Survey Associates.

The Survey (Volume 58) online

. (page 103 of 130)
Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 103 of 130)
Font size
QR-code for this ebook

With Farinacci, the tables are turned. All that his
opponent is not, the common people worship him, while
thoughtful men consider him a danger to the Premier who,
they believe, is allowing his fire-eating lieutenant to stray
beyond the limits of his proper tether. Arch-enemy of all
non-Fascists, he has carried the battle to them to such an
extent that he, more than Mussolini, earns their heartiest



execration. Unlike Federzoni, he never avoids playing to
the gallery and never steps out of the public eye for a

Farinacci's career has been even more meteoric than
Mussolini's and his influence is growing daily. The in-
transigeant wing of the party of which he is leader is already
firmly in the saddle, dictating all important policies and
overshadowing ministerial influence.

A native by birth of Isernia and by adoption of Cremona,
Farinacci was an assistant railway station master when
the World War broke out. After vigorously advocating
Italian intervention on the side of the Allies, he served for
a year and a half in the military railway service on the
Trent front, returning to his post at Cremona when the
Government decided that railwaymen were most valuable
in their peacetime positions.

In 1919 he was one of the first to rush to Milan to
answer Mussolini's appeal and helped in founding the
Fasci di Combattimento, nucleus of present-day Fascism.
The succeeding years during which he completed his law
studies found him in the forefront of the battle to conquer
Socialism and Communism; through his articles in the
weeklies La Squilla (The Bell) and Voce del Popolo
(Voice of the People), he rapidly became
leader of the anti-radical movement. He is
credited with having organized the Fascist
Provincial Federation, comprising Fascist
labor unions and employers associations.

When the Matteotti affair threatened to
break the solidarity of party ranks, Fari-
nacci's voice was heard above all others,
refusing to consider the incident a victory
for the Opposition and maintaining that
Fascism, as a whole, could not be held re-
sponsible for the murder of the Socialist
Deputy. While others weakened, he held

As Deputy from Cremona, president of
the Fascist council of that, province and
personal director of Cremona Nuova he
attacked the "moral cause" created by the
Opposition and defied the moderate ele-
ment in his party by ordering his personal
followers to conform to his attitude.

His victory was so complete that sud-
denly he sprang to fame. Early this year,
he was, at 32, given the most important
place in the party, the highest but one in
the Fascist hierarchy.

As secretary-general he has risen head
and shoulders above the other men in his
party. No one questions but that Musso-
lini's toga will some day fall upon his
shoulders if the party does not swerve from
its present course.

In point of personal colorfulness, ag-
gressiveness, fearlessness of consequences
and singleness of purpose, Farinacci can be
compared only with Mussolini. He is the
only man in Italy whose magnetic forensic
powers can vie with those of the Premier.
But, in the intransigeance of his attitude
towards opposition and in the violence of
his language, both written and spoken, he

goes much farther than his chief with whom he shares a
strong penchant for making enemies and for refusing to
explain his ideas or conduct except to his superiors. A mild
expression of his disapproval of an opponent would, in the
United States, bring him within the limits of the libel and
scandal statutes; a vigorous one would be unprintable.

The basis of Farinacci's creed is that there must be no
hesitation on the issue of Fascism ; an Italian is either a
loyal Fascist or an enemy. Moreover, all non-Fascists are
enemies of Italy, who must be destroyed at any cost.
Fascism must stand alone without compromise with in-
dividuals or groups.

Farinacci's faction in the party, now supreme, believes
that the work of the "revolution of 1922" is not complete.
First the Opposition must be annihilated and then the
Government can really begin solving important national
problems. This must be done at any cost and by any method
available, violence included.

Federzoni's faction, while accepting the thesis that order
and discipline must be maintained, if need be by force, in
the nation as well as in the party, imply that Italy cannot
make her future secure by strength alone but that she must
have intelligent direction. (Continued on page 480)

The Robot advances

631 Archibald J. Motley, Jr., Chicago

Courtesy Newark Museum

In Native Colors

" VV7HICH paintings do you like best?" read the signs
VV in the Newark Museum during its recent exhibi-
tion of paintings and watercolors by living American
artists. Almost eight hundred people recorded their
first and second choices in the month of the show.

ping their ballots into the box bore testimony to the
place that the Museum has with New Jersey people it
is their institution; they have the same comfortable atti-
tude towards it that they have for a public library.
The Museum staff selected a landscape in lovely tones

1 hus the Museum, whose purpose is to emphasize or the Massachusetts dunes, and a realistic canvas or an
American art fine as well as industrial not only pro- outpost village, with Indian blankets bright against the

11 11. 1.1 11 11 f

duced a novel exhibition, having brought together by a
no-jury selection sixty-seven artists not well known in
the vicinity of New York City, but also furthered its
other object of making art personal. The careful delib-
eration and reconsideration of the visitors before slip-

hard white expanse of snow. The popular vote chose a
life-like painting of a wrinkled Negress, who, with tooth-
less mouth pursed, scrutinized her mending through
dimmed glasses. The interesting point about all the pre-
ferred paintings is that their themes are native ones.

Courtesy Newark Museum

By Ross Moffett, Provincetown, Mass.

y Newark Museum

By Cameron Booth, Minneapolis

Wanted a Word


IT has been my duty for some years to dictate
an immense amount of manuscript on the
subject of young women. They have been
all sorts of young women: wanting to help
win the war, or to run away; wanting a
scholarship, or to steal silk underwear; to
elope, or to get divorced ; to get a job, or to bob their hair.
Nothing feminine is alien to these innumerable folders,
now gathering dust in forgotten files. And all this discourse
has been hampered by the absence of a simple word, in good
and regular standing, to stand for an entity constantly
mentioned, but for which the language has not seen fit to
supply a generic label.

The entity referred to is the male person on whom, at
any particular time, the young woman's attention happens
to be fixed. I mean a word equivalent to what is generally
understood when a young man refers to his "girl." Let
us analyze what he means or he does not mean by this word.
He does not mean that he loves her or that he does not
love her; that he means to continue having her as his girl,
or that he does not. He does not mean future marriage,
or that his relationship is casual, comradely, or sentimental.
He means absolutely nothing but the pure abstraction that
for the time being she is the female who is to be associated
with him by whatever tie it may happen to be. "Girl" is
to him the mere word-symbol for the eternal feminine. It
is nothing but an algebraic abstraction ; hence its immense
usefulness. Mickey takes his "girl" to a dog-fight, or the
young parson takes his "girl" to a revival. Both of them
know what the word "girl" means, because in essence it
means nothing in particular.

Contrast this simplicity of speech with that which one
must employ in talking of Flossie. She has been out late,
for instance but with whom? We are almost out of our
minds trying to express who was with Flossie. His name?
Amid many aliases and nicknames we are not certain of it.
Her "young man?" That sounds rural to city ears. Her
"boy-friend?" That sounds like a popular song, and besides
the man is thirty-seven. Shall we merely say her "friend?"
That indicates no sex and the whole episode hangs upon sex.
Besides, as it turns out, he was not much of a friend. Shall
we say her "escort?" That sounds a bit silly as he did not
escort her she met him on the corner, and he did not see
her home because he did not want to face the family. If
we say merely her "man," that is using the universal word
for "husband" in Flossie's circle. Flossie's mother says,
"My man he got after Flossie's beau with a shotgun."
Shall we copy her and say "beau?" We often do, as a matter
of fact, because it is a short word, and everyone knows what
it means. But all the girls in the office agree that beaux
went out with puffed sleeves. Very well, what came in ?

The stenographers feel a deep interest in this, both be-
cause the subject matter is intriguing and because it makes
a deal of difference in typing to have a short word if one
has to use it often. So one of them consulted the dictionary

and got "spark" or "gallant" for her pains. No matter
what Mr. Webster thought proper in his day, we refuse
to incorporate "spark" or "gallant" in Flossie's dictation.
A further dictionary suggestion is "fop" or "dandy." Now
Flossie's companion could hardly be called a "gentleman,"
no matter what meaning is attached to that word, and he
is far from a "fop" or "dandy." He is usually clad in
overalls with no collar, and he is not punctilious about his
shaving. So we try another line.

"Lover?" But "lover" is an unwarranted assumption on
our part. The word has a sinister connotation when applied
to Flossie's male acquaintance. The whole argument is on
just this point is he, or is he not her "lover?" Her mother
asserts it. Flossie denies it. We can hardly take it for
granted. As for "sweetheart," that suggests soft music and
moonlight on a mossy bank. Flossie's "guy" suggests none
of these things and, as we stated, she says he is not her
sweetheart. A refined visitor once remarked to the writer,
relative to a similar episode, "Surely she knew her fiance's
business before they announced their engagement!" But
Flossie does not know her "pick-up's" business, nor have
they announced their engagement, nor do we know that he
is her fiance. That he is not her husband, the marriage
license bureau proves. Further we cannot go.

ANOTHER dubious resort of our dictation is "consort."
Consort may mean anything from the legitimate mate
of a pious queen to the unregulated companion of an impious
"sheba," which suggests that "sheik" sometimes fills the
void in oral speech, but it hardly qualifies for our august
files. One shy typist from the country says that "steady"
is much in favor out her way. But Flossie's man is not
conspicuously steady in his habits, his affections, or his gait.
Shall we say Flossie and her "fellow?" It has a pleasing
alliterative quality in her case, but it is a trifle too quaint
for daily use. Shall we say her "hero," her "date," her
"curie," her "male," her "suitor," her "flame," her "soul-
mate," her "gent," her "prince-charming?" There are
obvious objections to all. They are too specific or they are
used, if at all, with a smirk and we cannot smirk con-
tinuously as we dictate.

We want a plain word such as Flossie's "sweetie" uses
when he speaks of her simply and accurately as his "girl."

They tell us that words cannot be manufactured out of
hand. They are like people. To have vitality and substance
they must be born. Therefore, if there exists in any English-
speaking area penetrated by this article, a group of young
women who have so far achieved an abstract attitude in their
speech about their companions, that some non-slang word has
emerged to denote an attendant male person, a word free
from self-conscious personalities, which is not humorous,
apologetic, romantic, obscene, rustic, or in any way specific,
and if this word could apply equally to Zeke the baggage
man and to the Prince of Wales will they kindly tell us
what it is?




The Capital

of the Men without

a Country


GARIS means a half-dozen differ-
ent things to Americans fashion,
sport, art, side-walk cafe life, Mont-
martre music-halls, the charm of a
ripe old metropolitanism. It means
almost anything except what it
means to the thousands of political outcasts of
Europe today who find in it the only safe haven
of refuge in all the world. The once hospitable
doors to freedom in America are closed. England
is tight shut against all suspicious aliens and all
political refugees are suspicious. Russia is open
only to fleeing Communists. Central Europe is in-
dustrially too depressed to offer them a chance to
make even a meagre living. The little countries
are provincial back-waters, unaccustomed to streams
of strangers.

And then France has an atmosphere of toleration,
won out of its revolutionary struggles, bred in the
marrow of generations of Frenchmen who have
seen the persecuted minority of today become the
government of tomorrow. Liberty, equality, fraternity,
despite all the inroads on them, despite the arrogance of
governments, live in the habits of Frenchmen. France is
like Paris street traffic. There are no observable rules; it
goes whithersoever it listeth (except on the one-way streets) ;
but nobody gets hurt. Complete expression of individuality,
and complete social accord. If every Frenchman had enough
to keep him from thinking of getting a few francs more,
France would be the most socially livable place on earth
today. You can do anything, think anything, say anything,
be anything in a land which is hospitable to differences, in-
tensely interested in life, rich in expression, cheerful and
intimate and wholly lacking that tension and drive which
makes American life restless and conforming. ,

It is this feeling of being able to live in freedom which
has doubtless brought to Paris, and in some degree to all
of France, an increasing stream of the refugees from the
dictatorships which afflict half of Europe today from Italy,
Spain, Hungary, the Balkans, Russia. There, too, are the
headquarters of agitation of the French colonial peoples,
where black, brown and yellow men can argue their case
for freedom from France as the equals of other French citi-
zens without the slightest fear of racial discrimination. The
Chinese Kuomintang makes Paris its European center. The
new League against Imperialism, uniting all oppressed co-
lonial peoples with the workers of Europe, picked Paris for
its headquarters as the best working-center, though with
some misgivings as to the tolerance of French politicians

Copyright John Graudenz & United Newspictures.


Lamine Senghor of Senegal, one of the leaders of the Negro colonials
opposed to French rule

for an agitation that may embarrass foreign relations.

Dig under the surface of life in Paris; pick up on some
big newsstand the scores of little papers published daily
or weekly as mouthpieces of the colonies of exiles ; search
out the cafes where they gather; get around to the meet-
ings of protest announced daily in Humanite, the Com-
munist loud-speaker, with the fourth largest newspaper cir-
culation in France, where dailies run up into the millions.
Nothing in the life of our many foreign colonies in New
York or Chicago touches it for vitality. Our colonies of
aliens are with us for work and money. The Paris colonies
are there for political agitation, for comradeship in exile,
waiting only for the tyrants to be overthrown to go back
home. They work at what they can find at meagre French
wages in a land that alone of European countries can sustain
immigration. Hundreds of thousands of unemployed have
drifted into France in these hard years since the war, most
of them laborers and farmers from Italy and central Europe,
and many of them hostile to the dictatorships which crippled
or destroyed as in Italy their working-class movements.

But in Paris alone are the active leaders of the republican
or working-class refugees. Never in all history have so
many of them from so many lands found refuge in one place.
They have come with or without passports from as far as
Russia and South America (for even there revolutionists
and anarchists are exiled) and among the colonials from far
Indo China and middle Africa. Anybody can get into
France anybody with the price of a visa. I have never



heard of a case of refusal of a visa, and I heard of many cases where the author-
ities let in aliens without passports or with obviously bogus papers when they
were convinced they were genuine refugees. Of course it is illegal, but govern-
ment officials are as elsewhere often above the law. Administratively they are
the law. One of our U. S. secretaries of Labor once said to me, "I don't
much care what kind of an immigration law Congress passes as long as I
can make the rules and appoint the inspectors." In France the officials along
the Italian border are hostile to the Mussolini dictatorship and friendly to its
opponents. Most of the refugees have either old passports or none. It is im-
possible to get them from the Italian government and they usually leave in a
hurry. I heard of men who tramped out of Italy over Alpine passes last win-
ter, one of them arriving in Switzerland with both feet frozen. They land in
Corsica in small fishing boats from Italy, of course without passports, and no
questions are raised.

Yet the French government cannot tolerate open anti-Fascist conspiracies on
its soil, and it acts against these men it has freely admitted when the Italian
government protests. It first warns them, and then may expel them though
not back to Italy At one anti-Fascist mass meeting in Paris this winter, the
Italian anti-Fascists were forbidden
by word from the Minister of the ^^^^^^^H
Interior to speak at all, and the
program had to be changed at th'e
last minute to include only French-
men. Ex-Premier Francesco Nitti,
the most widely known of all the
anti-Fascists in Paris, has to tread
a cautious path. He was recently
called to account for giving an in-
terview to a Jugo-Slavian news-
paper on Mussolini's Balkan policy.
Even Frenchmen are not immune.
The fighting Communist editor of
Humanite, Vaillant-Couturier, and
one of his staff were convicted a
few months ago for an editorial
approving the last attempt
Mussolini's life, and sentenced
six months in prison, a prosecution
directly instigated by the Italian

< nliil- pour I' \ mil i>li-


COMTTL t: Ittmse nt VICIMES DF u TERKEIR DU.MJIK I>AM r.Eh l),uk\xs

Prtoiiifqii Henri BARBUSSE .

Pour 1'Amnistie


Liberte u ZOOfl > PrgMnfers t M. Liaptchef!

!. iraillrur* nunurl> tl mi.-llf fiii.-ls ,l t f r JL. . om. ,1 |>liiM<'urs reprisfs.porl^ SMOUTS
an nulh<iirru\ pf plr bolxarc *craw, depuLs I'.IM. M >ns laTrrrrur Ul:im-ti,- la plu iroo*
d* toute.

Le moment est venu d'agir d'nue facon decisive!

. . s millicri. <

i rrtlr> qup faurhu Ir boDirranTSA.MtdK. '


l.'Dppioitmii ntivrion-, pajsanue. htiuryrois - . ilr 0auch<- el At druile. sc drMe c
it rtylmc <]tti a Iu6 2i <HHI Butgirn.

D'un Mul vol.. 1U r*clm I'AMNJSTIE GENERATE !

> de ParLv fil^/-la ! Attez ] ffityte hulgire A *<,. we r MS ttumei. '.


Lundi 28 Fevrier

Mt to kite tart

- - A 20 B. 30 -

s.mip [ v S i,i,cea,. M- OK

: Marcel WULUD, Sn-niuiro .In Cumiu

unjnnsdjnt Aibfilmi


Qnq Deputes arrttts sans consentement du Parlemerrt
Phis de 500 arrestations opfrfcs en 48 heiires

i n Mtorltti uttwui* I
V ruonrra DmoKAll ** M* a. H.IMMt FrtMMdm

Der tapfereuiiQarisrheAibeilertiibrerZoItanSzanlo I
und 52 MiiaiiQpklagle.dpren anzigpsVwbref hen darin besleht. I
daB sie ffir dk Tdwn u.dip fateresspn dcr unlerdriiiklen un -
garisctioi Arbeilerklasse eingftrelensind. konunen vor ein
Slandgericht.das nurTodesurteiie lallen kaiui.

3urtli mittrlnterlicht folterungtn

mitgliiJiendenEsenstabeD^angenasoiistiaen bar-
baiiwhwi FolterKerkzpugen.dnrth /tepeilsohung dpr
verhatteten Franen u.Madchen beimpolizpilicnen
clir uiuinnijstrn.lBrstiinilnissi: crprtssl.
die die.firundlage'znr Slandgwichtsverhandlung bilden.
Glpich denU'erldatigen in alien anderen Landem mussenauch
nm iff 5i un^orisrhen Aritilrt aas dm $iuida
derl>ortliy:BrU}letv Broker 3ubrjitira!

| SflKineinmaJhal dipinlfmaiionalf 1 Solidarrtal uoaansdK
Arppilervordpm HpnkprlodeoprelleHudidiesnioldVf ibre
Mimne nichl ungehorl vernallen.


Oeslerreichisdie fioleQilfe.


MM 16 FEVfflEB, i 2H | i h Sslje des Fete dii (M-Oral

1 li M*u t Fenl.nim! BUISSOI. Macmrlllilvtolntittat

A. Bayet J. Mpszkowski. B. Lecache
Zirornski G..Peri Cadeau

government. In accordance with
the delightful French custom of
making such political gestures with-
out really meaning any harm to the
victims, these gentlemen are not
escorted to jail. They are quite
free, and will continue to be until
some crisis arises in which it will
be convenient to put the sentences
into effect. Otherwise they will be
forgotten. Practically all the Com-
munist leaders in France are under
sentence for some political offence,
and all of them are out of jail.
Some I asked about it could hardly
remember what they were sentenced
for or for how long.

I speak particularly of the anti-
Fascists in Paris because they are
the most numerous, the most diverse
and the most active colony of
exiles, and they put the French gov-
ernment to the severest test. No-


Never were so many political prisoners

held solely for opinions or propaganda
as today

body knows how numerous they are, but they run up into the thousands,
next largest group is doubtless the Czarist Russians, who have to be mentioned
as political exiles, though they are too ludicrous a picture of futility, with their
"reigning Czar" and their mock court, to arouse sympathy in any quarter with
a concern for humanity. Paris is the only "country" they have left, and is all
they are likely to get. At the other extreme among the Russians are little groups
of anarchists, socialists and democrats also opposed to the Bolshevik dictatorship
but for reasons that look to the future instead of the past. They have only ideas
and principles at stake, not personal privileges. Among them are anarchists de-
ported from the United States in the heyday of the anti-red campaign, and sent
to Russia from which in turn they were deported. The world almost anywhere
is a tough place for anarchists, but Paris is least tough. And there is work at
least and a chance to live in peace, if they abstain from agitation. Like all the
other exiles the anarchists from any country can carry on quiet propaganda by
mail and their own press, but they risk deportation if they mix in French affairs
or arouse the protest of foreign governments.

On the whole all the exiles are less free in Paris today than refugees were in

ivi.ii.rN w




\f |'ii|.J<' id- I mtm,n-4- I, him t (< ,.|i|.ruiK |Hiiil.iril .k. J Ir.

Vii^mlhiH iil..n. .1, -M..II. r I. ,. It.-,,,.,.,!, ,u .in. l,i \ \IM \MI Vinil I ,h, S| |l , ..m,,,,., ,

LM Mtoritta 4* rtkim, Its Edit rpBi, I'AMtrlfne tt U Japon t eileal tloatler
AJU U Uf M vmtit 4e UMriUoi.

Travailleurs Manuels et Intellectuals

k *

AS us IAOIS murr u JIUKI onm i


Mercredi 26 Janvier, d 20 IL 30 (rtosa j b in* s* NiLiiUJUicttfcrotatft



Paris is the refuge
for those w'ctims
of tyrannies who
escape from their
countries. Henri
Barbusse is presi-
dent of the De-
fense Committee
for Victims of
Fascism and of
the White Terror

the United States in the years when we were a haven for
the oppressed, and our government paid no attention to ob-
jections by the autocratic governments which had persecuted
them. All governments are more sensitive today, because
closer bound politically and economically. There is no land

Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 103 of 130)