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to the great importance and authority held by Ine^s Queen
throughout his reign. Nothing is more likely than that
her marnage won for Ine the support of her brother
-3^]thelheard and of her branch of the royal house. Then,
in an age when ^thelings and Under-Kings were for-
gotten, the abiding tradition that Ine^s power was in some
degree founded upon his marriage would take the form of
marrying him to some royal heiress beyond the bounds of
Wessex. And, except at the particular moment which I
hinted, it would most likely have sought for his wife, not

* Gesta Eegum. i. 35. " Magis pro insitivse virtntis industria, quam
successivae sobolis prosapia." This must be the meaning of this strange
and affected language.

KING INE, • 21

only beyond the bounds of Wessex but beyond the bounds
of Britain. I think that this story is no bad example of
the way in which small fragments of historical truth still
remain embedded in strange guises even in the wildest of

The isolated facts which form our annals of the reign of
Ine all fall in with the belief that his accession was the
triumph of one branch of the stock of Cerdic over another.
No saying was ever wider of the mark than that of
William of Malmesbury, when he ventures to speak of
the reign of Ine as a time of perfect domestic peace,
undisturbed by rivals or enemies.* It is quite certain
that Ine had, at several points of his reign, to strive
against foes of his own household. Two ^thelings,
of what degree of kindred to the reigning King we are
not told, died either in battle or by the hand of the
headsman. And it is to be noticed that these disturbances
belong wholly to the latter years of Ine^s reign, and that
the narrative reads as if the two events were connected,
as if the enterprises, whatever they were, of the two
disaffected uEthelings were parts of one movement against
Ine^s government. The only one of the rebels who comes
out at all personally before us is described as a youth, one
therefore who must have grown up during Ine^s long
reign. This looks as if those who deemed themselves
wronged by Ine^s election had handed on their grie-
vances to their children, and as if, as in later times, the
young Pretender was found more dangerous than the
elder. Our first mention of these matters comes in 721,
thirty-three years after Ine^s accession, four years after

* William of Malmesbury, Gesta Eegum i. 35. " Adeo annis duobus
de quadraginta potestate functus, sine ullo insidiarum metu securus
incanuit, sanctissimus publici amoris lenocinator. ' '


the death of his brother Inorild. In that year we read
that Ine slew the ^thelmg Cynewulf.* Of this ^theling,
his descent, and the cause of his death, we know nothing
more. But a revolt may be taken for granted, especially
as what we read under the next year sounds like another
act of the same drama. Now comes the entry which of
all the events of Ine's reign concerns us most nearly in
this place. In the Chronicles we read under the year
722, the year following the death of Cynewulf, that Queen
-3^thelburh threw down Taunton which Ine before had
built, that Ealdbriht the exile sought shelter in Surrey and
in Sussex, and that Ine fought with the South-Saxons. f
The force of the passage as regards the history of Taunton
I shall speak of presently. We are nov/ concerned with it
as a page in the history of the domestic quarrels of Ine's
reign. From the entry of the Chronicles we suspect that
the destruction of Taunton and the flight of Ealdbriht
had something to do with one another, but we get no clear
consecutive narrative. Florence simply translates the
Chronicles, leaving out under this year all mention of
Ealdbriht. J It is from Henry of Huntingdon, the pre-
server of so many ancient legends and fragments of
ballads, that we get our connected account. Ine had, at
some earlier time, built the fortress of Taunton. The
fortress was now seized by the young Ealdbriht, an enemy
of the King. But Queen -^thelburh marched against the

* Under 721 in three of the Chronicles we read "and thy ilcan geare
Ine ofsloh Cynewulf." Two others add the title "thone Eetheling."

+ Chronicles, 722. " Her ^thelburh cwen towearp Tantun, the Ine
ser timbrede, and Ealdbriht wrseccea gewat on Suthi'ige and on Suthsexe,
and Ine gefeaht with Suthsexan."

t Florence, 722. " ^thelburh regina castrum Tantun dictum penitus
destruxit, quod prius rex Ine construxit, qui eodem anno cum Austra-
tibus Saxonibus pugnavit. "


place, besieged and took it, and drove Ealdbriht to seek
shelter in Surrey and Sussex.* Surrey was part of the
West-Saxon dominions, and the fact of Ealdbriht seeking
shelter there suggests that he was an Under-King, or the
son of an Under-King, in that district, just as his seizing
the border fortress of Taunton suggests that his insurrec-
tion was made in league with the Welsh. A prince of
Surrey might not feel much scruple about giving back
such distant conquests to the Britons as the price of their
help. Anyhow the story of Ealdbriht at Taunton is very
like the story of ^thelwald at Wimborne in 901, only
the town of Wimborne escaped better than the town of
Taunton. As iEthelwald escaped to the Northumbrian
Danes,t so now Ealdbriht escaped to the South-Saxons,
unwilling dependents no doubt of*Wessex, much as the
Northumbrians were afterwards. War of course followed,
and we read that in 725 Ine slew the ^Ethelinp; Ealdbriht
whom he had before driven out4 But whether Ealdbriht

* Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 724 DE. He tells the story backwards from
the death of Ealdbriht ; •' Ine xxxvi. annoregni ejus exercitum suum
in Sudsexe promovit, pugnavitque contra Sudsexas potenter et victoriose,
et interfecit in eodem prcelio Ealdbriht, quem prius fugaverat a castra
quod vocatur Tantune, quod quidem rex Ine construxerat ; sed quia
juvenis prsedictus Ealdbriht castrum introierat, qui regius hostis erat,
Edelburh regina, uxor Ine, castrum cepit armis, captmnque destruxit, et
eum fugere compulit in Sudrei et Sudsexe."

+ See the Chronicles under 901, 905.

J In some of the Chronicles we read under this year ' 'And Ine gef eaht
with Suthseaxums and thfer ofsloh Ealdberht thone setheling the he aer
utfiemde." But Worcester and Peterborough, which contain this entry,
have not the entry ' ' Ine gef eaht with Suthseaxam" under 722. Canterbury
and Abingdon, which contain that entry, have no mention of Ealbriht's
death. The Winchester Chronicle puts the South-Saxon war under
both years ; no version records any event in the two years between . The
South-Saxon campaigns of Ine are also referred to by Ba3da iv. 15 ; " Sed
et Ini, qui post Caeduallam regnavit, simili j^rovinciam illam afflictione
plurimo annorum tcmi^ore mancipavit." This looks as if the war had
gone on through the years under which the Chronicles have no entry.


died ill battle like xEthelwald, or, like his probable accom-
plice Cynewulf, by the hand of the executioner, we are
left to guess.

Here we have two cases — or one case, as we choose to
reckon it — of revolts against Ine on the part of members
of the royal house, men who doubtless thought themselves
or their branch of the family wronged by Ine's possession
of the Crown. And to these we may fairly add the revolt
of Oswald against -^tKelheard, as it was clearly a revolt
against the arrangements made by Ine at his abdication.
Ine had handed over the Crown to his kinsman, that is,
he had recommended him to the Witan for election.*
Hence, we can hardly doubt, the civil war in which
^thelheard fought with Oswald.f This revolt most likely
was not of the same nature as the early revolts of Cyne-
wulf and Ealdbriht. Oswald was a descendent of Ceawlin
no less than Ine was, and, if my conjecture as to the
origin of ^Ethelheard and .Ethelburh be right, he was a
nearer kinsman to ^thelheard than either of them was
to Ine. Oswald's revolt would thus be a revolt, not on
behalf of the other branch of the family, but only on
behalf of Oswald himself. That he sought the Crown
for himself we might have guessed even if we had not

* Bseda, in the passage already quoted, merely says tliat Ine went away
"relicto regno ac juvenioribus commendato." That this vagne plirase
means ^thelheard would seem from the expressions of Florence 728;
"Relicto imperio, ac ^thelhardo, de prosai^ia Cerdici regis oriundo,
commendato," and of Henry of Huntingdon M. H. B. 725 A ; "Ee-
linquens Adelhardo cognato suo regnum." I know not whether any one
will be tempted to make use of Bseda's plural form as the gi-oundwork
of a theory that Ine recommended ^^ithelheard and Oswald to a joint or
divided kingship, and that Oswald was unfairly kept out of his share.

+ Chron. 728. "And thy ilcan geare gef uhton ^Ethelheard and Oswald
se setheling." Florence translates; " Eodem anno prreliati sunt Eex
^thelhardus et Oswaldus clito, lilius iEthelbaldi, lilii Cynebaldi, filii
Cuthwini, tilii Ceaulini."


been distinctly told so by the same authority from which
we get the more detailed account of Ealdbriht's doings
at Taunton. He gathered supporters enough to meet
^thelheard in the field and to hold up for some time
against him. But the forces of the King were the
stronger ; the rebellious ^theling had, after a hard
struggle, to take to flight.* Where Ealdbriht sought
shelter Ave know not ; but his death is recorded two years
later.f We hear nothing of its circumstances, but one
writer bestows on him an epithet of admiration, if not of

All however of the kinsfolk of Ine were not his enemies.
The old West-Saxon government by Under-Kings of the
royal house went on during his reign, and the names of
some of them can be recovered. One of them was
Ine's kinsman, brother-in-law, and successor, ^thelheard. ||
Another was Nunna, his colleague in his war with the
Welsh, who is, by a chronicler of his own house, not only
adorned with the royal title, but actually placed before his

* Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 725 C. " iEtlelharcl rex Westsexe primo
anno regni sui iDugiiavit contra Oswald juvenem de regia stirpe, regnum
idem sibi acqnirere conantem. Oswald namque filius fuit .^delbald,
filii Chinebald, filii Cudwine, filii Ceaulin, tilii Cinric. Cum autem
juvenis, impar numero regalibus turmis, pondus prcelii diu jjertulisset,
et ultra non posset, fuga regi regnum reliquit. Rex igitur praedictus
in regno confortatus est." William of Malme^bury (Gesta Regum i. 38)
gives a somewhat different account ; ' ' Successit principatui Edelardus,
InfB consanguiaeus, licet surgentes ejus primitias frequenter interpolaret
Oswaldus regii sanguinis adolescens. Provincialibus enim in rebellionem
excitatis, bello regem persequi conatus : sed non multo post, illo fatali
sorte sublato, Edelardus per quatuordeeim annos quietissime retentum
regnum Cudredo cognato reliqiiit."

+ Chronicles, 730.
t Florence, 730. " Oswaldus clito, vir strenuissimus, defunctus est."

II For this again I can quote only, with the same reservation as before,
the spurious Charter to Glastonbury (^YiIl. Malms. Ant. Glaston. 311)
where we read of the "hortatus Baltdredi et Athelardi subregulorum."



overlord.* According to one account, Nunna appears,
as is certainly quite possible, as one among several Under-
Kings reigning in Sussex. f A third was Baldred, a man
of whose acts nothing is recorded, but whose existence
and importance is witnessed by divers signatures and
other incidental notices, and who, we may suspect, was in
possession of his dominions before Ine's accession. J Saint
Ealdhelm also, though not the brother's son of Ine, seems
certainly to have been a kinsman, and thus adds another
to the loyal members of the kingly house. ||

From the domestic troubles of Ine's reign we turn to
his wars with his neighbours. These fiill under two heads,
those waged with the other English powers in Britain

* Clironicles, 710. "Ine and Nun [al. Nunna] liis mseg gefuhton
with Gerente Wala cyuinge." So Florence, "Ine et Nun suus pro-
pinquus." But Patricius Consul Fabius Quaestor ^thelwerdus (ii. 12)
tells us how "Nunna et Ine reges bellum gesserunt."

+ The Charter of " Nothelmus Rex Suthsaxonum " already quoted
(Cod. Dipl. V. 36) is witnessed among others by "Nunna Eex Suth-
saxonum." Could a forger have hit on so unlikely a state of things ?

J There is a Charter of Baldred's in Cod. Dipl. i. 32, dated in 688,
issued ' ' cum consilio et confirmatione Kentuuini regis et omnium
principum ac senatorum ejus," and witnessed by the " signum manus
Ceduuallani regis." This Mr. Kemble naturally marks as doubtful.
But in the charter at p. 83, which Mr. Kemble seems to accept, the
grant of Brent Knoll — "in monte et circa montem qui dicitur Brente "
— is made " consentiente Baldredo," and it is signed by " Baldredus rex"
and ^thelbaldus rex," by which last can hardly be meant the King of
the Mercians. But the document cannot be, as Mr. Kemble thinks, of
723, as it is signed by Bishop Hseddi who died in 705. I have already
mentioned one reference to Baldred in the spurious Glastonbury Charter.
Later on in the same charter Ine is made to speak of him as a pre-
decessor, along with Cenwealh, Centwine, and CeadwaUa. He is also-
spoken of as his predecessor in a charter of Cuthred marked as spurioua
in Cod. Dipl. i. 112. In a letter of Saint Ealdhehn in William of Mal-
mesbury (Gesta Pontificum, 355), he is spoken of as "venerandus-
patricius Baldrediis."

II See the extract from William of Malmesbury, above p. 14.


and those waged against the common British enemy. His
first war with the Kentishmen was the continuation of a
family blood-feud inherited from his predecessor Ceadwalla.
Ceadwalla and his brother Alul, besides the conquest of
the Isle of Wight, which has been made more famous by
the pathetic narrative of Baeda and its connexion with the
history of Wilfrith,* made a series of incursions into the
greater Jutish realm of Kent. The attack on Wight was
at least the recovery of a lost dominion. But the words
of the historian who tells the tale most at length, and who
seems to have preserved to us the substance of a ballad
in honour of Mul, might imply that the Kentish cam-
paigns were waged without provocation, out of sheer
love of fighting.f In the first inroad in 686 both the
brothers, as yet unbaptized, took a part and harried the
country without resistance. The next year Mul craved
his brother's leave to make a second inroad, in the course
of which, after committing pitiless havoc and destroying
all things sacred and profane, he met with what even his
panegyrist seems to look on as the just reward of his
deeds. With twelve companions only, probably his own
special Gesithas, he had gone into a house to plunder. A
party of Kentishmen surrounded the house, set fire to
it, and burned the \^'est-Saxon ^theling and all his

* See Baeda W. 16.
t Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 722 A. (^edwalla . . . auxilio Mul
fratris sui, insulam Vectam suam viribus suis fecit ; namque f rater ejus
Mul, laudabilis et gratiosus, terribilis erat viribus et decorus aspectu :
ideoque et omnibus amabilis erat, et famie praerogativa clarissimus.
Perrexerunt ergo fratres prajdicti in Centensem provinciam, causa
viriiun suarum exercitandarum et f anise ampliandae."

X Chronicles, 687. ' ' Her Mul wearth on Cent f orbterned and othre xii.
menn mid him." Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 722 DE. " Pergens igitur in Cent,
non invenit qui ei resisteret, et terram prsedando in solitudinem re-


Another fearful harrying of Kent by Ceadwalla him-
self M-as the immediate vengeance for the slaughter of
Mul.* But this was not all. In the year after the death
of Mul, Ceadwalla's crown passed to Ine. We are a little
surprised to find Ine, six years later, demanding further
satisfaction for the death of his kinsman. Did he merely

digens, et Ckristi servos immeritos affligens, maledicta eonim mei'ita
sensit. Nam cum hostes effeminatos duceret, et nihil sibi pro viribus
praevideret, irruit iu domum quamdam longe a suis, cum duodecim
tantum militibus prsedaturus ; ubi iiiopiuata multitudine circumveutus,
cum hostes interficiendo non deficeret nee proficeret, qui armis caedi non
poterat, iuipsadomo cum duodecim militibus suis igne combustus est.
Periit ergo flos juvenum et juvenilis evauuit exercitus." William of
Malmsbury (i. 14) gives a somewhat different account, making Ceadwalla
himself share in the expedition and suffer a defeat. ' ' Congressu
superiores Kedwallam in terga vertunt [Cantuaritae] fratreque in
tugurium quoddam compulse, domunculam ipsam succendunt. Ita
MoUo, dum erumpendi in hostem deesset audacia, et totis circa tectum
habenis regnarent incendia, inter ilammas halitum ructavit." It is
plain that he confounded the first joint expedition of Ceadwalla
and Mul, and the second expedition of Mul only. The late Kentish
wi'iter William Thorn, the historian of Saint Augustines (X Scriptt.
1770), tells us " Amio domini D.C. Ixxxvij. Mulus rex alienigena
moritur, et in ecclesia ista cum aliis regibus sepelitur." The church
spoken of is Minster in Thanet. He goes on to tell the story much
as it stands in Henry of Huntingdon, only adding that the death
of Mul happened at Canterbury. He call him "rex iutrusor"
and "frater regis Sussexiae Cedwallii." Is this simply the con-
fusion of a late writer for " Westsaxiae ?" or may we take this re-
markable description as a sign of the impression which the earlier
dealings of Ceadwalla with Sussex had made on the Kentish mind ?
It is dangerous to make inferences from these late writers, but they do
sometimes preserve fragments of trustwoi'thy tradition or even of lost
records. The recognition of Mul as a King, even though coupled with
the ej)ithets "alienigena" and "intrusor," is very remarkable. We
might be tempted to infer that Mul was established by Ceadwalla as
Under-King of Kent (722 E), so that the act of the Kentishmen might pass
in the eyes of Ceadwalla and Ine for treason against their ow^l King.

* So in all our authorities. Henry of Huntingdon, as usual, is the
fullest. "Hac audiens Cedwalla, rursus mgressus est Cantiam, ubi
mirabUi c£Ede et innumera satiatus rapina, cum non inveniret quid
csederet vel raperet, ad sua magnus vindex et victor s^e^'us rediit."


carry on a feud inherited from his predecessor, or liad he
some special ground of complaint of his own? What was
the kindred between Ine and Mul ? Both were ^thelings
of the blood of Cerdic and Ceawlin. But according to
some accounts their kindred was yet closer. One version
of the Chronicle, certainly the latest and least trustworthy,
calls Mul the brother of Ine, and this statement is sup-
ported by the further authority of Florence.* It is quite
certain that Ine and Mul were not sons of the same
father, but it has been suggested that they were sons of
the same mother,! a suggestion which I shall have again
to speak of from another side, and that Mul was thus half-
brother at once to Ceadwalla and to Ine. However this
may be, Ine exacted vengeance for the blood of Mul, but
he exacted it in a somewhat different fashion from Cead-
walla. A few years before, when Ecgfrith of Northum-
berland was making ready to avenge the death of his
brother -^Ifwine, who had fallen in battle against -^thelred
of Mercia, Archbishop Theodore had stepped in, and had
persuaded Ecgfrith, instead of shedding more blood, to
accept from the Mercians the legal price of blood for his
slain brother.! We knovy not whether it was at the susf-
gestion of Beorhtwald, the successor of Theodore and the

* The late Canterbury Chronicle, under 694, recording the settlement
of the Kentishmen with Ine, says that it was ' ' f arthan the hi Mul his
brother forbserndon ;" but the words "his brother" are not in any of
the older versions. So Florence, ' ' quia, ut praelibavimus, Mul ger-
manuni suum combussere. "

f Lappenberg, 256 of the German, i. 262 Thorpe.

J Bseda iv. 21. " Theodorus Deo dilectus antistes divino functus
aiaxilio, salutifera exhortatione coeptum tanti periculi funditus exstin-
guit iucendium ; adeo ut, pacatis alterutrum regibus ac populis, nuUius
anima hominis pro interfecto regis fratre, sed debita solummodo multa
pecuniee regi ultori daretur."


first English Archbishop,* but it is certain that the
Kentish King Wihtred, himself, like Ine, the lawgiver of
his people, met the West-Saxon invader in a conference,
and persuaded him, instead of harrying the divided land
of Kent yet again, to accept, like Ecgfrith, the lawful
price of his kinsman^s blood. t Ine agreed, and thirty
thousand coins were paid as the wergild of Mul. The
entry which records this payment is well known as one of
the most important in our early history, alike for the
history of the coinage and for the immemorial practice of
the wergild. On the numismatic point I will not venture
to enter, or to try to decide questions on which Kerable
and Schmid differ. But it is plain that the sum paid was
thirty thousand pieces of some kind. J Now there doubt-
less was a wergild for the King in Wessex, though the
sum is not mentioned, and in the table of Northum-

* He succeeded Theodore in 692, after a vacancy of three years.
The Chronicles add the comment, " ^r thissan wseron Romanises

t Chronicles, 694. ' ' Her Cantwara gethingedon with Ine and him
gesealdon xxx thusenda, forthan tha hi ser Mul f orb£erndon. " As
usual, we get the fullest details from Henry of Huntingdon, M. H. B.
723 B.C. " Ine rex castrorum acies ordinatas et terribiles in Cantiam
deduxit, vindicaturus combustionem Mul cognati sui. Rex autem
Withred obviam ei affuit, non cum feroci arrogantia, sed pacifica sup-
plicatione ; non cum frendentibus minis sed rhetorici rnellis dulcedine.
qua regi fero persuasit ut, armis dejiositis, multam pecuniae a Cen-
tensibus acciperet pro csede juvenis, et sic lis linita ruit, pax confir-

J See the whole passage discussed by Kemble, Saxons in England i.
281. He rules that the true text of the Chronicles is that which I
have already quoted, where no coin is mentioned. The coins named
in some versions of the Chronicles, as well as in ^thelheard, Florence,
and William of Malmesbury, he holds to be conjectural fillings up. He
himself determines the sum to be reckoned in Kentish sceattas, which
Schmid, Gesetze der Angelsachsen, Glossary, Art. Wergild, rules to be too


brian and Mercian wergilds the price of the King is set at
thirty thousand pieces, one half to his kinsfolk and one
half to his people.* The price of the King is double the
price of the ^theling ; that is to say, the family of the
slain King receive the wergild of a man of princely rank,
and his people receive an equal sum for the loss of the
ruler whom they had set over them. Putting these two
things together, it seems plain that the wergild paid
for Mul was the wergild of a King, and from this two
consequences may be held to follow ; first that Mul, as we
might almost have taken for granted, held the rank of
Under-Kiiig, and secondly that an Under-King was
entitled to the full royal wergild. The whole story Is
instructive, as showing, like that of Ecgfrith, that the prin-
ciple of the wergild was held to be applicable to dealings
between kingdom and kingdom, as well as between sub-
jects of the same kingdom. But we are still left in the
dark Avhy, after a space of seven years, Ine should think it
needful to exact the wergild from a people who, one might
have thought, had already been punished enough by Cead-
walla's harrying. Anyhow there is something taking in
the peaceful conference between the West-Saxon and the
Kentish lawgiver, Ine, who in his laws strongly sets forth
the principle of the old Italian commonwealths that force
is in no case to be resorted to, till legal reparation has been
refusedjt would doubtless think it his duty to accept the

* Schmid. 396, 397. " Thses cyninges wergyld sie mid Engla cynne
on folcriht thryttig thusend thrimsa, and thjera xv. m. sien thaes waeres
and other xv. m. thaes cyneddmes, se waere beljmipath t6 tham
maegthe thaes cyne-cynnes and thajt cyne-bot t6 tham land-leod." See
Kemble i. 283.

+ Ine's Laws 9, Schmid 24, " Gif hwa wrace d6, aerthon he him ryhtes
bidde, thaet he him onnime, agife and forgielde, and gebete, mid xxx
scUl." Compare the story in \A\y i. 22, 23.


wergild when it was offered. But the fact that it was
offered probably points to the exhausted condition of the

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