have forth at my horn, and I plant
theare."

This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble servant.

SIMON DETOGKOM,* JOHN HOGKINS,

JOSEPH X TRASK, PETEr J^ ROBIN,

KING HARRY, MR. JORGE X RODDNNONUKGUS,

SAM c^ LINIS, MR. HOPE X HOTH,J

WAPEGUANAT n% SAGUACHUWASHAT, JOHN TONEH,

OLD X ROBIN , JOHN X> CANOWA,

MAMANOSGUES $ ANDRA. JOHN X OWAMOSIMMIN,

NATONILL {\ INDIAN.

The same day, as appears by the date of it, Hogkins wrote the followir g
letter, which bears the same signature as the above :

" Honor Mr. Governor, Noiv this day I com your house, Ivant se you, and 1
bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your worship when please,
then receive my hand then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because
I remember at old time when live my grant father and grant mother then English-
men com this country, then my grant fattier and Englishmen they make a good
government, they friend allwayes, my grant father living at place called Malamake-
rever, other name chef Natukko and Panukkog, that one rever great many names
and I bring you this few skins at thisjirst time I will giue myjriend.

" This all Indian hand."

The two following are from the same.

" Please your worship, / will intreat you matther you my friend now [ J

this if my Indian he do you long pray you no put your law, because som my Indians
fool, som men much love drunk then he no know what he do, may be he do mischief
when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis

* The same called Betokom in Gookin, probably. See ante, Book ii. Chap. vii.
t Perhaps Hopehood.



KANKAMAGUS. INDIAN TllKATY. [Bo,.K JIT.

ahmd ii'hnt he haue done, you, you my friend if you desire my business, l'<< n
vent me I will liclp yuu if I can. JOHN HOGKINS."

".1/r. .Mason, Pray I want speak you a few lAtrds if your worship when pltuxr
because I com parfas 1 will speake this governor but lie go away so he say at lust
ni^ht, anil so far 1 understand this governor his' ptmrr I/ml your power non\ so he
speak his own mouth. Pray if you take what 1 -want pray com to me because J
want go horn at this day. Your humble servant,

-.May 16, 1685. JOHN HOGKTNS, Indian sagmor"

About the time these letters were written, persons wore sent among the
Indians to ascertain whether, as was reported, they were assuming a warlike
attitude. Those to whom the inquiry was intrusted, on their return report-
ed, "that four Indians came from fort Albany to the fort at Penacook, and in-
formed them [the Indians there] that all the Mohawks did declare they would
kill all Indians irom Uncas at Mount Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscot.

" The reason of Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his place was, be-
cause the same news was brought there, as himself declared, upon reading
my orders at Penacook. JVatombamat is gone to cany the Indians down to
the same place, where they were before departed from us on Sunday morn-
ing, and desired Captain Hooke to meet him at Saco five days after. Both
sagamores of Penacook, viz. Wonalanset and Mesandowit, the latter of which
is come down, did then declare they had no intention of war, neither indeed
are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men, besides squaws and
papooses. The reason, they said, why they did not come among the English
as formerly, was, their fear, that if the Mohawks came and fought them, and
they should fly lor succor to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill
all the English for harboring them."

Notwithstanding this state of affairs, commissioners met the Indians on
the 8 September, 1685, and a peace was concluded "between the subjects of
his Majesty King James II, inhabiting N. Hampshire and Maine, and the In-
dians inhabiting the said provinces." The articles were subscribed on the
part of the Indians by



The mark & of MESANDOWIT. The mark ^ of JOHN NOMONY,
" X of WAHOWAH, alias UPSAWAH.

alias HOPEHOOD " of Umbes-wwah,

" vl/ of Tecamorisick, alias ROBIN.

alias JOSIAS.

The following signers agree to comply with the terms of the treaty " fv5
then* neighbors have done."

The mark ^ of NETAMBOMET. KANCAMAGUS, alias

" of WAHOWAH, alias JOHN HAWKINS, sagamore.

HOPEHOOD. signed this instrument, 19th 7ber,

** C of NED HIGGON 1685, his n mark.

" 3 ofNEwcoME BAGESSON, afo'as JOSEPH TRASKE,

his f* mark. And agreed to all
within written.

Whether Hogkins were among the Penakooks seized by Major Waldron
about ten years before, is not certain, or, if he were, it is not probable any
resentment remained in his breast against him on that account, as the Pen-
nakooks were all permitted to return home ; but it is certain that he was the
director and leader in the dreadful calamity which fell upon Waldron not
long afterward, and which is as much chargeable upon the maltreatment
they received from the English, at least, as upon any agency of the French.
It may be true that many belonging to the eastward, who were seized with
the Pennakooks, and sold or left in foreign countries, had found their way
back among their friends again, and were glad of the first opportunity of
revenging themselves upon the author of their unjust expatriation.

Major Waldran 1'ved at Dover, then called by its Indian name, Quochecho.



CHAP. VIII.] KANKAMAGUS. DESTRUCTION OF DOVER.

ill New Hampshire, in a strong garrison-house, at which pla>e were also
four others. Kankamagus had artfully contrived a stratagem to effect the
surprise of the place, and had others beside the Pennakooks from different
places ready in great numbers, to prosecute the undertaking. The plan was
this. Two squaws were sent to each garrison-house to get liberty to stay for
the night, and when all should be asleep, they were to open the gates to the
warriors. Masandowd, who was next to Kankamagus, \vent to Major Wat-
drorfs, and informed him that the Indians would come the next day and trade
with him. While at supper with the major, Masandowet said to him, with an air
of familiarity, "Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians
should come ?" To which he vauntingly replied, " that he could assemble
an hundred men by lifting up his finger." In this security the gates were
opened at midnight, and the work of death raged in all its fury. One garri-
son only escaped, who would not admit the squaws. They rushed imo
Waldrorts house in great numbers, and while some guarded the door, others
commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. Waldron was now 80 years
of age, yet, seizing his sword, defended himself with great resolution, and at
first drove the Indians before him from room to room, until one getting be-
hind nun, knocked him down with his hatchet. They now seized upon, and
dragged him into the great room, and placed him in an armed chair upon a
table. While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they
obliged the family to provide them a supper, which when they had eaten, they
took off his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful man-
ner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, " / cross out my account , "
others cut off joints of his fingers, and said to him, " Now will your fist weigh
a pound ? "

After cutting off his nose and ears, and forcing them into his mouth, he
became faint from loss of blood ; and some holding his own sword on end
upon the floor, let him fall upon it, and thus ended his misery.

The Indians had been greatly abused and wronged in their trading with
the whites, and it is a tradition to this day all over that part of the country,
that Major Waldron took great advantage of them in trade, and did not cross
out their accounts when they had paid him; and that, in buying beaver, his
fist was accounted to weigh a pound. Although he may have taken no nw)re
advantage of the Indians than the majority of Indian traders, yet, at this dis-
tant day, extenuation will not be looked for in impartial accounts of the
transactions of our ancestors with the Indians.

To enumerate the villanies practised upon this devoted people, would be
to expose to everlasting odium the majority of frontier traders from the
earliest to the present time; but true history, no w-a -days, is but little read,
and little indeed where the facts militate against the pride of ancestry. A
history of wrongs and sufferings preserved only to be read by those who
have committed them, must be an unwelcome record! It was, and to this
day is, in many places, a uniform practice among speculators or land-jobbers,
to get the Indians drunk, and then make their bargains with them! In the
time of Philip's war, an Androscoggin Indian said "that he had given an
hundred pound for water drawn outfof Mr. P. [Purchas] his well."* But to
return t ) our narrative.

Several were killed at each of the garrison-houses that fell into their hands.
They kept the place until the next morning, when, after collecting all the
plunder they could carry, took up their march, with 29 captives, into the wil-
derness towards Canada ; where the chief of them were bought by the French,
and in time got home to their country again. Twenty-three were killed be-
fore they left the place. This affair took place on the night of the 27th of
June, 1G89. Several friendly Indians informed the English at Chelmsford
of the certainty of an attack upon Dover, and they caused a letter to be de-

Hubbard, ii. ll. TJiomas Purchase's house at Pegypscot was among the first that fell a
prey to the eastern Indians in Philip's war. In the beginning of September, about 20 of them
went there, and at first offered to trade, but Mr. Purchase and his son being from home, they
took what they liked without even asking the price of it, killed a few sheep and calves, ami

ITl'Jliir ' * '

departed, Ibid, 14, 15.



300 HOPEIIOOD. ATTACK ON NEWICHEWANNOK, [BOOK 111.

spatched in season to have notified the people, but on account of some delay
At Nrwhury ferrv, the lienelit of that information was lost.

Four \ears alter. Colonel Church took H'orombo's fort, in which were Knn-
katnagita's vrtfe and children. 'J'his 1'ort was upon the Androscoggin, about
2") or HO miles from its mouth. Li another place, we have Driven a history
ol' ( 'Imri-fi's expedition to this fort. The prisoners taken here informed Church
that there had been lately a great council held there by the Indians, in which
' mat iv \\ere for peace and many against it;" but they finally agreed to go
with 800 warriors to Wells with a flag of truce, and to offer the English
peace, which if not accepted, they would then fall upon them. " If they
<( >u!d not take Wells, then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which,
sa\s Cliurch, when we were well informed of, we leii two old squaws that
were not able to march, gaue them victuals enough for one week of their own
corn, boiled, and a little of our pruisions, and buried their dead, and left them
clothes enough to keep them warme, and left the wigwams for them to lye
in : gaue them orders to tell their friends how kind we were to them, biding
them doe the like to ours. Also if they were for peace to come to goodman
Small's, att Barwick, within 14 days, who would attend to discourse thorn ;
then we came away with our own five captiues, [English that they had de-
livered,] and nine of theirs."*

In the same letter we are informed that among these prisoners were
Kankamagus's wife and four children. His brother-in-law was taken, but he
"ran away from them." Among the slain was Kankamagus's own sister. A
girl was brought away whose father and mother had been slain before her
eyes. Two of the children of Jrorombo were also among the prisoners, all of
whom were carried to Plimouth. This expedition upon the Androscoggm
was on Sunday, 14 September, 1090.

A few days after this, Church landed at Casco, where the Indians fell upon
him by surprise, and were not beaten off' for some time, and then only by
nard fighting. This. was on the 21 September. Church had seven men killed
and 24 wounded, two of whom died in a day or two after. The Indians who
made this attack were probably led by Kankamagus and Woronibo.

HOPEHOOD was a chief nearly as celebrated, and as much detested in his
time, as the chiefs of whom we have just spoken. He was chief of the tribe
of the Kennebecks generally known as the Nerigwoks. He was the son of
Robinhood, a sachem of whom we have spoken in a former chapter. Accord-
ing to some writers Hopehood was also known by the name Wohawa.\ The
career of his warlike exploits was long and bloody. Our first notice of him
is in Philip's war, at the attack of a house at Newichewanuok, since Berwick,
in Maine. Fifteen persons, all women and children, w r ere in the house, and
Hopehood, with one only beside himself, Andrew of Saco, whom we have be-
fore mentioned as an accomplice with Symon, thought to surprise them, and
but for the timely discovery of their approach by a young woman within,
would have effected their purpose. She fastened and held the door, while
all the others escaped unobserved. Hopehood and his companion hewed
down the door, and knocked the girl on the head, and, otherwise wounding
her, left her for dead. They took two children, which a fcnce had kept from
escaping. One they killed, the other they carried off alive. The young
woman recovered, and was entirely well afterwards.

One of the most important actions in which Hopehood was engaged was
that against Salmon Falls in New Hampshire, which is minutely detailed by
Charlevoix, from whose history we translate as follows. Three expeditions had
been set on foot by Governor Frontenac, the troops for which had been raised
at three places, Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebeck. Those raised at
Three Rivers were ordered against New England ; and such was the insig-
nificance of that place, that but 52 men could be raised, including 5 Algon-
quins and 20 Sokokis : these Indians had lately returned from an eastern
expedition. They had at their head one of the officers of the colony, to

* Manuscript letter written at the time by Church, and sent to Governor Hinckley of
Plimouth.

f Harris, in his Voyages, ii. 302, who says he was a Huron ; but as he cites no authorities,
we know not how he came bv his information.



CHAP. VIII.] HOPEHOOD. DESTRUCTION OF SALMON FALLS. 301

whom could be intrusted the execution of an enterprise of such a nature,
with the greatest confidence ; such is the testimony which Count Frontenac
gave in a letter which he wrote at the time to M. de Seignelay. That officer
was the Sieur Hertel. In the small company which he commanded, he had
three of his sons and two of his nephews ; viz. The Sieur Crevier, Lord
of S. Fmnrois, and the Sieur Gatineau.

He left Three Rivers the 28 January 1690, proceeding directly south into
the country, leaving Lake Champlain to his left, then turning to the east, and
after a long and rugged march he arrived on the 27 * March, near Salmon
Falls,f which he had reconnoitred by his spies. He then divided his men
into three companies ; the first, composed of 15 men, was ordered to attack
a large fortified house. The second, consisting of 11 men, was ordered to
seize upon a ibrt, defended by four bastions. The third, which Hertel com-
manded in person, marched to attack a still greater fort, which was defended
by cannon. All was executed with a conduct and bravery which astonished
the English, who made at first stout resistance ; but they could not with-
stand the fire of the assailants: the bravest were cut to pieces, \ and the
rest, to the number of 54, were made prisoners of war. It cost the victors
but one Frenchman, who had his thigh broken, and who died the next day :
27 houses were reduced to ashes, and 2000 domestic animals perished in
the barns, which had been set on fire.

Salmon Falls was but six leagues from a great town called Pascataqua.|j
from whence men enough might be sent to swallow up Hertel, and cut off
his retreat. In fact, upon the evening of the same day two savages gave
notice that 200 H English were advancing to attack them. Hertel expected
it, and had taken his measures to frustrate those of his enemy. He drew
up his men in order of battle upon the edge of a river,** over which there
was a very narrow bridge, one extremity of which he had secured, and it
was impossible for the English to come upon him at any other point. They,
however, attempted it, despising the small numbers of the French, whom
they engaged with great confidence. Hertel suffered them to advance with-
out firing a gun, and all at once fell upon them, sword in hand ; 8 were
killed and 10 wounded in the first shock, and the rest fled with precipita-
tion, ff He lost in this encounter the brave Crevier, his nephew, and one of
the Sokokis. La Fresniere, his elder son, was shot in the knee ; the scar of
which wound he bore for 50 years. \\

As Hertel was returning to Canada, he fell in with another party of his
countrymen, which proved to be that raised at Quebec, before mentioned,
under M. de Portneuf, \\ || and with him agreed upon an expedition against

* Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132. following- Mather, Magnalia, vii. 68, dates this affair 18
March : there is in reality no error, allowing 1 for the difference of style, (except one day j) the
English not yet having adopted the Gregorian method, which the French had. See BOOK II.
CAP. II.

t Pres d'une bourgade Angloise. appellee &emenie!s.

t About 30 were killed, according- to Belknap, Hist. N. H. i. 132.

Chadevoix has been misconstrued by some authors, and made to say 2000 head of cattle
were burned. See Williamson, Hist. Maine, i. 619, who probably did not refer to the text of
Charlevoix, or perhaps used an exceptionable translation. " Deux mille pieces de betail peri-
rent dans les etables, ou Uon avoit mis lefeu." Nouvelle France, ii. 51.

|| Sementels n'etoit qu'a six lieues d'une assez grosse bourgade de la Nouvelle Angleterre,
nominee Pescadout. Nouvelle France, ii. 51.

IT " About 140 men." Belknap, ii. 132.

** Wooster's River, in Berwick. Ibid.

ft The English advanced with great intrepidity, and a warm engagement ensued, which
lasted till night, when they retired with the loss of four or five killed. Ibid.



Online LibrarySamuel Gardner DrakeThe aboriginal races of North America; comprising biographical sketches of eminent individuals, and an historical account of the different tribes, from the first discovery of the continent to the present period ... and a copious analytical index → online text (page 52 of 131)